I » 



ri: 



h.i 



V 




,,f ' 


' 1 ■ ' . 


1 

I', 


i.i, 


t^ 


1 ' ' 


• '■' 
( 1 


1 ' 

1 ' 
1 . 

1 

1 ■■ 
\ f 


1 1 

! 1 


1 ' 



J ', ^ 



«''l 



W: 






'^^^ 



.0^ 



,v* 






O. 



-0' 



"oo^ 



.xN 



•-^^ 



^<^ 



v-o^:^ .^^ ■^- 












1/ 1 \ 
















.s^ \. 



•^-s^ 









%.'' 



.0^^ 



%^y-^^ X 



■V 



A^'^, 



.0 0^ 



■^d^ 



,x-V 












^0 o^ 



^ ,#• 



■;^ %-^%^^^ 



-^i^^ *- 



'.^Vv:^ 



S I A 



/- 



.x---' -v. 



■"* 









^ <^ 






^^' .A^ 



\' 



o 0' 









^j^ V' 



c*-. 



x^^.. 



c^, /.. ^i'^ 



•^-^ » 



V' V 



a 1 \ 



" .0 



%■ ,# 














'^A 


<^^ 






\> s. ■' * ^ ;- 

^ <3 C^ *^ 



-' '<■' 












a\ 



-N' .. ^ ' » « 



cP' 



v^ 















^ s ^ A^"^ 









^<< 



^„ ^ ^' - st .. r 



.3^-^ ' ^^ .M-^^^ 



'y C' 



V> -V 









'' _.~C^Xs . ^ 'i' 






•^. 



^\ 



\> '^j 



,0o 






'">.. ' 






% ^^'- ^ 






J-^ .v\^' 












^>^ v^' 



'v/' 



0^ ^ O N ^ ^. 



aV r-_ 



o 



v^ '^. '.\. 









vV^' 









^' 






.0^^ 



c>' 



A^' 






->^ '"^ 



■\ 



•^'^^ . . V 



0' 



<. ^^\^^-^'-^:^ 






^\ 












;>■. 



-H h 









^^- cV^"^' 












<;• 









G-^ 



';^ 















^" ,^^' 



c^. 



^'.^-/^i:!^^^^ 






^^ 












..^ ,0- 






■^o 



.H 



-^c 



-^to 



A. 






.0^ . 









.« 



'^' N 






# 






\ 



-> .K^"^' ^- ^'^^^"' 









,0c 






^*=;. 



1^ 



^ ^^ , s A 



^N^ 



^, -^ ^ -p -A 



i^^"^ 

x^^' ■--. 



.5 -^^ 






=■0 



# 



^*'' .- 






>V^' 






'•' \ 












- <.0^ 



o 



'_> 



0^ c ° ^ ^ « 



«>-_ * ' •< oA 

.^.o -I -^ ' 



\ 






'00 

4 -7*, '" "^ 






L'" 



o 0^ 



o5 '7^ 



.0 o 



^r ' 



ci- t- ^-^-t^'- 



.'^^\0^ 



-^ 






V .r. 



A^^' v^\L!% "'b. 









o5 --^A 



^ <^ ^^ 



-0^ 



*":. 



\^ 



■^> 



aV .p. 



/ 



9JJ_ 




Modem Qreek Soldiers.— P. 335. 



HISTORY 

ov 

ANCIENT AND MODERN 

GREECE. 

FROM THE LONDON EDITION 

PUBLISHED BY THE 

SOCIETY FOR THE DIFFUSION OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 

WITH 

NUMEROUS ADDITIONS, 

By JOHN FKOST, LL.D. 

11m1mTJSTB.A.T^T} T^ITH BEAVTZFUIi EXTGBAVIZTGSi 

PROM 

DESIONS BY THE MOST CELEBRATED ARTISTS. 



PHILADELPHIA: 
J. & J. L. GIHON, No. 98 CHESTNUT STREET, 

ONE DOOR ABOVE THIRD. 

1851. 



V 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1850, by 

J. & J. L. GIHON, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, 






PREFACE 

The following history of Ancient and Modern Greece is intended 
aot only for libraries, but for schools, academies, and colleges. The 
whole of the history of Ancient Greece was originally published in 
London, under the superintendence of the ' Society for the difiu- 
sion of Useful Knowledge,' and composed a part of their ' Library 
of Useful Knowledge.' The materials for the history of Modern 
Greece, were found in the London Encyclopaedia, the able and 
accurate article in the Encyclopaedia Americana, and several recent 
works on the Greek Revolution. 

To fit the work for the use of schools, in addition to the maps 
and annotations, I have furnished a set of questions at the bot- 
tom of each page. These are intended to direct the attention 
of the pupil to the leading points in the history; and whatever 
diversity of opinion may exist as to the propriety of the teacher's 
using them in examining his class, it will be readily admitted, I 
presume, that they are useful to the pupil in learning his lesson. 
Some teachers will use them, no doubt, and add such others as 
they may deem proper ; but those who make questions of their 
own, as they examine the class, cannot, I think, reasonably ob- 
ject 'to their admission into the volume. 

The editor hopes that the same liberal indulgence, which has 
been afforded to those school books already published under his 
direction, may also be extended to the present undertaking. 

J. F 



CONTENTS. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 

CHAPTER I. 
OF GREECE BEFORE THE TROJAN WAR. - . • • ]3 

CHAPTEK II. 
OP PELOPONNESUS, FROM THE TROJAN WAR TO THE END OF THE SECOND 

HESSENIAN WAR. -------22 

CHAPTER III. 

OF ATHENS, FROM THE TROJAN WAR, TO THE POLITICAL ALTERATIONS OP 
CLEISTHENES, AND THE FIRST INTERFERENCE OF PERSIA IN THE AFFAIRS 
OF GREECE ; AND OF THE GENERAL TRANSACTIONS OF "GREECE, DURING 
THE LATTER PART OP THE SAME PERIOD. - - - - 34 

CHAPTER IV. 

OF GREECE AND ITS COLONIES, FROM THE FIRST PERSIAN CONqUEST OP 
IONIA, TO THE DEFEAT OF XERXES' INVASION OF GREECE, AND THE 
ESTABLISHMENT OF ATHENS AS A LEADING STATE. - - - 44 

CHAPTER V. 

OP GREECE, FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF ATHENS AS A LEADING STATE, TO 

THE BEGINNING OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. - - - 66 

CHAPTER VI. 

OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. - - - - - - 78 

CHAPTER VII. 

OF GREECE, FROM THE TERMINATION OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR, TO THE 
PEACE WHICH FOLLOWED THE BATTLE OF MANTINEIA t AND OF ITS 
COLONIES IN SICILY, FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF THE INVADING ATHE- 
NIAN ARMY, TO THE DEATH OF TIMOLEON. _ - - - 113 

CHAPTER VIII. 

OF GREECE, FROM THE PEACE WHICH FOLLOWED THE BATTLE OF MANTIN- 
EIA, TO THE DESTRUCTION OF THEBES, BY ALEXANDER THE MACEDO- 
NIAN. ------- - 125 



▼iii CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER IX. 

OF THE CONQUESTS OP ALEXANDRIA IN ASIA, AND OP THE AFPAIRS OP 
GREECE, FROM THE TIME WHEN THAT PRINCE SET OUT ON HIS ENTER- 
PRISE TO HIS DEATH. «_---- 177 

CHAPTER X. 

OP GREECE, AND OP THE MACEDONIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXAN- 
DER, TO THE DEATH OF PTOLEMT AND SELEUCUS, AND THE INVASION 
OF GREECE BY THE GAULS. ----- 189 

CHAPTER XI. 

OP THE RISE OF THE ACHAIAN LEAGUE; AND OF THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE FROM 
THE INVASION BY THE GAULS TO THE END OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE 
ACHAIANS AND CLEOMENES, KING OF LACED£MON. ... 208 

CHAPTER XII. 

CP THE FIRST WAR MAINTAINED BY THE JETOLIANS AGAINST PHILIP, KINO OP 

MACEDONIA, TOGETHER WITH THE ACHAIANS. ... 219 

CHAPTER XIII. 

OP THE WARS BETWEEN THE ROMANS AND FHILIP; THE RISE OP ROMAN 
INFLUENCE IN GREECE; AND THE GENERAL TRANSACTIONS OP THAT 
COUNTRY, AS FAR AS THE END OF WHAT WAS CALLED BY THE ROMANS 
THE FIRST MACEDONIAN WAR. - ... - 240 

CHAPTER XIV. 

OP THE WAR OF ANTIOCHUS AND THE ^TOLIANS AGAINST THE R0BIAN8 AND 
THEIR ALLIE? AND OF THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE UNTIL THE SUBMISSION 
OF THE JETOLIANS TO ROME. - - - . - 363 

CHAPTER XV. 

OF GREECE, FROM THE SUBMISSION OF THE JETOLIANS TO ROME, TILL THE 

ROMAN CON<JUEST OF MACEDONIA. - - - . - 281 

CHAPTER XVI. 

OP GREECE, FROM THE CONQUEST OF MACEDONIA TO THE CONQUEST OP 

ACHAIA, BY THE ROMANS. - - - - ' - . 303 

CHAPTER XVII. 

OP THE STATE OF GREECE UNDER THE ROMAN DOMINION. - - 312 



MODERN GREECE. 

CHAPTER I. 

OP MODERN GREECE TILL THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE GREEK REVOLUTION 335 

CHAPTER II. 
OP THE REVOLUTION. •-••••• 339 



PART FIRST. 

OF GREECE FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO ITS FINAL 
SUBJECTION TO ROME. 



GREECE. 



CHAPTER I. 



OF GREECE BEFORE THE TROJAN WAR. 



Geographical position, and natural divisions 
of Greece. 

Greece is a country included between 
the thirty-sixth and forty-first degrees 
of northern latitude, and smTOunded by 
seas, except upon the north, where it bor- 
ders on Epirus and Macedonia. These 
provinces were anciently inhabited by a 
people of kindred origin and language, 
similar manners, and similar religion; 
but the Greeks did not consider them as 
forming a part of their own body, prin- 
cipally in consequence of their less ad- 
vanced civihsation, and the incongruity 
of then- pohtical order, they having re- 
tained the rude monarchy of early ages, 
while Greece was parcelled into small re- 
pubUcs. What is known of then- histoiy 
will, however, in great measure, be in- 
cluded in that of Greece. The most 
northern province of Greece was Thes- 
saly, an extensive vale, of singular fertil- 
ity, suiTounded on every side by the lofly 
ridges of Olympus, Ossa, Pelion, (Eta, 
and Pindus. The other provinces of 
continental Greece were Acamania and 
iEtoUa, on the western coast; Doris, 
inland, and Phocis principally so, with a 
scanty strip of coast on the Corinthian 
Gulf; eastern and western Locris, the 
one on the Corinthian Gulf, the other on 
the Euripus. These are rugged territo- 
ries, mtersected with numerous branches 
from Pindus and CEta, and their inhab- 
itants were generally behind the rest of 



Greece in civihsation, wealth, and power. 
Next came Bosotia, a rich vale, abound- 
ing in lakes and streams, stretching 
across from the Coiinthian Gulf to the 
Emipus, and in other parts inclosed by 
mountains, by Parnassus and Helicon 
on the side of Phocis, Cithseron and 
Parnes on that of Attica. Last is Attica, 
a roclcy province of triangular form, 
bounded on the north by Bceotia, on the 
other sides by the ^gean Sea and the 
Saronic Gulf, wliich hes between it and 
the perdnsula of Peloponnesus. The 
island of Eubcea extends fi-om near the 
coast of Thessaly to that of Attica, and 
is divided fi'om the main land by the nar- 
row channel called Euripus. The gi'eat 
mountain chain of Greece is continued 
through the isthmus of Coiinth into Pe- 
loponnesus, (now called the Morea,) and 
there expands itself mto the cluster of 
mountams which forms Arcadia, the cen- 
tral provmce of the peninsula ; and hence 
go branches towards the sea, which di- 
vide the maritime tenitoiy into the pro- 
vinces of Achaia, Argolis, Laconia, Mes- 
senia, and Eleia. But we shall afterwards 
speak of them more particularly. 

Its first inhabitants. — Names and divisions 

of the Greeks. 

The first inhabitants of all these regions 
appear to have been a people called Pe- 
lasgians, of whose origin but httle is 
known, though their tribes are believed 



Between what parallels of latitude is Greece situated ? — How is it bounded ? — By whom were Epinia 
and Macedonia anciently inhabited ? — Which was the most northerly province of Greece ? — By what 
was it surrounded? — On which side is Olympus? — Ossa and Pelion? — CEta? — Pindus? — Which way 
from Thessaly is Acamania ? — ^tolia ?— Which way from Acamania is iEtolia ?— How is Doris situated ? 
— Eastern Locris, or Locri Opuntii ? — Western Locris, or Locri OzoliE ? — What mountain is east of 
Doris ? — On what Gulf is Western Locris ?— Eastern Locris ? — What is the face of the country in these 
provinces ? — What was the character of their inhabitants ? — How is Bceotia situated ? — On which side 
of it is Mount Parnassus? — On which side Mount Helicon?— What lake in its centre? — Which way 
from Copais lake is Hylica lake ? — On which side of Bceotia are Mount Cithjeron and Mount Parnes ? 
— Where is Attica situated ? — How is it bounded ? — How is the island of Euboea situated ? — From what 
three provinces is it separated by the Euripus ? — How far does the mountain chain of Greece extend ? — 
How is the peninsula of Peloponnesus bounded ? — What provinces does it include? — Which is the cen- 
tral province of Peloponnesus? — Which way from Arcadia is Achaia? — Argolis? — Laconia?— Mes- 
■enia ? — Elis or Eleia ? 



14 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



to have settled extensively both in Europe 
and in Asia. The name Hellenes, which 
afterwards was adopted as the general 
denomination of those whom we, from 
the Latin, call Greeks, was originally that 
of a small people in the north of Thessaly, 
which grew early powerful, and became 
the origin of many leading Grecian states. 
Whether the original Hellenes were a 
Pelasgian tribe, or a tribe of a different 
though kindred stock, is a question ad- 
mitting much discussion. The reader 
may find it ably treated in the Roman 
History of Niebuhr, who decidedly con- 
demns the supposition that the Hellenes 
were Pelasgian. But of those com- 
prised under the name of Hellenes, or 
Greeks, after it had become the distin- 
guishing appellation of a gi-eat nation, 
at least half were Pelasgians by origin, 
and perhaps considerably more ; nor can 
we affiiTn that Greece owed more of 
its mannei-s, language*, or civilisation 
to the Hellenic than to the Pelasgic por- 
tion of its people. Afterwards the Gre- 
cian nation became divided into two 
races, the Ionian and JEolian : and of 
the latter, a portion afterwards, under 
the name of the Dorians, attaining great 
power and importance, that name, as 
applied to them, superseded the ^olian, 
and this being still retained by the other 
branches of the same family, the great 
divisions of the Greeks were three, loni- 
ans, -Cohans, and Dorians. 

Barbarism of the early Greeks. 
The earliest traditions of Greece carry 
back the mind to a period of poveity and 
ignoi-ance scarcely exceeded by the rudest 
savages now knowTi. They tell of the 
institution of marriage, the first planting 
of the vine, the first sowing of com ; 
though, in those eastern countries, from 
which Greece, like the rest of the world, 
derived its population, all these were 
known long before its first inhabitants 
quitted their original abodes. This is not 
a thing to be wondered at. The earUest 



settlers of every country, unless sent out 
as a colony by public authority, or com- 
pelled to emigrate in numerous bodies 
by poUtical commotions, are commonly 
stragglers from the mass of persons 
without property or regular employment, 
who abound in every fully-peopled dis- 
trict ; men of restless and irregular hab- 
its, who, when placed in forest tracts, 
abounding with game, but requiiing great 
labour to fit them for cultivation, and 
cut oflT from intercom*se with more fre- 
quented regions, are likely to lose the 
civilisation of their birthplace, and, neg- 
lecting all the arts of settled life, to be- 
come mere hunters. This is the case, in 
some degree, in the back settlements of 
America, though the rapid spread of civ- 
ilisation, and the easier intercourse with 
cultivated districts, have much curtailed 
the operation of these causes. In Greece, 
divided from the then inhabited world by 
seas and mountains, the barbarising pro- 
cess went so far, that husbandry seems 
to have been forgotten, and men were 
obhged, if their hunting failed, to feed on 
mast and berries, or other spontaneous 
products of the earth. In such a state, 
an extensive tract would support but 
few, while those who fomid themselves 
in want of subsistence, having no im- 
movable property, no laborious improve- 
ments to attach them to the spot, would 
readily seek a place where men were 
scarcer, and game more plentiful. Thus 
inliabitants would be thmly spread over 
the country with great rapicUty, and, 
till the land was pretty generally occu- 
pied, they would scarcely feel the want 
of more productive employment. But, 
when this time came, the difiiculty of 
subsistence must have been great. In a 
nation of hunters, the supply of food, in 
stead of increasing, would dechne vnth 
the increasing number of persons to be 
fed. Cattle might be bred, to some ex- 
tent, in the rich valleys of Boeotia and 
Thessaly ; but tliat could be but a limited 
resource in a country so rugged as most 



* Much stress has been laid on the circumstance that Greek writers commonly speak of the Pelasgic 
language as barbarous. But the Greeks undoubtedly, whether Pelasgians or not, early separated them- 
selves from the less improved Pelasgic tribes. Supposing the basis of the language entirely Pelasgic, the 
admixture of Egyptian and Phoenician words in the Greek, together with the alterations produced 
in both by time and change of manners, may very well have occasioned the Greek language to differ as 
much from that of the other Pelasgians, as the modern English from the Dutch, which, like it, is derived 
from the old Anglo-Saxon. If, however, the Hellenes were a separate race, it is no less possible that 
their language may have prevailed ; or again, that the Greek language may have been a compound <■/ 
the two, in which it is wholly uncertain which predominated. 



Who were the first inhabitants of these regions ? — Where did the Hellenes originate i* — What propor- 
tion of the Hellenes or Greeks were Pelasgians, after they had become a great nation ? — Into what two 
races were the Grecians afterwards divided ? — What were finally the three great divisions of the Greeks 

What is the character of the first settlers of every country .'' — Is this the case in the back settlements ot 
America .' — What was the food of the earliest inhabitants of Greece .'' — What provinces afforded pas- 
turage for cattle ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



15 



of Greece. Each tribe, on finding its 
own hunting-ground and pasturage in- 
sufficient, would endeavour to increase 
it by encroachment on its neighbours ; 
and war would therefore be continual, 
occasioned, not by ambition, as else- 
where, but by need. 

Improvement begun by Egyptian and Phceni- 
cian colonies. — Cecrops. — Foundation of 
Athens. 

In this state of hopeless barbarism 
was Greece when visited by those Egyp- 
tian and Phoenician colonies which gave 
it the first rudiments of civilisation. The 
Egyptian Cecrops, coming to Attica, 
found the rude natives Avithout union or 
regular government, infested, on their 
northern border, by the Boeotians, their 
only neighbours, and from the sea by 
the Carians, a piratical people widely 
estabUshed in the islands of the ^Egean, 
and on the south-western coast of Asia 
Minor, whose object, probably, was the 
procuring of slaves, since the poverty of 
Attica could ofier no other temptation 
to the plunderer. Having occupied the 
rock which afl;erwards became the Acro- 
poHs, or citadel of Athens, Cecrops pre- 
vailed on the inhabitants of the country 
to submit to him as their chief He di- 
vided the province into twelve districts, 
and established a principal town in each, 
where the affairs of the district were to 
be transacted; instituted marriage, and 
appointed laws for the administration of 
justice ; and arranged a system of united 
defence against the Boeotians. The 
strong hold in which he had fixed his re- 
sidence was pecuUarly consecrated to the 
Egyptian goddess Neith, whose name 
was changed by the Greeks into Athene, 
and who was worshipped by the Romans 
imder that of Minerva. Around this 
rock arose a city, fii-st named, fi'om its 
founder, Cecropia, but afl;erwards Athe- 
nae, from the goddess, or, as we have 
corrupted it, Athens. 

Foundation of Argos. — Danaus. 

About the same time we may proba- 
bly place the founding of Sicyon and 



Argos, though both claimed a higher 
antiquity. Of the early history of Si- 
cyon little is known, and that little is not 
important. Of the settlement of Ar- 
gos two traditions are preserved ; the one 
ascribing it to Inachus the son of Ocean ; 
the other to Phoroneus son of Inachus. 
By those who hold the latter opinion, Ina- 
chus is mostly considered as the name not 
of a man but of a river. Both relations 
seem to mark out an unltnovni man fi-om 
beyond the sea, who landed in the river 
which received its name from him, or 
from which the other tradition supposes 
him sprung. The founder of Argos ap- 
pears to have been a wanderer fi'om the 
East, and probably from Egypt, who, 
by the influence of superior knowledge, 
having induced the rude Pelasgians to 
obey him, gave them some degree of 
regular government and a more settled 
mode of Ufe. At an afteitime we find 
the Argians governed by Gelanor, a 
prince apparently of Pelasgian blood, 
when Danaus arrived wdth a fresh colony 
from Egypt. The Argians were often 
distressed for want of water; he first 
taught them to dig wells; and, by this 
and similar services, he won such fa- 
vour that he was encouraged to claim 
the kingdom. He declared himself de- 
scended fi-om lo, an Argian princess of 
the line of Inachus, and one of the most 
singular personages in Grecian fable. 
It is said that Jupiter, being enamoured 
of her, to deceive the jealousy of Juno, 
transformed her into a cow; that in 
this form she travelled into Egj^t, and 
there became a goddess. Herodotus, 
the earhest and one of the most trust- 
worthy of Grecian historians whose 
works remain, explains the fable by sup- 
posing that she was enticed on ship- 
board and carried away by some Phoe- 
nician merchants, to whom women were 
very profitable articles of trade. The 
popularity of Danaus made up for the 
weakness of his claim; he was chosen 
king, and such was his power and fame 
that, long after his death, the southern 
Greeks still went by the name of Dana- 
ans. 



What colonies visited Greece when it was in this state of barbarism?— To what province did the Egyp- 
tian Cecrops come?— Who infested Attica on the north? — Who from the sea?— Where were the piratical 
Carians established ?— What was their object in Attica?— What rock did Cecrops occupy ?— Did he 
become the ruler of Attica? — What improvements did he make ? — To what goddess did he consecrate 
the strong hold of the Acropolis ?— What city rose around this rock ?— What was it afterwards called ? 

What other cities were founded about the same time ?— In what part of Argolis is Argos ?— In what part is 
Sicyon ? — Who is supposed to have founded Argos ? — What is the course of the river Inachus ? — From 
whom does it derive its name?— Into what Gulf does it empty ?— From whence did the founder of Argos 
come ?— What Pelasgian prince then governed the Argians ?— Who brought a fresh colony from Eiiypt? 
— What did he teach the Argians ?— From whom did he claim descent?— What is the fableof lo ?— How 
does Herodotus explain it?— Did Danaus gain the kingdom of Argos?— What were the Southern Greeks 
called after bis time ? 



16 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Pelops. — A ireus. — Agamemnon. 
An adventurer from Phrygia in 
Asia Minor founded a dynasty which 
was destined to succeed that of Daiiaus, 
and to rule more widely. This adven- 
turer was Pelops, who attained such in- 
fluence, chiefly by the riches which he 
brought from Asia, that the southern 
peninsula was ever afl;er called by his 
name, (Peloponnesus, the island of Pe- 
lops.) He obtained Eleia by his marriage 
with Hippodameia, the daughter of (Eno- 
maus, kmg of Pisa in that province: 
and one of his daughtei-s, being given 
in man-iage to the king of Argos and 
the neighbouring city Mycense, was the 
mother of Eurystheus, the last piince of 
the Danaan race. He, leading an army 
against the Athenians because they pro- 
tected the children of his enemy Her- 
cules, left his mother's brother Atreus 
regent. Eurj^stheus fell in battle, and 
Atreus, being powerful and popular, was 
chosen to succeed him by the Myce- 
nseans, the more readily because they 
wanted an able leader to protect them 
against the sons of Hercules. He was 
succeeded by his son Agamemnon, 
whose power extended over all Pelopon- 
nesus and many of the Grecian islands. 
The seat of his royalty was Mycense, to 
which the supremacy had been trans- 
ferred from Argos by Pei'seus, the great 
grandfather of Euiystheus. But it is time 
to return to an earher period, and to re- 
late the second great Oriental coloni- 
zation of Greece. 

Crreat Phcenician migration. — Settlement of 
the Cadmeians in Boeotia and foundation 
of Thebes. 

About thirty years after the founda- 
tion of Athens, some extensive troubles 
took place in Palestine, which caused 
the emigration of numerous bodies of 
Phoenicians. Newton's conjecture seems 
highly probable, that this took place in 
consequence of the taking of Sidon by 
the Philistines, united with the Edomites, 
who were expelled fi'om their homes by 
the conquests of David. The fugitives 
settled in Phrygia, in the islands of 
Rhodes, Crete, and Euboea, and in several 



parts of Greece, under various names, 
as Curetes, Corybantes, Idsei Dactyli, 
and others; they brought with them 
letters, music, the art of working in me- 
tals, and a more accm'ate method of 
computing time than had hitherto been 
adopted; and they first taught those 
mystical ceremonies which formed a very 
remarkable part of the rehgion of Greece. 
A division of them under the name of 
Cadmeians occupied Boeotia, and either 
diiving out the natives, or uniting with 
them, founded there the celebrated city 
of Thebes. Cadmus, the leader of th& 
colony, has the fame of introducing letters 
into Greece ; but the merit of this, and 
all the improvements which took place 
at the same period, belongs to him only 
in common with the other chiefs of the 
Curetes. One of these Phoenician set- 
tlements deserves particular attention, 
both from its early eminence and power, 
and fi'om its oflTering the most ancient 
specimen recorded of a pohtical system, 
arranged with great art and forethought, 
and calculated to combine the hbeity of 
the citizens with regular government. 
The institutions which Minos established 
in Crete at a time of general anarchy 
and barbarism, continued to be admired 
by pohtical speculator in the most po- 
hshed ages of Greece, and became the 
model by which Lycurgus, at a subse- 
quent period, formed the constitution of 
Sparta, which, with all its vices, is un- 
rivalled as an instance of sagacity, in 
adapting laws to certain objects. 

Legislation of Minos in Crete. 
Like most eai-ly legislators, Minos en- 
deavoured to heighten the authority of 
his institutions by laying claim to divine 
inspiration. He called himself the son 
of Zeus, or Jupiter, the principal deity 
of the Greeks ; and having retired into a 
cave, on coming out he declared that he 
had received from his father the laws 
which he promulgated, and which fonned 
the basis of the Cretan commonwealth. 
The leading principles of his legislation 
were the equality of the citizens, the 
community of the lands, and the subjec- 
tion of the daily life of individuals to mi- 



Who founded the next dynasty?— From whence did Pelops come ?— To what country did he leave a 
name?— How did he obtain the province of Eleia or Elis?— Which way from Argos is Elis?— In what 
partofElis is Pisa?— On what river ?—VV^ho was Eurystheus?— Atreus ?— Agamemnon?— How far did 
his power extend ? — What was the seat of his royalty ? — In what part of Argolis is Mycenas ? 

How long after the foundation of Athens did the Phoenician colony emigrate from Palestine ? — Where 
did they settle ?— Under what names?— Where is Crete or Candia? — Where is Euboea ?— What did the 
Phoenician colonists bring with them ?— What province did the Cadmeians occupy ? — What city did they 
found ?— In what part of Boeotia is Thebes or Thebae ?— Who was the leader of the Cadmeians ?— Whose 
institutions furnished a model for Lycurgus the legislator of S|)arta? 

From whom did Minos claim descent ?— Where did he reign? — Which way is Crete from Attica.— 
What were the leading principles of his laws ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



17 



nute regulation by law. The education of 
the children was appointed, and was prin- 
cipally directed to make them soldiers. 
They were made to sit on the ground, to 
wear the same coarse garment in winter 
and summer, to wait on the tables of the 
men, and frequently to exercise their 
courage in combats among themselves. 
The elder boys were divided into troops 
[agelcR] ; of each of which one of them- 
selves was chosen as chief, while a 
superintendent was appointed from the 
men, to lead out the troop to the chase 
and to exercise, and to correct the disor- 
derly. These troops were maintained at 
the public expense, and on certain days 
were accustomed to engage with each 
other in battle, to the sound of music, 
fighting with their fists, and even with 
weapons. On arriving at manhood, they 
were obliged to contract themselves in 
marriage, and at the same time they lefl; 
the agelse to enter into the clubs or messes 
of the men, where they lived in perfect 
equality on the produce of the land, 
which belonged to the state, and was 
cultivated for it by numerous slaves. 
Herein Greece saw nothing to disap- 
prove. Ancient politicians considered 
slaves as absolutely necessary, and their 
happiness or misery as very unimpor- 
tant. The object in view was to sup- 
port the citizens in leisure and freedom ; 
while the number and ^vretchedness of 
the sei-vile class were never considered, 
unless so far as their discontent might 
endanger the tranquillity of the free. The 
powers of the Cretan government were 
concentrated in the council of elders, and 
in ten magistrates called Cosmi: and 
both these appointments were held for 
life. The assembly of the people was 
only allowed a silent vote on such pro- 
positions as were submitted to it by the 
elderhood and Cosmi. The military 
command was at first in the king, but 
on the abolition of royalty was intrusted 
to the Cosmi. 

Predatory habits of the Greeks. — Minos 
forms a navy and represses piracy. 

While Crete was flourishing under a 
government singularly regular, though 
avowedly calculated to train up the citi- 
zens in the habits of a well disciplined 



arm}", rather than in those of a peaceful 
commonwealth, the continent of Greece 
was yet in a state of great disorder. The 
Cadmeians and Curetes had brought to 
their settlements in Boeotia, ^toha, and 
Euboea, much useful knowledge, and a 
more settled mode of hfe : and nearlj'^ at 
the same time, com and the art of tillage 
were made known to Attica by Ceres. She 
is generally supposed to have been a Sici- 
han woman : but, from the resemblance 
of the rehgious mysteries she introduced 
at Eleusis to those, which were elsewhere 
celebrated by the Phoenicians in honour 
of the same goddess, under many names, 
as Rhea, Cybele, and others, it is probable 
that the benefits attributed to her were 
due to the Phoenicians, and that Ceres 
was either a priestess of the Phoenician 
goddess, or perhaps a name of the 
goddess herself. But improvement was 
retarded by continual rapme, war, and 
emigi-ation. If a tribe was attacked by 
a stronger enemy, they all quitted their 
homes with httle reluctance, to seek a 
new abode m the seats of any whom they 
in their turn might be able to master. 
There was no trafiic, no safe intercourse 
by land or sea : the towns were unfoiti- 
fied, and no one thought of providing 
more than would suffice for his present 
wants, being uncertain when he might 
be pillaged or driven fi^om his dwelhng. 
Having nothing valuable, and expecting 
any where to get such necessary suste- 
nance as might serve them fi-om day to 
day, they were easily induced to change 
their abodes ; and hence there was little 
increase in the greatness of cities or the 
wealth of their inhabitants. But the 
richest soils were always the most sub- 
ject to these changes ; for the goodness 
of the land, by increasing the riches, and 
thereby the power, of some particular 
men, both caused seditions within the 
communities, and tempted strangers to 
attack them. Besides, with the growth 
of navigation, the people on the coast, 
and in the islands, both Greeks and 
others, betook themselves to piracy, send- 
ing out ships under the command of 
their most powerful men, much like the 
Northmen who ravaged England in the 
reigns of Alfred and some of his succes- 
sors. This was then deemed honour- 



What was the object of education in his system ?— How were the boys trained?— How was the land 
cultivated, by freemei) or slaves ?— In whom were the powers of the Cretan government concentrated ?— 
Who had the inilifary command ? 

While Crete was thus flourishing what was the state of the continent of Greece? — Where were the 
Cadmeians and (^iiretes settled ?— Where is ^tolia ?— Euboea ?— Boeotia ?— What arts did Ceres teach in 
Attica ?— Who was Ceres ? — What did she intrnduce at Eleusis ? — In what part of Attica is Eleusis ? — By 
what was improvement retarded at this period ? — To what did the people on the coast and the islands cf 
Greece betake themselves ? — Was piracy then deemed honourable ? 

3 



18 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



able, as robbery has at some time been 
held in every barbarous nation; but it 
is a singular fact, that this feeling lasted 
not only to the time of Homer, but in 
some of the less civilized parts of the Gre- 
cian continent, even to that of Thucydides. 
These evils were checked by the power of 
Minos, whose wise institutions, together 
%\'ith the happy situation of his island, had 
made him the greatest potentate of Greece. 
He first built a navy for the protection of 
commerce and the enlargement of his 
empire ; conquered many of the Cyclades, 
(islands in the JEgean,) and cleared the 
sea, as far as was practicable, of pii*ates. 
In the period of ti'anquilhty thus afford- 
ed, many cities increased in wealth and 
power so far as to suiTound themselves 
A\'ith walls, and to feel safe in their own 
strength; and the towns which were 
subsequently founded were not, as of 
old, placed far away from the sea for 
security firom the sudden incursions of 
pu'ates, but were usually fixed upon the 
coast for the convenience of trade, and 
made defensible by fortifications. 

Rapid growth of Athens, and early political 
state of Attica. 

From a very early period, when the 
rest of Greece was in the troubled state 
just described, Attica alone was compai'a- 
tively tranquil, a blessing due to the ap- 
parent disadvantages of its situation. ' It 
is, like most of Greece, a tract inclosed 
and intersected in every direction by 
mountain ridges ; but it is one in which the 
productive valleys and plains bear even 
a smaller proportion than usual, to the 
rugged and sterile barriers wliich sur- 
round them. The soil is thin and light, 
highly favourable to the growth of figs 
and ohves, but offering a very moderate 
return to the labour of tillage, and still 
less suited to the pasturage of cattle, the 
chief riches of that age. Hence, since 
no one coveted then* territoiy, the inha- 
bitants enjoyed it undisturbed; and the 
population not having been changed 
witliin the limits of tradition, the Athe- 
nians in aflertimes were able to boast 
their favourite title of Autochthones, or 
children of the soil. The peace and 
security of Athens made it a refuge to 
wealthy and powerful men, who were 



driven out fi*om other places by war or 
sedition ; and its population was thus so 
far increased that it early relieved itself 
by sending colonies to Asia. Its prospe- 
rity was aided by an early reform in its 
institutions. Under the successors of 
Cecrops, the twelve cities into which he 
had assembled the Atticans, retained 
each its separate magistrates and pryta- 
neum (tovra hall) : and though they owned 
a superiority in the king of Athens, they 
never consulted him unless in case of 
danger, but were governed mdependently 
by their several councils, and sometimes 
even made war on each other. The 
division of Attica did not cease, till The- 
seus coming to the throne completely 
remodelled its political state. 

Theseus. 
Theseus was the son of -^geus king 
of Athens, by ^thra the daughter of 
Pittheus, king of Troezen, a small town 
of Peloponnesus, opposite to Attica. He 
was bred at the court of his father-in- 
law, and when gi'own to manhood was 
sent by his mother to Athens. Though 
advised to go by sea as shorter and 
safer, pkacy being about that time sup- 
pressed by Minos, he chose the more 
hazardous journey by land. " That age," 
says Plutarch, "produced men of un- 
common sti'ength, dexterity, and swift- 
ness, who used these natural gifts to no 
good pm-pose, but placed theii* enjoyment 
in outrage and cruelty, esteeming the 
praises of equity, fair dealing, and bene- 
volence, to proceed from faintness of 
heart and the dread of injury, and little 
to become the powerful and bold." The 
fame of Hercules was piincipally founded 
on the desti-uction of such marauders, 
and Theseus aspired to a similar re- 
no-w^i. He took his way through the 
isthmus of Corinth, a ti'act most favourable 
to plunderers, abounding with mountain 
fastnesses, and the only passage between 
Peloponnesus and Northern Greece. All 
who attacked him were slain or de- 
feated, and he arrived at Athens, having 
dehvered the country from some of its 
greatest scourges. He was there acknow- 
ledged by jiEgeus, and welcomed by the 
people, prepossessed in his favour by the 
fame of his exploits. Some commotions 



Who checked these evils? — In what manner? — What islands did Minos conquer? 

To what did Attica owe its tranquillity at this period ? — Was it a rich or comparatively barren country ? 
— Why did the people in aflertimes call tliemselves Autochthones ? — How many nearly independent 
cities did Cecrops found in Attica ? 

Who was Theseus ? — In what part of Argolis is Troezen or Troezene ? — Where was Theseus bred ? — 
Which way did he choose to return home to Athens when his education was finished ? — What exploits 
did he perform on his way ? — What connects Pejuponnesus with Northern Greece? — How was Theseus 
received at Athens ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



19 



were raised by the nephews of ^lEgeus, 
who had expected to succeed him ; but 
these were defeated and the faction 
quelled. 

The Athenians, in a war with Minos, 
king of Crete, had purchased peace by 
a yearly tribute of seven youths and 
seven virgins as slaves. The burden 
was borne mth much imeasiness. The 
poets relate that the victims Avere throA\Ti 
to be devoured by the Mmotaiir, a mon- 
ster half bidl, half man: and possibly 
such a report may have been cmi-ent 
at the time among the ignorant many. 
The captives had hitherto been drawn by 
lot fi'om the people: Theseus offered 
himself as one. The history of his going 
to Crete is much disguised by fable, but 
it would seem that Minos received him 
honourably, remitted the tribute, and 
finally gave him his daughter Ariadne in 
mamage. She retmned with him, and 
it is fabled that he deserted her on the 
island of Naxos. Probably she sickened 
in the voyage, and died on the island. 

Union of the Attic towns. 
The success and patriotic boldness of 
his enterprise raised Theseus to the 
highest popularity. Sacrifices and pro- 
cessions were instituted to commemo- 
rate it, and the ship in wliich he returned 
was yearly sent to the sacred island of 
Delos, carrying a mission to perfonn 
thanksgiving to Apollo. About this time, 
on the death of ^geus, Theseus succeed- 
ed unopposed ; and possessing a degree 
of influence which enabled him to effect a 
great pohtical change, he went through 
the several towns, and persuaded the 
inhabitants to give up their separate 
councils and magistracies, and sulanit to 
a common jurisdiction. Eveiy man was 
to retain his dwelling and his property as 
before, but justice was to be adminis- 
tered and all pubhc affairs transacted at 
Athens. The mass of the people came 
into his measures; and to subdue the 
reluctance of the powerful, who were 
loth to resign the importance accming 
fi^om the local magistracies, he gave up 
much of his own authority, resenting only 
the command of the amiy, and the care 
of watching over the execution of the 
laws. Opposition was silenced by his libe- 



rality, together with the fear of his power, 
ability, and courage ; and the union of 
Attica was effected by him and made 
lasting. To bind it closer, without dis- 
turbing the religious observ^ances of the 
several towns, he instituted a common 
festival in honour of Minerva, which 
was called the feast of miion, and the 
feast of all the Athenians {Panathencea.) 
To his wise measures Athens owes its 
early prosperity and civilisation, its sub- 
sequent eminence in all the arts of peace 
and war, and its importance in histoiy, 
so utterly disproportionate to the extent 
and value of its tenitory. The quiet 
and good order produced by the union 
in Attica are proved by the fact that the 
Athenians were the fii-st in Greece who 
left; off the habitual can-jing of arms, 
and adopted a peaceful garb. 

Origin and character of Grecian religion. 
Ea'cu in these eai'ly ages the religion 
of Greece, though somewhat less com- 
plex than in afl;ertimes, was an intiicate 
tissue of fable and superstition. It seems 
to have been cMefly derived fi^om 'Egypt^ 
but partly also fi-om Phoenicia, and partly 
fi"om the old belief of the Pelasgians. 
The latter worshipped nameless gods, 
which makes it probable that their an- 
cestors had quitted the regions of Asia, 
that formed the cradle of mankind, be- 
fore the conmiencement of poljlheism 
(the worship of many gods ;) though, in 
the barbarism into wMch they fell, they 
could not long raise their minds to the 
contemplation of the one supreme and 
invisible God; and therefore began to 
adore the ioferior spirits, whom they 
supposed to be the immediate movers of 
natm*e. But when they met with sti-an- 
gers far their superioi-s in knowledge 
and intelligence, who professed to de- 
clare the names, order, different powers 
and mutual relations of the gods, the 
means of learning their wiU, and of 
averting their anger; they naturally re- 
ceived with joyful acquiescence a com- 
mmiication which gave them definite 
notions where all seemed vague, daik, 
and uncertain. Such instructers they 
first found in the Egyptian settlers, and 
accordingly nearly all the names of Gre- 
cian gods were Egyptian. The Phceni- 



What was the cause of Theseus's voyage to Crete ? — What was the result of his voyage ? — Where 
did Theseus leave Ariadne? 

What was the effect of Theseus's success? — Whither was his ship annually sent? — Who succeeded 
^geus? — How did Theseus change the government? — What festival did he institute? — What doea 
Athens owe to Theseus? — What fact proves the quiet and good order produced in Attica? 

Whence was the religion of Greece derived ? — What is polytheism? 



20 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



cians afterwards settled more exten- 
sively; but their religion so much re- 
sembled that of Egypt, that it is difficult 
to discover from which nation many 
tenets and practices of Grecian worship 
were derived. 

Arts of the Egyptian Priesthood. — Double 
religion in Egypt, thence communicated to 
Greece. — Orgies and Mysteries. 

In Eg}'pt, a numerous hereditary 
priesthood were the sole depositaries 
of all religious and historical know- 
ledge, and they chieflj" studied to im- 
prove their ascendency by pmctismg on 
the ignorance and superstition of the 
people. For this end they veiled then- 
doctrines and traditions under fiibles 
and allegories unintelligible to the many, 
and worshipped the Deity with different 
rites appropriate to all his different at- 
tributes, assigning him a separate name 
and symbol as considered under each: 
thus gratifying by their ritual the popu- 
lar love of variety and splendour, and 
working powei'fully on the imagination 
by dim glimpses of a hidden meaning in 
the mysterious celebrations. The mul- 
titude, as might be expected, soon came 
to consider these different names as 
belonging to so many independent dei- 
ties ; and the priests were not solicitous 
to undeceive them. Hence there arose 
in Egypt, and subsequently in Greece, a 
double rehgion, the one for the learned, 
the other for the ignorant. The latter 
acknowledged a plui^ahty, and dealt 
in monstrous and frequently immoral 
fables, which have been reprobated 
by the wisest Greeks, as ascribing to 
the gods actions of which an ordinary 
man would be ashamed. The former 
was taught at the solemnities called 
Orgies, or Mysteries, at Avhich those who 
were present were bound to secrecy as 
to what they saw, and were supposed 
ever after to be invested with peculiar 
sanctity. Among the most noted of 
these in Greece were the orgies of 
Ceres at Eleusis. Their general object 
seems to have been to teach the unity of 
the highest God, and to communicate 
such fi-agments as had been retained of 
the primitive religion. 



Mysterious discipline in Philosophy. — Or- 
pheus and Pjthagoras. 

The spirit of mystery which prevailed 
in religion, extended itself also into phi- 
losophy ; and the object of the earliest 
Grecian moralists was not so much to 
instnict the people, as to compose, for 
a nan"ow circle of scholar, a discipline 
which should raise them above the com- 
mon level of mankind. Such were the 
instmctions of Pythagoras, who imposed 
a long and arduous probation before a 
man could be admitted as his disciple; 
and many philosophers made a distinc- 
tion between the doctimes which they 
pubUcly taught, [exoterica, or the doc- 
trines for those ^vithout,) and those re- 
served for a few more favoured hearers 
{esoterica, or the doctiines for those 
within.) This is not wondei'fiil, consi- 
deiing that Greek philosophy originated 
from Egypt, where it was inseparably 
united with theology, and was, like it, 
the exclusive patiimony of the priest- 
hood. Orpheus, who lived before the 
Trojan war, the fu-st noted teacher of 
wisdom to the Greeks, preserved the 
union ; and instituted orgies, which were 
at once a religious solemnity and a 
course of philosophical insti*uction. Py- 
thagoi'as, in a later age, could not give 
his discipline the character of sacredness ; 
but yet so closely did the purifying cere- 
monies enjoined by him, agree with the 
religious mysteries, that they are paral- 
leled by Herodotus with the Orphic 
orgies, and those of Bacchus, both of 
which were sacred and derived fi*om 
Egypt. Pythagoras, Plato, and many 
other emment philosopher of Greece, 
travelled mto Egypt, and it is probably 
to remnants of primitive tradition there 
picked up, that we owe the dim shadow- 
ings of some mysterious doctrines of 
Christian belief, which are occasionally 
found m heathen writei-s. The unity of the 
supreme Godhead, which was maintained 
by most of the wisest Greeks, is a truth 
too congenial with human reason to need 
any tradition to account for its existence ; 
but there are other notions, which, far fi-om 
being obAdous, have been always the most 
difficult to be received, and these can be 
accounted for on no other supposition. 



What was the character of the Egyptian priesthood ? — How did the Egyptian multitude consider the 
different names given by the priests to the different attributes of the Deity ? — What was the consequence 
of this in Egypt and afterwards in Greece ? — What was the character of the religion of tlie ignorant? — 
Of the learned ? — What was the object of the orgies of Ceres at Eleusis ? 

What was the object of the earliest Grecian moralists? — What were the exoterica and esoterica? — 
Who was the first noted teacher of wisdom to tlie Greeks? — What sort of orgies did he institute? — Did 
the discipline of Pythagoras resemble that of Orpheus? — Into what country did Pythagoras, Plato and 
other philosophers of Greece travel ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



21 



Grecian Mythology. 
The popular religion of Greece in the 
age preceding the Trojan war, differed 
little from that in aftertimes ; except that 
its scattered fables had not been embo- 
died, as was aftenvards done by the early 
poets, Homer and Hesiod, whom Hero- 
dotus names as the fathei-s of Grecian 
mytliolog)' ; and that hero-woi*ship does 
not seem to have been practised. Mortals 
had indeed been deified, as Bacchus; 
but their mortahty was put out of sight, 
and m the legends related of them, 
they are throughout considered as gods ; 
whereas the heroes are, in all their ac- 
tions, represented as men, till the history 
closes with their death and elevation 
to the i-ank of an inferior divinit}\ No 
sign of this practice is found in Homer 
or Hesiod ; but it afterwards became so 
common, that every to^vn had its par- 
ticular heroes, and new ones were con- 
tinually added to the hst. The gi-eater 
gods took their rise chiefly fi*om Eg}pt : 
many other more fanciful inventions 
were of native gi'o\vth, as Muses, Graces, 
nymphs of momitains, woods, and waters. 
Greece had never an order of priesthood. 
There were indeed priests of particular 
divinities, but when not engaged m then* 
rehgious duties, there was seldom any 
thing to separate them fi"om the rest of 
the community. In early tunes all sa- 
cred functions belonged to the kmg, ex- 
cepting some rites of peculiar sanctit}', 
which had priests specially appointed to 
perform them; and even when royalty 
was generally abohshed, in many states 
the tide was continued to the person who 
perfonued those religious offices which 
had belonged to the long. 

Auguries and Oracles. — Dodona. — Delphi. 
Facihty in crediting pretendei-s to a 
knowledge of the future, a weakness 
common to half civihzed counti'ies and 
half educated men, was ver}^ prevalent 
in Greece. Then predictions were of 
two kinds: in the one case drawn by 
rules from the state of the enti-ails in 
a sacrificed victim, fi-om tlie flight of 
birds, the occurrence of thunder, and 
numberiess accidents and natural ap- 



pearances ; in the other, by direct com- 
munication fi-om deities supposed to be 
resident in ceitam spots. The first kind 
was so prevalent in Homer's time, that 
in his poem we scarcely find an action 
done, or plan proposed, which is not 
accompanied by some portent of its good 
or ill success. We hear httle fi-om him 
of local oracles, the consultmg which 
was too ti'oublesome and expensive to 
be practised except on important occa- 
sions. Many existed, though none had 
anived at that commandmg mfluence 
and celebrity, wliich was afterwai'ds at- 
tained by the oracle at Delphi, but which 
hardly could arise till the different sidtes 
had come into more fi*equent mutual in- 
tercourse, and larger connexion in peace 
and wai'. The oldest oracle was at Do- 
dona in EpuTis, and was established by 
a woman stolen by some Phcenicians 
fi*om the temple of Jupiter at Thebes, in 
Egj'pt. Other oracles arose m various 
places, but the gi'eatest celebrit\' was 
gained by that of Apollo at Delphi in 
Phocis. Here was a cavern, whence 
came exhalations producing convulsions 
and temporary phi-gisy, which were sup- 
posed to be symptoms of divine inspira- 
tion. The mode of conducting the oracle 
was this: the person who received the 
supposed inspiration was a priestess 
exclusively devoted to that office, and 
called P}-thia, from Pytho, the ancient 
name of the place. She being placed 
over the cavern, the words wliich fell 
from her m her dehrium were arranged 
and connected by the attending priests, 
and an answer framed from them, till 
a late period always in verse. The in- 
tei-pretei-s thus could modify the answer 
at pleasure, and in doubtful cases they 
generally made it ambiguous, and such 
as at once to gi'atify the questioner, if 
powerful and Uberal, and to avoid being 
convicted of falsehood. Hence, when 
many less prudently managed lost their 
credit, the Delphian oracle maintained its 
character for superior trust-worthiness, 
and, as we shall find in the subsequent 
liistory, continued for ages powei^fully to 
influence the pohtics of Greece. 



What poets are called, by the historian Herodotus, the fathers of Grecian mythology ?—VV^ere these 
poets acquainted with the practice of deifying heroes? — In what country did the greater gods of Greece 
take their rise ? — Vl'^here did the Muses, Graces and nymphs originate? — Had Greece an order of priest- 
hood ? — Who performed the sacred functions in early times ? 

Did the Greeks believe in soothsayers or prophets ? — What were the two kinds of predictions ?— Which 
kind was most prevalent in Homer's time? — Where was the oldest oracle? — By whom was it founded ? 
— Where is Dodona?— Whicli way from Thessaly is Epirus?— How is Epirus bounded?— Which was 
the most celebrated oracle of ancient times? — In what part of Phocis is Delphi? — How far is it from 
Athens ? — How was the phrensy of the priestess produced ? — What was the priestess called ? — How waa 
the answer, which came from her, framed ?— Was the influence of this oracle important? 



22 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



CHAPTER II 

OF PELOPONNESUS, FROM THE TROJAN WAR TO THE END OF THE 

SECOND MESSENIAN WAR. 



Argonautic expedition. — Abduction of 
Helen. 

Piracy, as we have seen, in early 
times was a common, and was held an 
honourable practice among the people 
inhabiting the coasts and islands of the 
iEgean sea. The famous voyage of the 
Argonauts was nothing more than a 
piratical expedition to the eastern shores 
of the Euxine, remarkable for its un- 
usual extent and boldness, and the num- 
ber of men of distinction engaged in it, 
in wliich Jason, the commander, carried 
away vath him Medea, the daughter of 
the Colchian king. A similar outrage, 
done to Greece in the next genera- 
tion, was followed by wider mischiefs. 
Paris, the son of Priam, king of Troy, 
in the coui-se of a marauding expedition, 
being hospitably entertained at Spaita, 
by Menelaus, the bi-other of Agamem- 
non, ended Ids visit, "with stealing Helen, 
the wife of his host. The kings of My- 
cenae had long been commonly the lead- 
ing potentates of Greece, and Agamem- 
non was more powerful than liis greatest 
predecessors. Achaia and Ai'gohs, ^vith 
Corinth, belonged to the orighial domi- 
nion of Mycense; Agamemnon inherited 
Eleia from Pelops ; Laconia, with most of 
Messenia, fonned the kingdom of Mene- 
laus; and what remained of Pelopon- 
nesus was governed by petty chiefs de- 
pendent on Mycenae. Beyond the isth- 
mus, Agamemnon had no authority, but 
his power was dreaded and his influence 
felt; and by his ascendency, together 
with resentment of the aggression, yviih 
the love of war, and the hope of boot}", 
all Greece was united for the over- 
throw of Troy. (B. C. 914.)* The 
combined fleet was assembled at Aulis 



in Bceotia, where it was so long detamed 
by conti'aiy \^inds, supposed to be occa- 
sioned by the auger of Diana, that Aga- 
memnon is said to have been compelled 
by his army to saci-ifice his daughter Iphi- 
geneia to the goddess. This stoiy wants 
the authority of Homer and Hesiod, but 
it is related by many veiy ancient writei-s, 
and is not without pai-allel in that age. 
Humar ..sacri^ces, as we know, from 
script' vveiemuch used by the nations 
of Palfc . line, and hence the}' were carried 
by the Phoenicians into Greece, as into 
all the places where they settled; and 
though never there, as among the Ca- 
naanites, an ordinary rite, they were oc- 
casionally employed in great emergencies, 
and when the anger of some deity was 
believed to be unusually excited. 

Trojan War. 

The people against which the voyage 
was directed, diflered Uttle from the 
Greeks in origin, habits, language, or 
civilisation. The extent and power of 
the Trojan kingdom were considerable, 
but not sufficiently so to keep the field 
against the luiited strength of Greece; 
and had the siege been prosecuted with vi- 
gour, it would probably have been short. 
But the resources of Greece being un- 
equal to the maintenance of the amiy, it 
was obhged to support itself by plunder 
gatliered from the neighbouiing cities, 
and by cultivating the opposite Chei'so- 
nese, or peninsula, from which it was 
separated by the Hellespont ; and while 
much of its force was always thus em- 
ployed, the remainder barely sufficed 
to keep the enemy \A-ithin his walls. Thus 
the war was protracted through ten 
years, at tlie end of which, Troy was 



* The chronology of these early times is very uncertain. The dates here adopted are those of Newton, 
whose system, though far from being satisfactory, appears, on the whole, to tally better with the course 
of events than any other. W^e have not the means of attaining more than a very imperfect approximation 
to the truth. All the other systems, where they differ from Newton's, assign to each event a higher anti- 
quity than he does. 



What was the Argonautic expedition ? — Who was its commander .'' — Whom did he carry away with 
him? — Who was Paris? — By whom was Paris entertained? — In what part of Laconia is Sparta.' — On 
what river? — How did Paris requite the hospitality of Menelaus .' — Whose brother was Agamemnon king 
of Mycenae .' — What other countries were subject to him ? — Where is Achaia? — Argolis ? — Corinth ? — Elis ? 
Laconia? — Messenia.-' — On what peninsula were all these countries situated .' — What was the cause of 
all Greece uniting for the destruction of Troy i* — In what year? — Where did the Grecian fleet assemble ? 
— In what part of Boeotia is Aulis ? — What sacrifice did Agamemnon here make to appease the anger of 
Diana ? 

Where is Troas .' — How did the Grecian army subsist during the siege of Troy? — How long did the 
siege last? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



^ 



taken, and suffered all those miseries, 
and that destruction, which, to the dis- 
grace of human nature, continues, even 
now, to be the usual fate of captured 
towns. Of the aggregate evil caused by 
the war, some conception may be formed 
from the statement, that, in different 
plundering expeditions, twelve towns 
were ruined by Achilles alone ; the chiefs 
and soldiei-s mercilessly butchered, the 
women and children carried into bond- 
age. 

Iliad and Odyssey. — Grecian manners in 
the Homeric age. 

This war is the subject of the noblest 
poem of antiquity, the lUad of Homer ; 
and the gi-eatest moral n: t r " at po- 
em is, that it does not gloss ovt- ^e hor- 
rors of war, but gives such pictures as 
that just exhibited, broadly and plainly, 
without disguise or palliation. Yet this 
very poem stimulated Alexander to' a 
wider career of devastation; so much 
less powerful is S5nmpathy wdth suffering, 
than the desire of a spurious and mahg- 
nant renown. 

We have in the Iliad, and its sequel 
the Odyssey, an admirable picture of 
Grecian manners at this early period. 
The chief riches of the age were slaves 
and cattle, horses, arms, household uten- 
sils and furniture. The slaves were often 
taken in plundering expeditions, in which 
chiefs and princes thought not shame to 
be engaged: but however unjustly and 
violently obtained, their condition was 
better than in later times. They might 
be as liable to arbitrary chastisement as 
afterwards: but they were ordinarily 
treated more as members of the family, 
and some old and trusty servants 
would even be placed by their mastei-s 
on a footing approacliing to familiar 
friendship. Handicrafts and menial ser- 
vices could not be felt as degrading in 
an age when princes often pei-formed 
them : as we find it related that Achilles 
cooked the dinner for the ambassadors 
who were sent by Agamemnon to visit 
him in his tent; Ulysses carved and 
ornamented the bedstead for his bridal 
chamber; and Nausicaa, daughter to 
the king of Phaeacia (Corcyra or Corfu), 
went to her father, when sitting in the 



council of his chiefs, to ask that she 
might go down to tlae river with her 
handmaids to wash the linen of the 
household. Hospitahty was held a sa- 
cred duty; and so strictly was it ob- 
served, that when a stranger appeared 
at a banquet, it was usual not to ask his 
name till the feast were over, lest his 
welcome should be injured, if he proved 
to be a person at deadly feud with his 
entertainer. Hospitahty, strong family 
affection, and cordiahty in the relations 
existing between master and servant, 
are virtues belonging to a simple state 
of society: but with them the early 
Greeks had also the vices common to 
half-civihzed nations. They were given 
to piracy and robbery; and their wars 
were often wantonly undertaken, and 
always cruelly conducted, httle quarter 
being given, and all prisoners becoming 
slaves. Man's life was held so cheap, 
that half the most famous heroes of 
Greece were persons guilty of murder: 
and though these were generally obhged 
to quit their countiy by the fear of ven- 
geance fi-om the kindred of the slain, 
they were elsewhere treated less as cri- 
minals, than as men unfortunate, as well 
in their banishment as in its cause. 

Return from Troy and revolutions ensuing. 
The Grecian chiefs returning fi-om 
Troy found every thing changed duiing 
their absence. Governments had then 
but httle of established law or perma- 
nent system ; and the power of princes 
depending entirely on their personal in- 
fluence and energy, when they and their 
bravest adherents were absent, the aged 
and infant members of their family, far 
fi'om exercising any authority, were un- 
able even to protect themselves fi'om 
spoHation and outrage. During the ten 
yeai-s war, a new generation growing to 
manhood, had adopted leadere of its 
own, and the returning chiefs found 
their places occupied by strangers, fre- 
quently their private property usurped, 
and their families destitute and exposed 
to indignity. Struggles ensued, in which 
many princes were compelled to reim- 
bark their followers, and seek for set- 
tlements elsewhere, while others obliged 
their opponents to a similar migration. 



What was the fate of Troy ? — How many towns did Achilles ruin ? 

What poem is founded on the siefre of Troy? — What were the chief riches of that age? — How were 
slaves obtained ? — What instances of menial services performed by (listinguished persons have we in that 
age? — Were the ancient Greeks hospitable? — To what crimes were they given? — Of what were half the 
Grecian heroes guilty? 

What was the state of Greece on the return of the chiefs from the destruction of Troy ? 



24 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Ulysses. 
Ulysses, the king of the small island of 
Ithaca on the western coast of Greece, 
met with shipwrecks and various acci- 
dents on his return from Troy, which de- 
layed his commg home for many years 
after that of the other chiefs. It was 
supposed in Ithaca that he had perished, 
and all the neighbouring chiefs came to 
woo his wife Penelope, a pai'agon of 
beauty, virtue and discretion. Telema- 
chus, the young son of the wanderer, 
and Laertes his aged father, could not 
resist the powerful intruders; and Pe- 
nelope herself could not decidedly reflise 
to make her choice, though she contrived 
to delay it. At length Ulysses amved, 
and stood unknown on the threshold of 
Ills father. He saw the suitors revelling 
in his halls, devouring his sheep and 
oxen, and wasting his substance in riot, 
insulting his family, and domineering 
over his servants and his people. In 
the disguise of a beggar he ministered to 
their amusement, endured their inso- 
lence, and partook of their churlish hos- 
pitahty : but their measure was now full, 
and with the aid of Telemachus and two 
faithful servants he destroyed them. This 
story is the subject of the Odyssey : and 
though embellished, no doubt, ^ by the 
fancy of the poet, we may be sure that 
it contains a groundwork of truth, and 
that whatever is added, talhes with 
the manners of the age. 

Agamemnon murdered by Clytcemnestra. — 
Orestes. 

Agamemnon was murdered on his re- 
turn by his "wife Clytsemnestra and cousin 
iEgisthus, for whom she had con- 
ceived an adulterous passion; the con- 
spirators were strong enough to pos- 
sess themselves of the government, but 
some of the friends of Agamemnon es- 
caped the slaughter, carrying with them 
his infant son Orestes. The character 
of Agamemnon appears to have been 
populai*, and the wickedness of his as- 



sassins could not but be generally de- 
tested ; and the prevalence of these sen- 
timents enabled Orestes, on arriving at 
manhood, to recover the throne, when 
he put to death both Clyt£emnestra and 
^gisthus. It was the general belief that 
this tissue of horrors arose from the 
curse entailed by a crime of Pelops on 
his race, which, after occasioning deep 
guilt and miseiy in the intermediate 
generation, was consummated in a mother 
slain by her son for the murder of 
his father: a strong instance of a ten- 
dency univereal m Greece to ascribe any 
remarkable crime or calamity less to 
the character of the immediate agents, 
than to the power of Destiny, urging 
them on actions they abhor, in ven- 
geance for some former misdeed of 
themselves or their ancestors. 

Return of the Heracleida. 
In the reign of Tisamenus the son of 
Orestes, a change took place in the 
ruling population through the greater 
part of Peloponnesus. Hercules, the 
most renowned of Grecian heroes, waa 
great gi'andson to Pei*seus king of Ar- 
gos, the founder of Mycenae. Some of 
his posterity were princes of Doris, a 
small and rugged tract in the mountains 
of CEta and Parnassus; and here they 
never ceased to claim the royalty of 
Argos, from the time when it passed 
from the * Perseid line to that of Pelops. 
Twice they were repulsed from Pelopon- 
nesus; but the third attempt was more 
successful, when, eighty j^ears after the 
Trojan war, (B. C. 824.) the Dorians 
invaded the peninsula under Temenus, 
Cresphontes, and Aristodemus, all spi*ung 
from Hercules. Tisamenus, driven from 
his other possessions, made a stand in 
Achaia; Arcadia was not attacked; but 
all the rest was parcelled among the in- 
vaders. Temenus had Argolis; Cres- 
phontes Messenia; and Aristodemus 
dying, his twin sons Eurystlienes and 
Procles were made joint kings of Lace- 



* Perseid line. — The descendants of Perseus were called Perseidse, those of Pelops Pelopidfe ; and gene- 
rally the members of every considerable family were denoted by an appellation formed in a similar man- 
ner from the name of some distinguished ancestor. 



W^hat delayed the return of Ulysses king of Ithaca ? — Where is Ithaca? — W^hich way from Oephallenia? 
What happened in Ithaca in the absence of Ulysses .' — How did Ulysses behave on his return ? — Of what 
poem is this story the subject ? 

How was Agamemnon treated on his return from Troy ? — By whom were his murderers punished ? — 
From what did the people of Greece suppose that this tissue of horrors arose? — To what were they fond 
of ascribing any remarkable calamity or crime ? 

Who was Hercules ? — Where were some of his posterity princes ? — Where is Doris ? — How is it bound- 
ed ? — What range of mountains is East and North of it ? — Of what country of Peloponnesus did the 
Heracleidae or descendants of Hercules claim the royalty ? — When was the third attempt of the Dorians 
on Argos made? — Under what three descendants of Hercules? — Who was king of Argos then? — Where 
did Tisamenus make a stand ? — How were the provinces taken from him divided among the Dorian chiefs ? 

JVote. What is meant by Perseidse and Pelopida;? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



25 



daemon, of Sparta, or of Laconia; the 
first of these being the name by which 
the state or people is generally described, 
the second the name of the capital, the 
third of the province. Emysthenes and 
Procles were each the founder of a royal 
house ; and, from their time there were 
constantly two kings of Lacedsemon, one 
from each family. Eleia was allotted 
to Oxylus, an ^tolian chief associated 
in the enterprise. The Pelopid kings had, 
probably, lost much power and popularity 
by then* bloody family quarrels, and hence 
the conquerors had a favouring party in 
many places. But whatever be the plea 
of hereditaiy right by which the in- 
vasion is defended, whatever the pro- 
mises held forth to allure the natives to 
submission, a government of conquest 
must ever be oppressive. The chiefs 
were obliged to recompense their follow- 
ers, and their demands could only be 
satisfied by the general spoliation of the 
old mhabitants. Great numbers emi- 
gi'ated, the rest were mostly made slaves, 
and the Dorians remained sole masters 
of the soil, except in Messenia, where 
much was left to its rightful owners. 
From this revolution, commonly known 
as the Return of the Heracleidse, or sons 
of Hercules, the Dorian name began to 
be powerful in Greece. Civihsation, 
which had previously made some pro- 
gress in the peninsula, was thrown 
back by the irruption of the rude moun- 
taineei*s, and the countiy was unceas- 
ingly torn with disputes arising from the 
partition of the temtoiy won. 

Imtitution of the Olympian festival; also of 
the Pythian, Isthmian and Nemean fes- 
tivals. 

A common bond of union between 
Grecian towns, connected with each other 
by blood or alhance, was the institution 
of periodical meetings for religious ob- 
servances and social festivity. These 
meetings were usually made attractive 
by splendid ceremonies, and by prizes 
offered to competition in athletic exer- 
cises, in poetry and music. A legend 
existed, that Hercules had instituted 
such a festival at Olympia, an Eleian 
town peculiarly consecrated to Jupiter; 



and Iphitus, king of Elis, the grandson 
of Oxylus, projected the maldng this re- 
port a means to soften the mutual en- 
mities of the Pelopomiesians, and to pro- 
vide, at least, a periodical interruption 
of strife and bloodshed. The oracle at 
Delphi was now generally reverenced, 
and especiaUy by the Dorians, whose 
race had come from its vicinity. Iphitus 
procured from the oracle a command 
that the Olympian festival should be re- 
stored, and a cessation of arms immedi- 
ately proclaimed for all cities desirous of 
paitaking in it ; and the Peloponnesians, 
sendmg to inquire into the authenticity 
of the mandate, were ordered to submit 
to the direction of the Eleians in re- 
estabhshmg the ancient customs of their 
fathers. Olympia was made the scene of a 
festival open to all Greece, which consisted 
in sacrifices to Jupiter and Hercules, 
and in contests exhibited to their honour. 
(B. C. 776.) Every fourth year was the 
period appointed for the recmTence of 
the celebration; and to prevent the at- 
tendance from being interrupted by war, 
a general armistice was ordered through 
Greece for some time, both before its 
beginning, and after its close. An olive 
garland was the only prize of victory in 
the diflTerent exercises ; but this became 
a very envied distinction, and the in- 
terest taken in the contests, with the 
splendour and sanctity of the religious 
ceremonies, drew together an enormous 
concourse of spectators, and made the 
festival a fit occasion to communicate, 
readily and solemnly, whatever it con- 
cerned the Greeks in general to know. 
Hence, treaties were often by mutual 
agi-eement proclaimed at Olympia, and 
engraved on columns there erected, as a 
pubUc and generally accessible record. 
The presidency of the festival was as- 
sured to the Eleians, with other remark- 
able privileges. A tradition was current 
that the Heracleidae, on making Oxylus 
king of Elis and guardian of the temple 
of Olympian Jupiter, had consecrated 
all Eleia to the god, and denounced the 
heaviest curses against all who should 
invade it, or should even suffer its in- 
vasion. Iphitus procured the acknow- 



How did there happen to be two kings of Lacedeemon? — How are the names Lacedsemon, Sparta and 
Laconia applied ?— To whom was Eleia or Elis assigned ?— How did tlie chiefs in this conquest of Pelo- 
ponnesus reward their followers ? — What is this revolution called ? — What were its consequences ? 

What was the common bond of union of the Grecian towns ?— What made these meetings attractive? 
— To whom did the Greeks attribute the institution of the Olympian festival ? — Where is Olympia? — 
On what river? — Which way from Athens? — What king of Elis procured the restoration of the Olympi- 
an festival ? — How? — In what did the festival at Olympia consist? — How often did it occur? — What pre- 
vented its being interrupted? — What was the prize of victory ? — Why were treaties proclaimed and 
engraved on columns at Olympia? — To whom was the presidency at the games assured ? — What tradition 
was current concerning Eleia ? 



26 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



ledgment of the tradition, and for many 
ages it was almost miiformly observed ; 
and this made the Eleians singularly 
prosperous, and strikingly different in 
habits fi'om the other Greeks. In gene- 
ral the smallness of the Grecian states, 
and then* frequent mutual hostihties, 
made the citizens reside in fortified towns ; 
their lands were cultivated by slaves, and 
on every alarm, the moveable propeity 
was brought within the walls, while the 
fixtm-es were destroyed by the invader, 
unless the force of the city were sufficient 
to repulse him. The Eleians, on the con- 
trary, enjoyed a secmity which enabled 
them habitually to reside on their lands, 
and in buildmg, planting, and eveiy 
species of expensive improvement, to rest 
assured that they would not be robbed 
of the fhiit of their labours ; and hence 
they became remarkable for their opu- 
lence, for the perfection of then* hus- 
bandr}'^, the comfort and substantial 
character of their country-houses, and 
their strong attachment to a rural hfe, 
which all their institutions were directed 
to encourage. The advantages produced 
by the Olympian festival, to Elis and to 
Greece, excited attempts to imitate that 
institution, and three similar meetings 
were estabhshed, each to be held on one 
of the years intervening between two 
successive Olympiads. These were the 
Pythian, held at Delphi, the Isthmian, 
near Corinth, and the Nemean, in the 
territory of Argos; all which attained 
considerable celebrity, and contributed 
to mamtain some sense of national miion 
in Greece, interrupting amiually its con- 
tinual warfare by intervals of truce and 
fiiendly communication, between the 
most hostile states. 

Governments established by the Heracleidee. 
The government established by the 
Heracleidae was the same which then 
was miivei-sal in Greece, an irregular 
mixture of monarchy and oligarchy,* 
with a slight infusion of democracy. In 
a people recently emerged from bai-ba- 



rism, the power is always chiefly in the 
landholders. If the lordships be large, 
the proprietors are sovereign on their 
own estates ; and though, for the military 
advantages of union, they may acknow- 
ledge a king, he is little more than the 
head of a confederacy. But when the 
lordships are too small for independent 
defence, the proprietors are obliged to 
stricter union; they assemble therefore 
in towns, and the king is the chief magis- 
ti-ate as well as the military leader ; the 
power being principally in the land- 
holder, but exercised by them as a body 
over the people, and not as lords over 
their respective vassals. This was the 
first pohtical order of Greece. The judi- 
cial power, with the general regulation of 
affairs, was in the council of the principal 
persons, under the titles of elders, chiefs, 
or princes : the king was mihtary com- 
mander, president of the coimcil, and 
priest. The assembly of the people had 
little to do with the ordinary direction of 
the state, being paramount indeed when 
called together, but only called on unusual 
occasions, and principally to decide the 
contests of the king and chiefs. The 
king was weak, the people scattered; 
the great proprietors were strong and 
united, and gradually monopohzed the 
powers of the state, till the towns almost 
universally passed into oligarchical re- 
pubhcs. There was little wealth but 
what arose from the land, and that was 
daily more concentrated in the ruling 
families by constant intermarriages, and 
by their support of each other's oppres- 
sions and encroachments. Manual la- 
bour being performed by slaves, in states 
that were not commercial, there was no 
means to eke out a scanty inheritance but 
the borrowing of money at exorbitant 
interest, with little prospect of repayment : 
the loan was readily offered by the 
wealthy, and in the end the land was 
sold to satisfy the creditor: and the small 
proprietors being thus destroyed, the 
city was divided into poor and rich, of 
whom the former were regarded by the 



^Oligarchy, the government of a few : democracy, that of the people. 

What was the effect of its acknowledgment on the Eleians?— How did they differ from the other 
Greeks ?— What other festivals were celebrated in Greece ?— Where were the Pythian games celebrated ? 
—Where is Delphi .'—The Isthmian ?— Where is Corinth .'—The Nemean .?— Where is Argos.?— How 
often did these festivals interrupt warfare .' 

What sort of government was universal in Greece ?— What is an Oligarchy.'— A Democracy .'—In a 
people recently emerged from barbarism where does the power reside .'—When t^e lordships are too 
small for independent defence to what are the proprietors obliged .'—Where do they assemble and what 
offices does the king execute .'—Was this the political order of Greece .'—Who held the judicial power.'— 
Under what title.'— What was the king.' Was the assembly of the people often called .'—For what pur- 
pose were they assembled usually .'—Which part of the community was strongest, the king, the people 
or the great proprietors .'—What did the towns almost universally pass into.'— By whom was manual la- 
bour performed .'—How did the great proprietors obtain the lands of the poorer class .'—How was the city 
divided.' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



27 



latter at once with jealousy and with con- 
tempt, as persons to be kept doAvn by 
every means, and proper subjects for 
every outrage ; while they, on their part, 
were looking for an opportunity to enrich 
and avenge themselves by the spoliation 
of their oppressoi*s. Such an opportu- 
nity frequently was given, when the 
oligarchy was divided within itself, and 
the weaker party made common cause 
with the people against its opponents; 
and hence a series of bloody commotions 
which runs through aU the history of 
Greece. In some states the growth of 
commerce fostered a middle class, divided 
from the landed oUgarchy by the different 
nature and less concentration of their 
wealth, who had property which in- 
terested them in regular government, and 
intelligence and union which made them 
a check on the oppressions of the pow- 
erful. Where this was the case, it com- 
monly produced a comparatively mild 
and regular ohgarchy, and sometimes 
a permanent democracy; without this 
class, a permanent democracy rarely 
arose, as the lower people had not steadi- 
ness to conduct it, and the only change 
m such a state was from a tyrannical 
oUgarchy to the arbitrary ascendency of 
demagogues no less tyrannical. 

Political changes. — Abolition of royalty. 
In the age which followed the Dorian 
conquest of Peloponnesus, the causes de- 
scribed were in fuU operation. In most 
states the power of the king diminished 
gi'adually, and at length was aboUsh- 
ed ; aU authority being engrossed by the 
wealthy landholders, who abused their 
ascendency so as to incur the bitterest 
hatred of the poor. Hence arose per- 
petual contests between poor and rich, 
and governments constituted by the pre- 
vailing faction for the most effectual de- 
pression of the other. Besides these 
sources of internal dissensions, there were 
continual wars between city and city. 
In eveiy district the smaller towns had 
exercised each its municipal government 
under the general superintendence of the 
king. When royalty was abolished, they 
would not ovra any supremacy in the 
capital; the king had their obedience. 



not as the head of a superior common- 
wealth, but as the common chief magis- 
trate of aU the cities in the province ; and 
the claim of authority enforced by the 
capital was resisted with arms by the 
towns. Argos was the fii'st to abolish 
royalty, or to reduce it to a cipher ; but it 
was not happy in the government es- 
tablished in its place. The hostility be- 
tween the rich and poor was there at its 
height, and seditions were uncommonly 
frequent and violent, in which the mastery 
was gained at different times by each; 
while its dominion, anciently the most 
extensive in Greece, was curtailed by the 
revolt of numerous towns, of which 
many succeeded in maintaining indepen- 
dence. Corinth, though suffering seve- 
ral revolutions, was commonly the quiet- 
est of the Peloponnesian republics, and 
that which was ruled with most of equity 
and moderation. Its site on the isthmus 
made it the great thoroughfare betw^een 
Peloponnesus and Northern Greece, and 
gave it the commerce both of the eastern 
and western seas ; and the flourishing of 
trade produced a middle class, which in 
some degree protected the poor against 
oppression, and the rich against the con- 
sequences which might have ensued from 
theu' o%vn excesses if unrestrained. 

Laced(zmon. 
Besides the ordinary sources of dissen- 
sion, Lacedsemon had one peculiar to 
itself in its divided royalty. The two 
kings were ever at variance, and in a 
contest where no political principle was 
at stake, the only motive to side Avith 
either was his pei*sonal influence and the 
hope of profiting by his favour. Hence 
partisans could only be secured by de- 
fending them through right and wrong : 
everj^ powerful deluiquent was sure to 
be backed by one or other of the kings ; 
and between connivance at excesses, and 
the coiuting popularity by receding fi'om 
prerogative, the regulating power of the 
government gave way to an anarchy, 
producing unmitigated oppression to the 
many, and to the few a tyranny un- 
checked by law, but rendered danger- 
ous by the violence of rivals and the 
despair and hatred of the poor. 



Were the poor oppressed and despised by the rich? — When did the poor find opportunities for re- 
venge? — What class did commerce produce in some states? — What did theychecli? — What did this 
produce ? — Was there any permanent democracy where the middle class did not exist ? 

In what aae were these causes in full operation? — Who gradually engrossed all power? — What arose 
from this? — Between whom were there perpetual wars ? — What state first abolished royalty ? — Was it 
happy in the succeeding government? — How was its dominion curtailed ? — Which was the quietest and 
best governed of the Peloponnesian republics? — WhatT»dvantages of situation did it possess? 

What peculiar source of dissension existed in Lacedaemon ?— How did the two kings secure partisans? 



28 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Legislation of Lycurgus. 
Such was the state of LacedaemoiijWhen 
the death of Polydectes, the fifth fi-om 
Procles, gave the crown to Lycurgus his 
brother, who soon after, discovering the 
late king's widow to be pregnant, imme- 
diately declared that he held it only as 
protector for the infant, if a boy, as it 
proved. The prudent and upright mea- 
sures of Lycurgus to secure his nephew 
on the throne, greatly i-aised his cha- 
racter, which was already high; and 
though his enemies were afterwards 
strong enough to occasion his retirement 
from Sparta, he was looked on as the 
only pereon able to settle the distracted 
commonwealth, and at length was in- 
vited back by kings and people to legis- 
late for the state. (B.C.708.) Havmg pro- 
cured the sanction of the oracle at Delphi, 
he returned with his plan aheady formed, 
its leading principles being adopted fi*om 
Crete, where much of his exile had been 
passed. Some time was spent in orga- 
nising a party ; and then he summoned 
an assembly of the people, where, partly 
through persuasion, and partly through 
fear, his scheme of government was car- 
ried. The entire direction was given to 
a senate of thirty persons chosen for life, 
twenty-eight of them from those leading 
men whom he most trusted, with the 
two kings as presidents. Future senators 
were to be elected by the people, from 
such as had passed their sixtieth year. 
All laws originated in the senate, and 
the assembly of the people was confined 
to the simple approval or disapproval of 
the decrees sent down to it, being pre- 
cluded from all discussion, and even 
fi'om stating the reasons of the vote. 
The kings had the priesthood, and the 
command of the anny. But in aftertimes 
the most important magistracy was that 
of the Ephori, who are said to have 
been either instituted or first made con- 
siderable by king Theopompus, above 
100 years after Lycurgus. They were 
five in number, taken annually from 
the people, and their ofiice was to watch 
over the delinquencies and ambitious 



projects of any, whether magistrates or 
private persons. They were empowered 
to fine, imprison, depose from office, or 
bring to an immediate trial any person 
from the king to the poorest citizen, and 
this acting by their o^\'n discretion, un- 
restrained by any precise law. In the 
course of time they gained a power al- 
most despotic, and the more intolerable 
because, as the method of election is 
stated to have been bad, though we are 
not mformed of its nature, they were 
often persons of little character or ability. 

Division of property. — Helots. 
The most pressing evils were those 
arising from excessive inequahty of for- 
tunes. Lycurgus struck at the root of 
the mischief, by first equalising pro- 
perty, and then removing alike the mo- 
tives and the means to accumulate. He 
made a law for the equal division of the 
lands; forbade the coining any metal 
more precious than iron; allowed men 
to borrow any utensil they wanted even 
%vithout consulting the o\Maer; and 
adopted the Cretan institution of pubhc 
messes, at which eveiy citizen was ob- 
Uged to live. His object was that all 
the Spartans should enjoy equality and 
competence, and being free from the 
necessity of gainful labour, and the vices 
generated by the love of gain, should 
devote their time to improving their ca- 
pacities for the public service; a noble 
scheme, if its practicability had not been 
built on gross injustice. Agriculture 
and handicrafts must fall to some, and if 
the Spartan people were relieved from 
them, it was because the people foraied 
a scanty portion of the inhabitants, and 
the rest were slaves condemned to hope- 
less labour, and not considered as a 
pait of the community. The great de- 
fect of Grecian morality was the ac- 
knowledging no duties between man and 
man, except as Unked by some specific 
bond of blood, law, or treaty. The pa- 
triotism of each was generally confined 
to his particular state ; but his most ex- 
tensive philanthropy only reached to 



To whom did the crown fall after the death of Polydectes ?— For whom did Lycurgus hold it? — W^hat 
did his enemies occasion? — For what purpose was he invited back? — From whence were the leading 
principles of his government adopted ? — To whom was the entire direction given ? — Who were the presi- 
dents of the senate? — How old were the senators? — Where did laws originate? — How far did the power 
ofthe assembly of the people extend?— Who instituted the Ephori ?— When ? — What was their number 
'ind office ? — How often and from whom were they chosen ? — What were their powers ? — Were they al- 
ways persons of character and ability ? 

What did the most pressing evils arise from ? — What were the laws of Lycurgus concerning proper- 
ty ? — What was his object ? — Was it founded in justice ? — Did the ■people constitute the great mass of the 
inhabitants? — Who did? — To what was Grecian patriotism generally confined? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



29 



the Grecian race, and held as laudable 
every injury to * barbarians, which gra- 
ced the pride, or glutted the avarice of 
Greeks. It was in this spirit that many 
philosophers doubted the lawfulness of 
ensla^dng Greeks ; but all approved of eii- 
slaving barbarians, and considered slaves 
as almost ^^ithout rights : and it was in 
this spirit, too, that the Lacedsemonians, 
holding their bondmen under heavier 
oppression than was practised in any 
other Grecian state, conceived their boast 
of universal equality to be warranted by 
the unjust and insolent denial, that they 
were a portion of the people, who com- 
posed the mass of the population, and 
nourished the whole. The effect of the 
system even on the citizens was far fi^om 
being entirely favourable. The mind may 
sometimes be degraded by a life of money- 
making labour, but not so certainly as 
by hving on the compelled and unre- 
warded toil of others : and if the love 
of gain was excluded, the love of tjrranny 
W£is called into unprecedented actiAity, 
ever}'^ citizen being empowered to com- 
mand and punish aU the slaves, as well 
those of others as his own. The brutal 
treatment of the f Helots produced in 
them a rancorous hatred, which fre- 
quently endangered the existence of 
Sparta, and in their masters a jealousy 
that led to further oppressions, practised 
expressly to break their spirits, and bring 
them nearer to beasts: and these cruel 
precautions frequently went even to the 
secret murder of any who were marked 
by superior natural gifts of body or 
mind. 

Discipline of youth. 
Having banished the desire of gain, 
the object of the legislator was to fill the 
void with love of praise and emulation 
in patriotism and courage, and to bring 
the citizens into the best training for 
war. The education of the children and 
the habits of the men were equally re- 
gulated by public authorit}^ and care 
was taken that all family ties should be 
weaker than that which bound the citizen 
to the commonwealth. The boys were 



reckoned as belonging less to their pa- 
rents than to the state, and were taken 
from the former to be educated in bands 
under appointed governors: they Avere 
bred to military exercises, and the un- 
complaining endurance of hardships; 
practised in combats with each other; 
and kept on scanty fare, but encouraged 
to mend it by whatever they could take 
undiscovered from the messes of the 
men. By this they were formed to en- 
terprise and circumspection, being liable, 
if detected, to heavy punishment for 
then* awkwardness. In the absence of 
then* governor they were subject to the 
authority of any citizen who chanced to 
be present, and were chastised by him 
for ill- behaviour or disobedience. It 
was an usual amusement with the men 
to be present when the boys were at 
their meals, and to propose to them ques- 
tions to be answered as shortly and 
pithily as they could: and hence the 
Spartans were remarkable for readiness 
in reply, and a brief and pointed style in 
speaking, which from them has been 
called Laconic. The matiirer youths 
were under a discipline but slightly dif- 
ferent; and both were obUged to pay 
to the men milimited obedience and great 
respect, and to maintain an unexampled 
rigour in the decorum of outwai'd be- 
haviour. Emulation was promoted by 
every method both in men and boys, and 
in some instances at the cost of cherish- 
ing an envious watchfulness over each, 
other's failings. This system produced 
in the Spartans a most exact obedience 
to the laws, and made the love of their 
country in a wondei-fril degree a ruling 
principle ever present to their minds: 
but the constant pubUcity of their hves 
gave little scope to those domestic af- 
fections which might have tempered 
their hardness of heart, and taught them 
to feel as men for men, and not exclu- 
sively as citizens of Lacedsemon, utterly 
careless of the general interests of man- 
kind. On gaining manhood they were 
required to marry ; but it was disre- 
putable for a young man to be seen in 



* Barbarians, the name under which the Greeks included all people not of Grecian blood. 

t Helots, the most numerous and most important class of slaves among the Lacedaemonians. Agri- 
culture was entirely committed to them, and those who were employed in it, paid to the owners of the 
land a stated quantity of produce, which, according to Plutarch, it was forbidden to- inerease. In other 
respects they were at the mercy of their masters. 



Whom did they call barbarians ? See JVb«c(*). — Were their rights respected ? — Were the labouring class 
considered a part of the people or admitted to equal rights? — Was the effect of this system favourable 
even on the citizens ? — What vice was called into activity by it ? — What was every citizen empowered to 
do? — Who were the Helots 1 See JVo<e(t). — How were they treated ? 

To whom were the Spartan boys considered as belonging ? — How were they educated ? — What 
amusement did the men have ? — What is the origin of the word Laconic ? — Wliat did the Spartan system 
of discipline produce? 



90 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



company with any woman, even with his 
wife : the education of women was gov- 
erned by the same prmciples as that of 
men. Their constitutions were strength- 
ened by gymnastic exercises, that they 
might bear more vigorous children ; they 
were taught to rival the men in patriotic 
ardour and the love of martial gloiy, that 
the hope of then- applause, and the dread 
of then* scorn, might more powerfully 
stimulate to daiing ; but Lycurgus cared 
little for domestic virtues, and rather 
discountenanced as inconvenient that 
purity of thought and tenderness of feel- 
ing, which are elsewhere the pecuUar 
grace of the sex. 

Military institutions. 
Courage, hardihood, and obedience, 
strong love of praise, and fear of shame, 
directed entirely to wai', made the Lace- 
daemonians a most formidable people. 
A Spartan was disgraced for ever, who 
gave way to fear in the most hopeless 
situation ; and after a defeat, amidst 
the general mourning, the kuidred of 
those who had fallen were required to 
wear a face of joy, because their rela- 
tions had not shared the reproach of 
flight. SuiTounded and overmatched, 
they would perish rather than yield, and 
the suiTender of a Lacedaemonian de- 
tachment to whatever odds, was a won- 
der to Greece. To this mvincible spirit, 
they added a decided pre-eminence in 
disciphne and skill. The fate of Grecian 
battles usually depended on the heavy- 
aiTned foot, who had each a helmet and 
breastplate, a large shield and long 
spear, and a small sword rarely used. 
They were formed with levelled spears 
in a close body, among the Lacedaemo- 
nians most commonly eight deep. The 
phalanx, so this order was called, while 
it kept its aiTay, was irresistible, except 
by a similar body: but it was slow in 
movement and liable to be harassed se- 
curely with missiles, and disordered by 
unequal ground; and, once broken, it 
was defeated, the long spear and heavy 
shield being, in a mingled scuffle, more 
incumbrances than aids. To presei^ve 
the order in all chcumstances, great 
readiness and regularity in evolution 
were required ; and for this the Lacedae- 



monians were distinguished, as well as 
for a remarkably well organized system 
of subordinate command. All the sol- 
diers were waited on by Helots, who 
acted as hght-armed troops, a sei-vice so 
despised, that the hght troops are gene- 
rally omitted by Greek ^^iters, in stating 
the numbers of an army. They had a 
few cavahy, whose principal use was to 
disperse the light troops of the enemy, 
but who never ventured to attack his 
phalanx; and this was a service little 
cultivated by the Lacedaemonians. To 
increase then* alacrity, the camp was 
made to them a place of comparative 
ease, the severe discipline enforced m 
the citj'^ being there considerably relaxed : 
and that their rehance might be entirely 
on their superiority in the field, Lycur- 
gus forbade the city to be fortified, stig- 
matizing walls as the defence of cowards. 

Lacedtemonian character. 
The Lacedaemonian character proves 
at once the ability of Lycurgus in suiting 
his laws to the ends he proposed, and 
the presumption of overstepping the true 
province of a legislator, which is not to 
fashion the popular mind by a factitious 
standard, but to check its wandeiings 
fi-om nature and reason. The law was 
made the only rule of right, and to ques- 
tion its wisdom, the greatest of offences ; 
and hence its faults were perpetuated in 
the character of the citizens, while, where 
it was silent, there was no general prin- 
ciple of morality to guide them. The 
excellence aimed at was very hmited, 
and almost entirely warlike; and every 
mstitution tending to increase the mili- 
tary efficiency of the population was 
readily adopted, whatever vices of a 
different nature it might involve. The 
system succeeded ; the behaviour of the 
citizens towards each other and towards 
the state was completely regulated ; and 
the Lacedaemonians, as a people, were 
remarkable for the strict obsei-vance of 
their veiy limited moral code. But in 
then- relations to all without their com- 
monwealth, " they were neither govenied 
by their own laws nor by the principles 
held sacred through the rest of Greece." 
In foreign command, with a few brilliant 
exceptions, they were harsh, unjust, and 



How were the women educated ? — Did Lycurgus care for the domestic virtues or female delicacy ? 

What made the Lacedaemonians formidable? — Was mourning allowed for those killed in battle? — Was 
it common for a Lacedaemonian to yield ? — How were they armed ? — On what did the efficiency of the 
Phalanx depend ? — Were the Laceda^moniatis famous for preserving their order? — By whom were the 
soldiers waited upon ? — Were the light troops always counted, in estimating the force of an army ? — Waa 
the discipline of the camp severer than that of the city ? — Were the Spartan cities allies? 

What does the Lacedaemonians character prove ? — What was their only rule of right ? — At what kind 
of excellence did the law aim ? — Did it succeed ? — For what were the Lacedemonians remarkable ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



31 



tyrannical ; towards the wretched Helots 
uniformly cruel, and son\etimes most 
basely treacherous ; while their external 
poHcy, always grasping, selfish, and un- 
generous, often profligate in the extreme, 
is best described in the words of Thucy- 
dides, " That most remarkably of aU we 
know, they hold things pleasant to be 
honourable, and things profitable to 
be just." Yet however vicious and im- 
natural as a whole, the Spartan character 
stands alone in the exaltation, perma- 
nence, and universalitj' of fortitude and 
patriotism ; and the degree in which these 
qualities were displayed by nearly every 
individual in that republic, may make us 
hope for the noblest eflfects of education 
on mankind, whenever a sagacity like 
that of Lycurgus in the choice of means, 
shall be directed to the teaching a purer 
and more comprehensive morality. 

First Messenian war. 
The increased strength and excited am- 
bition of Lacedsemon were soon felt by all 
the bordering states, but by none so fatally 
as by Messenia. Inflamed by wrongs 
both done and suflfered, in the second 
generation after Lycurgus, (B.C.652) the 
Lacedaemonians resolved to make a sud- 
den attack on that province ^vithout any 
declaration of war, and bound them- 
selves by oath never to abandon the en- 
terprise, and even never to return to 
their families till Messenia was subdued. 
They surprised Ampheia, a frontier town, 
tlie gates being open and unguarded as 
in time of peace; and that treachery 
might not be unaccompanied with cruelty, 
all found there were put to the sword. 
Euphaes, the Messenian king, had wis- 
dom and courage ; and, aware of the La- 
cedaemonian superiority in the field, he 
proti-acted the war, avoiding battles and 
defending the towns. In the fourth year, 
however, a battle was fought with great 
slaughter and doubtful success. But the 
Messenians were suff*ering fi*om garri- 
son confinement and the constant plun- 
dering of their lands. New measures 
were taken. The people were collected 
from the inland posts at Ithome, a place 



of great natural strength, and open to 
suppUes by sea, the Lacedaemonians 
having no fleet. Meanwhile they asked 
advice of the Delphic oracle, which bade 
them sacrifice to the infernal deities, a 
vkgin of the blood of ^pytus, son of 
the Heracleid Cresphontes. Impelled 
by patriotism or ambition, Aristodemus 
oflfered his own daughter ; and when it 
was intended to save her by falsely de- 
nying her virginity, in his rage he slew 
her with his own hand. The fame of the 
obedience paid to the oracle so far dis- 
heartened the enemy, that the war lan- 
guished for five years: in the sixth an 
invasion took place, and a battle, bloody 
and indecisive like the former. Euphaes 
was kUled, and left no issue, and Aristo- 
demus was elected to succeed him. The 
new prince was brave and able, and the 
Lacedaemonians, weakened by the battle, 
confined themselves for four years to 
predatory incursions. At last they again 
invaded Messenia, and were defeated: 
but in the midst of his success, Aristo- 
demus was so possessed with remoi-se 
for his daughter's death, that he slew 
himself on her tomb, and deprived his 
country of the only leader able to defend 
her. Ithome was besieged. The fa- 
mished inhabitants found means to pass 
the Lacedaemonian lines, and fled for 
shelter and subsistence, some to neigh- 
bouring states where they had claims of 
hospitaUty, others to their ruined homes, 
and about their desolated country. 
Ithome was dismantled ; and those who 
remained of the Messenians were allowed 
to occupy most of the lands, paying half 
the produce to Sparta. 

Second Messenian war. — Aristomenes. 

During forty years Messenia bore the 
yoke. But the oppression of the inha- 
bitants was grievous, and embittered with 
every circumstance of insult, and the 
Grecian spirit of independence was yet 
strong in them; they only wanted a 
leader, and a leader was found in Aristo- 
menes, a youth of the royal line. Sup- 
port being promised fi-om Argos and 
Arcadia, aUies of his country in the 



What was their character in foreign command .'—Towards the Helots ?— What was the character of 
their foreign policy ?— For what virtues was the Spartan character remarkable ? 

What state felt the ambition and strength of Lacedaemon most fatally ?— Where is Messenia? — What 
oath did the Lacedaemonians take when they resolved to attack Messenia? — What town did they sur- 
prise?— How were the people treated ?— Where is Ampheia?— How did Euphaes the Messenian king 
conduct the war ?— What happened in the fourth year ?— Where did the people collect ?— In what part of 
Messenia is Ithome?— What did the Delphic oracle command them to do?— Who offered his daughter 
for the sacrifice ?— What was the effect of the fame of this obedience ?— What took place in the 6th year ?— 
Who succeeded Euphaes?— How long did the Lacedaemonians confine themselves to predatory excur- 
Bions?- What was the fate of Aristodemus ?— What place was besiefied ?— What became of the inbabi* 
tants ?— Of Ithome ?— On what terms did the remnant of the Messenians occupy their lands? 

How long did Measenia bear the Spartan yoke ?— What leader then rose? 



^ 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



former wai*, Aristomenes attacked a 
body of Lacedsemonians, and, though not 
completely successful, did such feats of 
valour that the Messenians would have 
chosen hun king; but he dechned it, 
and was made general-in-chief. His next 
adventure was an attempt to practise 
on the superstitious fears of the enemy. 
Spaita having neither walls nor watch, 
he easily entered it alone by night, and 
hung against the Brazen House, (a sin- 
gularly venerated temple of Minei-va,) a 
shield with an inscription declai-ing that 
Aristomenes from the spoils of the Spar- 
tans dedicated that shield to the goddess. 
Alarmed lest their protecting goddess 
should be won fi-om them, the Lacedaemo- 
nians sent to consult the Delphian ora- 
cle, and were directed to take an Athe- 
nian adviser. The Athenians, though 
far from wishing the subjugation of Mes- 
senia, yet feared to offend the god if they 
reflised compUance; but in granting 
what was asked, they hoped to make it 
useless, and sent Tyrtseus, a schoolmaster, 
poor and lame, and supposed to be of no 
ability. The choice proved better than 
they intended, since the poetiy of Tyrtseus 
being veiy popular, kept up the spirit of 
the people in all reverses. 

Battle of Caprusema. — Incursions. 
The Messenian army had now been 
reinforced from Argos, Elis, Arcadia, 
and Sicyon, and Messenian refugees 
came in daily : the Lacedaemonians had 
been joined by the Coiinthians alone. 
They met at Caprusema, where by the 
desperate courage of the Messenians, 
and the conduct and extraordinary per- 
sonal exertions of then* leader, the Lace- 
daemonians were routed with such slaugh- 
ter, that they were on the point of suing 
for peace. Tyrtseus diverted them fi'om 
this submission, and persuaded them to 
recruit their numbei*s by associating some 
Helots, a measure very galling to Spartan 
pride. Meanwhile, Aristomenes was 
ever harassing them with incursions. 
In one of these he carried off from 
Caryae a number of Spartan virgins as- 
sembled to celebrate the festival of Diana. 



He had formed a body-guard of young 
and noble Messenians who always fought 
by his side, and to their charge he gave 
the captives. Heated with wine, the 
young men attempted to insult them, 
and Aristomenes, after vainly remonstra- 
ting, killed the most refractory with his 
own hand, and on receiving their ransom, 
restored the girls uninjured to their 
parents. Another time, in an assault 
on iEgUa, he is said to have been made 
prisoner by some Spartan women there 
assembled, who repelled the assault with 
a vigour equal to that of the men ; but 
one of them who had previously loved 
him favoured his escape. 

Siege and Capture of Eira. 
In the third year of the war, another 
battle took place at Megaletaphrus, the 
Messenians being joined by the Arca- 
dians alone. Through the treachery of 
Aristocrates, piince of Orchomenus, the 
Arcadian leader, the Messenians were 
surrounded and cut to pieces, and Aristo- 
menes, escaping with a scanty remnant, 
was obhged to give up the defence of the 
country, and collect his forces to Eira, a 
strong hold near the sea. Here he sup- 
phed the garrison by plundering excur- 
sions, so ably conducted as to foil every 
precaution of the besiegers, insomuch 
that they forbade all culture of the con- 
quered tenitoiy, and even of part of 
Laconia. At last, falling in with a large 
body of Lacedaemonians under both their 
kings, after an obstinate defence he was 
knocked down and taken, with about 
fifty of his band. The prisoners were 
thrown as rebels into a deep caveni, and 
all were killed by the fall except Aris- 
tomenes, who was wonderfully preserved 
and enabled to escape, and returning to 
Eira, soon gave proof to the enemy of 
his presence by fresh exploits equally 
daring and judicious. The siege was 
protracted till the eleventh year, when 
the Lacedaemonian commander, one 
stormy night, learning that a post in the 
fort had been quitted by its guard, si- 
lently occupied it with his troops. Aris- 
tomenes flew to the spot and commenced 



What was the consequence of his feats of valour? — Did he accept the office of king? — What was his 
next adventure ? — What did the Lacediemonians do in consequence of this ? — Did the Athenians wish 
Messenia to be subjugated ? — What adviser did they send to the Lacedsmonians ? — What was the conse- 
quence ? 

From whence was the Messenian army reinforced ? — Which way from Messenia is Argos? — Elis? — 
Arcadia? — Sicyon? — By whom were the LacediEmonians joined? — Which way from Lacedaemon is Cor- 
inth ? — Where did the combatants meet ? — What was the result of the battle ? — From whence did Aristo- 
menes carry off a number of Spartan virgins? — What was the result of his attack on ^Egila? — How did he 
escape ? 

What was the result of the battle at Megaletaphrus ? — Where did Aristomenes afterwards collect his 
forces? — Where is Eira or Ira? — How did he then annoy the Lacedaemonians? — How was he treated 
when taken prisoner ? — Whither did he return after his escape ? — How long did the siege of Eira last ?— 
What happened theu? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



33 



a vigorous defence, the women assisting 
by throwdng tiles from the house tops, 
and many, when driven thence by the 
storm, even taking arms and mixing in 
the fight. But the superior numbers of 
the Lacedaemonians enabled them con- 
stantly to bring up fresh troops, whUe 
the Messenians were fighting without 
rest or pause, with the tempest driving 
in then- faces. Cold, wet, sleepless, 
jaded, and hungry, they kept up the 
struggle for three nights and two days ; 
at length, when all was vain, they formed 
their column, placing in the middle their 
women and childi-en and most portable 
eflTects, and resolved to make their way 
out of the place. Aristomenes demand- 
ed a passage, which was granted by the 
enemy, unwilling to risk the effects of 
their despair. Their march was towards 
Arcadia, where they were most kindly 
received, and allotments were offered 
them of land. Even yet Aristomenes 
hoped to strike a blow for the deliverance 
of his country. He selected 500 Messe- 
nians, who were joined by 300 Arcadian 
volunteers, and resolved to attempt the 
surprise of Sparta, while the ai-my was 
in the farthest part of Messenia, where 
Pylos and Methone still held out. But 
the enterprise was fhistrated by Aiisto- 
crates, who sent word of* it to Sparta. 
The messenger was seized on his retmn, 
and the letters found on him discovering 
both the present and former treachery of 
his master, the indignant people stoned 
the traitor to death, and erected a pillar 
to commemorate his infamy. 

Emigration of the Messenians to Zancle 
and founding of Messene in Sicily. 

The Messenians, who fell under the 
power of Lacedaemon, were made Helots. 
The Pylians and MethonsBans, and others 
on the coast, now giving up all hope of 
fiirther resistance, proposed to their coun- 
trymen in Arcadia to join them in seek- 
ing some fit place for a colony, and re- 
quested Aristomenes to be their leader. 
He sent his son. For himself, he said, 
he would never cease to war with Lace- 
daemon, and he well knew that, while he 
lived, some ill would ever be happening 
to it. Afler the former war, the town of 



Rhegium in Italy had been partly peopled 
by expelled Messenians. The exiles 
were now invited by the Rhegians to as- 
sist them against Zancle, a hostile Gre- 
cian town on the opposite coast of Sicily, 
and in case of victory the town was 
offered them as a settlement. Zancle 
was besieged, and the Messenians having 
mastered the walls, the uihabitants were 
at their mercy. In the common course 
of Grecian warfare, they would all have 
been either slaughtered or sold for slaves, 
and such was the wish of the Rhegian 
prince. But Aristomenes had taught 
his followers a nobler lesson. They re- 
fused to inflict on other Greeks what 
they had suffered fi-om the Lacedaemo- 
nians, and made a convention with the 
Zanclaeans, by which each nation was to 
live on equal terms in the city. The 
name of the town was changed to Mes- 
sene, which with little variation it stiU 
retains, and it has ever since been among 
the greatest cities in Sicily. 

Retirement of Aristomenes. — His character, 
Aristomenes vainly sought the means 
of further hostilities against Sparta, but 
his remaining days were passed in tran- 
quillity with Damagetus prince of laly- 
sus in Rhodes, who had married his 
daughter. His actions dwelt in the me- 
mories of his countrymen, and cheered 
them in their wandei-ings and sufferings : 
and fi'om theh* legendaiy songs, together 
with those of the Lacedaemonians, and 
with the poems of Tjitaeus, the stoiy of 
the two Messenian wai-s has been chiefly 
gathered by the learned and careful anti- 
quary Pausanias, fi*om whose work it is 
here taken. The character of Aristome- 
nes, as thus represented, combines all the 
elements of goodness and greatness, in 
a degree almost unparalleled among 
Grecian heroes. Inexhaustible in re- 
sources, unconquerable in spirit, and 
resolutely persevering through eveiy ex- 
tremity of hopeless disaster, an ardent 
patiiot and a formidable warrior, he yet 
was formed to find his happiness in 
peace : and after passing his youth un- 
der oppression, and his manhood in war 
against a cruel enemy, wherein he is 
said to have slain more than 300 men 



How long did Aristomenes resist the assault?— Whither was his garrison permitted to retire ?— Which 
way is Arcadia from Eira?— What design did Aristomenes then entertain ?— How was the enterprise 
frustrated ?— How was the traitor Aristocrates punished ? 

How were the conquered Messenians treated ?— How are Pylos and Methone situated ?— What did their 
inhabitants propose ?— What answer did Aristomenes give them .'—Whither were these exiles invited?— 
What town did they assist the Rhegians to capture ?— On what terms did they settle at Zancle ?— Whai 
name did they give it ? 

Where did Aristomenes pass the rest of his life?— From whence was the history of the too Messenian 
wars gathered ?— By what antiquary ?— What was the character of Aristomenes ? 



34 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



with his own hand, he yet retained a 
singulai* gentleness of nature, insomuch 
that he is related to have wept at the fate 
of the traitor Aristocrates. The origi- 
nal injustice and subsequent tyranny of 
the Lacedaemonians, with the crowning 
outrage in the condemnation as rebels 
of himself and liis companions, might 



have driven a meaner spirit to acts of like 
barbarity : but deep as was his hatred to 
Sparta, he conducted the struggle wdth 
uniform obedience to the laws of war, 
and somethnes, as in the case of the 
virgins taken at Caryae, with more 
than usual generosity and strictness of 
moi"als. 



CHAPTER III. 



OF ATHENS, FROM THE TROJAN WAR, TO THE POLITICAL ALTERATIONS OF CLEIS- 
THENES, AND THE FIRST INTERFERENCE OF PERSIA IN THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE ; 
AND OF THE GENERAL TRANSACTIONS OF GREECE, DURING THE LATTER PART 
OF THE SAME PERIOD. 



Increase of Athens. — War with the Pelo- 
ponnesian Dorians. — Codrus. — Medon. — 
Emigration of Athenians to Asia. 

Athens had been early civiUzed and 
flourishing beyond the rest of Greece, 
and particularly since Theseus had given 
to its institutions a regularity which 
seems to have kept it tranquil, even 
amidst the general convulsions which 
followed the return of the Greeks from 
Troy. When Tisamenus was driven 
into Achaia, that province was unable 
to support its increased population, and 
many of the old inhabitants being com- 
pelled to emigrate, went to Athens as a 
safe and ehgible refuge; and the more 
willingly, as they, like the Athenians, 
were of the Ionian race. The reception 
of these and other refugees provokmg the 
jealousy of the conqueroi-s, Attica was 
invaded by a powerful army from Pelo- 
ponnesus. The Delphian oracle had 
promised victory to the Dorians if they 
did not kill the Athenian king ; on which 
Codrus, the king, resolved to devote 
himself for his people, and entering the 
Peloponnesian camp disguised as a pea- 
sant, provoked a quarrel in which he 
was killed. Alarmed at learning who 
had been slain, the invaders hastily 
retreated: but Megara, a town which 
had been founded by the Dorians on the 
Athenian territory near the isthmus, re- 
mained independent. Medon the eldest 
8on of Codrus was lame, and his young- 



er brother took advantage of this to 
dispute the succession; while a third 
party, adverse to both, declared that 
they would have no king but Jupiter. 
An answer was procured from Delphi in 
favour of Medon, and the dispute was 
compromised, it being detennined that 
after Codrus none could be worthy of 
the title of king; that Medon should 
be frrst magistrate, with the title of 
Archon; that this honour should be 
hereditary^, but that the Ai'chon should 
be accountable to the assembly of the 
people. These things happened B. C. 
804. Attica being overpeopled through 
the multitude of refugees, a colony was 
sent to iVsia Minor under Androclus and 
Neleus sons of Codrus. The most rest- 
less spirits emigrated, and long quiet en- 
sued. 

Previous emigration of JEolians to Asia. 
The coast of Asia from Cyzicus on 
the Propontis to the river Hermus, with 
the island of Lesbos, had already been 
colonized by Greeks. This tract was 
called ^olis, the settlers being mostly 
iEolians from Peloponnesus, driven 
thence at the Dorian conquest, and part- 
ly also in some preceding commotions. 
The emigrants from Athens occupied 
the coast extending southward from the 
HeiTnus, with the islands Chios and Sa- 
mos. They founded twelve cities, of 
which the greatest were Ephesus, where 



In what province is Athens or Athenae ?— What river is north of it ?— What gulf east ?— Which way is 
it from Athens to Lacedaemon .'—Which waj' is Athens from Achaia? — What persons emigrated from 
Achaia to Athens? — What was the consequence of the reception of these and other refugees in Attica? — 
What had the Delphian oracle promised the Dorians? — How did Codrus behave? — What was the conse- 
quence of his death ? — What town had the Dorians founded in the Athenian territory ? — Where is Me- 
gara? — What island is south of it? — Which way is Megara from Athens? — What parties disputed the 
succession at Athens? — How did the dispute terminate ?— What were the conditions of the office of Ar- 
chon ? — In what year did these things transpire ? — Whither and under whom was a colony sent from 
Athens ? — What was the consequence ? 

What coast had already been colonized by the Greeks? — How far did the territory extend ? — What was 
it called ? — Why ? — What part of the coast did the emigrants from Athens occupy ? — How many cities 
did they found ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



35 



Androclus resided, and Miletus, the most 
southern point of Ionia, the residence of 
Neleus. The authority of Androclus at 
first extended over all the cities, but the 
kingly power being soon abohshed, each 
became a separate repubUc, though all 
were connected by a confederacy, with a 
general congi'ess called Panionion, or the 
meeting of all the lonians. Yet fmther 
south, some Dorian colonies were estab- 
lished in Caria. The island of Rhodes 
had long been Grecian, and settlements 
were soon after made on the northern 
shore of the ^Egean sea, along the coasts 
of Macedonia and Thrace. Nor did the 
Greeks confine themselves to the ^gean. 
At different times, they settled most of 
the large and fertile island of Cj-prus, 
at the eastern corner of the Mediter- 
ranean ; fomided Cyrene and other flour- 
ishing towns in i^frica ; occupied many 
places on the Euxine, more than half 
the coast of Italy, and of that of Sicily 
nearly the whole. The Greeks rarely 
coveted inland temtories, and these were 
left to the natives, Avhile the settlers 
established themselves along the sea, 
which enabled them to communicate 
with each other, and with the Grecian 
nation, of which they still esteemed 
themselves a part. 

Char ops first decennial Archon. Annual 
Archons. 

Twelve hereditary archons followed 
Medon. The last was Alcmaeon, at 
whose death, about 160 years after that 
of Codrus, Charops was made archon for 
ten years, and six more succeeded under 
the same limitation. Afterwards the du- 
ration of the office was reduced to a year, 
and its duties di\dded among nine per- 
sons, taken, at fii-st by suffrage, and after- 
wards by lot, from the eupatiidse, or 
nobles. One was chief among them, and 
by his name the year of his magistracy 
was distmguished, whence he was called 
archon Eponymus, or naming archon ; 
but oftener simply the archon. The 
"jcond had the title of King, and hke the 
,angs of old, the function of high priest. 



The third was called Polemarch, and 
was originally, as his name imports, the 
military commander. The other six 
were called Thesmothetae, or setters forth 
of the laws : they presided as judges in 
the courts, and the six formed a tribunal 
which had a peculiar jurisdiction. The 
nine together formed the council of state. 
Legislation was in the people, but almost 
the whole administration rested on the 
archons. 

Sedition of Cylon. 

All power being confined to the eu- 
patridae, it was to be expected that Athens 
should be torn by the clashing ambition 
of factious nobles. The strongest family 
was that of the Alcmaeonidse, descended 
fi'om the last perpetual archon, and 
through him from Codi-us. Cylon, a 
man of great nobihty and power, could 
ill brook the predominance of that house. 
Elated by his mamage ^vith the daughter 
of Theagenes, the chief of Megara, and 
by victories in the chariot race at Olym- 
pia, (an honour highly valued, and con- 
ceived to cany with it something of fa- 
vour from the god of the festival,) and 
further encouraged by a favom^able 
answer fi'om Delphi, he attempted to 
make himself tyrant of Athens ; the name 
by Avhich the Greeks denoted a man, who 
had brought under his dominion a state, 
of which the legal government was re- 
pubhcan. With the aid of some troops 
supphed by Theagenes, Cylon and his 
fiiends seized the citad el of Athens. They 
were besieged by the people under Me- 
gacles, the head of the Alcmseonidae, 
who was chief archon ; and after a time, 
being pressed by famine, Cylon escaped, 
and his deserted followers quitted their 
anns, and fled for safety to the altai-s, it 
being deemed impious to kUl them there, 
or force them thence. Induced by the 
promise of Hfe to leave the altai-s, they 
were notwithstanding put to death : but 
so deep was the impression made on the 
Athenians by the perfidy, and still more 
by the impiety of the action, that all con- 
cerned in it were banished. They re- 
turned indeed, but though many of their 



Which were the principal ? — Who was their first king ? — What form of governntjent did they afterwards 
adopt ? — What was their congress called ? — Where were some Dorian colonies established .' — What oth- 
er settlements did the Greeks make ? — Where is the Propontis or sea of Marmora r — Lesbos or Mylilene ? 
—Chios or Scio? — Thrace? — Samos? — Ephesiis? — Miletus? — Caria? — Ionia? — Rhodes? — iEgian sea? — 
Cyprus ? — Euxine sea ? — Italy ? — Sicily ? — What territories did the Greeks generally prefer to colonize, 
inland or those or the sea coast ? — Why ? 

Who was the twelfth hereditary Archon after Medon ? — For how long a period was Charops elected ? — 
What number of Archons reigned ten years each? — What was the next change ? — How were the duties 
divided among the nine archons ? — Who legislated ? — Who administered the government ? 

Which was the strongest family at Athens ? — Who attempted to make himself tyrant at Athens ?— What 
was the Athenian definition of tyrant? — What did Cylon and his friends seize ? — Who besieged thera 
there ? — What was the result of the siege ? — What w!is the fate of Cylon ? — How were his murderen 
punished ? — Who was Theagenes ? — Where is Megara ? 



96 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



descendants were men of high consider- 
ation, an ever ready and effectual method 
for their adversaries to embarrass them, 
was by requiring their expulsion as in- 
heriting the curse of sacrilege. 

Legislation of Draco. 
These and similar disordei-s required a 
remedy, and Dracon was called to legis- 
late for Athens. The political constitu- 
tion he did not alter, but he established a 
penal code absurdly severe ; eveiy crime, 
great or small, being made capital, on the 
ground, that every breach of a positive 
law was treason to the state. The neces- 
sary consequence was, that few would 
either prosecute or convict, and all crimes 
went mipunished, except the greatest. 

Revolts of Salamis. 

Meanwhile Salamis, an island in the 
Saronic Gulf, till then subject to Athens, 
revolted, and aUied itself with Megara. 
After many attempts to recover it had 
failed with loss, the people in their dis- 
gust, for the first time, united in oppo- 
sition to the oUgarchy. Assembling, 
they voted death to any who should pro- 
pose again to lead them against Salamis. 
But Salamis, connected with Megara, 
was a troublesome neighbour, and the 
people were soon dissatisfied with their 
act, though none dared to propose its re- 
versal. Solon, a young man of noble 
birth, had hitherto been remarkable only 
as a lover of learning and a poet. Having 
spread a report that he had occasional 
fits of phrensy, he ran out into the as- 
sembly, and mounting the herald's stone, 
he recited a poem fitted to rouse the 
people to renew the war. Some of his 
fiiends were prepared to applaud; the 
decree was enthusiastically reversed, and 
Solon, being appomted to lead another 
expedition against Salamis, reduced the 
island. The government agam became 
settled in the hands of the party of Me- 
gacles. But Athens was subject to all 
the evils of oppression by the rich, and 
misery in the poor, which naturally spring 
fi'om oUgarchical govennnent and slave- 
labour : and its convulsions were exaspe- 
rated by the Megarians taking Nisaea, (an 
Attic town on the coast, which was after- 



wards the port of Megara,) and drawing 
Salamis again to revolt ; and also by the 
enmities and reUgious fears remaining 
fi*om the affair of Cylon. 

Epimenides. 
Epimenides, a Cretan philosopher, 
with whom Solon is said to have concert- 
ed the form of government he afterwards 
introduced, was invited to point out the 
means of restoring harmony and avert- 
ing the anger of the gods ; and having 
calmed the popular mind by religious 
ceremonies, he departed with great cred- 
it, leaving behind him a temporary quiet, 
and refiising all rewards, except a branch 
of the sacred olive which grew in the 
Acropolis. But the people were still 
spUt into clashing parties. The demo- 
cratical interest was strong in the moun- 
tains, the oUgarchical in the valleys, 
which were mostly the property of tfie 
eupatridae; the people of the coast fe- 
voured the mixed government. 

Legislation of Solon. 
All eyes were turned to Solon, as the 
only man capable of settling the distracted 
commonwealth, and in the year B. C. 562 
he was appointed archon with peculiar 
powers of reforming the state. He was 
popular among the poor, for his benevo- 
lence and equity ; and the nobles, alarm- 
ed at the general discontent, were glad to 
see the reform in the hands of one of 
their own class. He executed the task 
wdth great success, both in respect of the 
pohtical constitution, and of the code of 
civil and criminal law : the latter of which 
attained such fame, that the Romans 
formed their laws upon it ; and through 
them it has become the basis of the laws 
now existing in most of Europe. 

Classification of the people. 
The fii'st thing to be done was to settle 
the quarrels of the rich and poor. Through 
the difficulty of a poor fi-eeman gaining a 
hvelihood where labour was mostly per- 
formed by slaves, the poor were usually 
deep in debt; and at Athens, an insol- 
vent debtor might be taken as a slave, 
and his wife and children also, if less 
would not satisfy the debt. This exorbi- 



What remarkable feature was there in the penal code of Dracon ? — What was the consequence? 

Where is Salamis ? — Which way from Athens ? — With what city was it allied after its revolt from 
Athens? — Where is Megara? — After failing to recover it, what vote did the people of Athens pass? — 
How did Solon elude this law ? — Who then reduced the island to subjection ? — To what evils was 
Athens exposed ? — What town did the Megareans take ? — Which way is Nisse a from Megara ? 

What philosopher calmed the popular mind ? — What reward did he receive? — Did parties still exist? 

Who was appointed archon ? — In what year ? — How did he execute his task of lawgiver? — What is the 
foundation of the Roman law ?— Of the European ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



37 



tant power was tyrannically used, and 
the removal of the evils thence arising 
was necessary, before order could be es- 
tablished. This Solon seems to have 
done, by lowering the interest of aU 
debts, raising the nominal value of 
money, and taking from the creditor all 
power over the persons of the debtor and 
his family. The former two are violent 
measures : but in this case the existing 
evil was extreme, and probably justified 
the employment of such means. He 
then proceeded to arrange the constitu- 
tion of the repubUc, dividing the people 
into four classes, according to theu' 
estates. The fii-st contained aU who 
received yearly from their lands five 
hundred medinmi (each a httle more than 
a bushel) of com, oil, or any other pro- 
duce: the second, those who received 
three hundred medimni. All these were 
exempt from infantry service, except in 
command, but were bound each to keep 
a horse and to serve in the cavalry, and 
were therefore styled horsemen, or 
knights. The third class, called Zugitae, 
was of persons whose land gave two 
hundred medimni, but not three hundred, 
and these were bound to serve in the 
heavy-armed foot, and to be provided 
with arms for that purpose. The rest 
were called Thetes, and these, if they 
had fit armour, might act among the 
heavy-armed ; if not, they were reduced 
to the less honourable service of the 
light-armed. Afterwards, when Athens 
became a naval power, they principally 
manned the fleet. The thetes were ex- 
cluded from ofiices of magistracy, which 
indeed, if admissible, they would hai-dly 
have coveted, since such ofiices at 
Athens were mostly without pay. But 
they were admitted as jurors in the 
courts, and had an equal vote with all 
other freemen in the election of magis- 
trates and the passing of laws by the 
assembly. 

Civil Constitution. 
The judicial power, and the ordinary 
administration of the government, had 
both been principally in the archons. 
Solon transferred the former to the peo- 
ple, estabhshing ten courts, in each of 
which, causes were decided by six 
hundred jurors, taken by lot from aU 
citizens, not less than thirty years of age. 



who had given in their names for that 
purpose to the thesmothetae at the be- 
ginning of the year : the decision was 
by the majority. To detennine some 
cases of unusual importance, all the six 
thousand jurors were united in one court, 
which was then called the Helisea. The 
administration he placed in a council, 
established by himself. Attica was an- 
ciently parcelled into divisions, which 
may be styled in English, wards (phylie), 
and the wards iuto paiishes (demi). From 
each of the four wards of which the 
people was composed, one hundred were 
yeai'ly taken by lot to form the council. 
Previously to their admission, the mem- 
bers underwent, before the existmg coun- 
cil, a strict inquiry into their past Hfe, 
and if any thing could be proved against 
theu' character, tliey were rejected. The 
year was divided into periods, during 
which, the counsellors of each ward in 
turn, had additional powei-s, with the 
title of Prytanes. Afterwai-ds, when 
the number of wards was increased to 
ten, these periods of course were ten 
also. At the same time the number of 
counseUors from each tribe was reduced 
to fifty. The connnon Attic year was a 
lunar year of 354 days, comprising 
twelve months, or periods of the moon. 
Eveiy third year there was added a 
thirteenth month of thutj'^-three days, 
that the reckoning of time might again 
be brought to correspond with the solar 
year, and ^vith the order of the seasons. 
In the common year, each set of Pry- 
tanes retaiaed the office for thirty-five 
days only, excepting the last four, which 
held it each for thirty-six: in the aug- 
mented year, the periods were of thirty- 
eight and thirty-nine. The Piytanes 
were a sort of managing committee, 
both for the council and for the assembly 
of the people : they directed the proceed- 
ings, summoned meetings, and dismissed 
them when the business was done, pro- 
posed for discussion whatever matters 
stood as ordere of the day, and put the 
question when anything was brought to 
the vote. One of them was entitled 
president (epistates), and he kept the 
public seal and the keys of the treasury 
and citadel: but this office lasted 
only one day, and was taken, during 
the period for which the counsellors 



How did Solon improve the laws concerning debtors. — Into how many classes did he divide the peo- 
ple ? — What description of citizens did the first class include ? — The second? — The third ? — The fourth? — 
Which class manned the fleet ? — From w hat offices were they excluded ? — To what were they admitted ? 

To whom did Solon transfer the judicial power ?— How were causes tried and decided ? — In what was 
the administration vested? — How was the council formed? — How was time divided in Attica? — Who 
were the Prytanes? — What were their duties?— What were the President's duties? 



38 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



of each ward held the office of Pry- 
tan es, by those counsellors in succes- 
sion. In the council was transacted 
most of the business : and here ambassa- 
doi-s were first received and treaties ne- 
gotiated, though the final decision of 
war and peace, and of all hnportant 
matters, rested with the people. By 
Solon's constitution, nothing could be 
proposed in the assembly, which had 
not fii*st been approved by the council ; 
but this soon ceased to be strictly ob- 
served, though it still was most regular 
for decrees to be prepared by the coun- 
cil, and they were then brought forward 
with greater authority than if suggested 
to the assembly by an individual. Set 
days were appointed for the general as- 
sembly, and that the poorer citizens 
might be able to leave their ordinary 
occupations and attend it, a small pay was 
given fi'om the treasuiy to all who came 
in time. When, as sometimes happened, 
the attendance was thin, the market was 
closed, and officers were sent about to 
mark all who were found loitering there, 
or in the streets, who were afi;ervi'^ards 
fined. Solon's principle in thus com- 
pelling attendance, was probably the 
same which dictated that singular law 
of his, that neutrals in civO contention 
should be punishable: to wit, the ap- 
prehension lest the people through indo- 
lence, carelessness, or selfish timidity, 
should suflTer pernicious measures to be 
carried by the superior activity of a 
factious or interested minority. 

Areiopagus. 
The oldest and most celebrated of 
Athenian institutions was the court of 
Areiopagus, of which the powers were 
increased and the constitution improved 
by Solon. He composed it of all who, 
after being archons, had come out with 
honour from the scrutiny which, at 
Athens, all public officers undei'went on 
quitting their offices. The Areiopagites 
were the only functionaries appointed 
for hfe. Their court had the sole regular 
cognizance of most capital offences ; from 
it alone there was no appeal to the peo- 
ple, and in some cases it was even known 
to annul a condemnation or acquittal 
which the people had pronounced. It 
controlled all issues from the public 
treasury, and exercised a censorsliip 



over the citizens, watching over and 
punishing impiety, immorahty, and even 
idleness. The Avisdom and justice of the 
court, and particularly the generally high 
character of its members, maintained it 
long in great esteem, and fitted it to what* 
seems to have been a great end of its con- 
stitution, the checking the natural levity 
and unsteadiness of the Athenian cha- 
racter. In criminal trials it prescribed to 
both parties the utmost plainness and 
simpUcity of statement, and banished all 
attempts to work on the passions of the 
judges. A less praiseworthy part of the 
procedure was, the requiring from every 
accuser an oath of peculiar solemnity 
that the charge was true ; and from every 
defendant a similar oath that it was 
false. Frivolous accusation is a grave 
offence, but if no charge were brought 
but what the accuser certainly knew to 
be true, few criminals would be con- 
victed. In the popular courts, where 
the judges, however honest, were hable 
to be prejudiced and hasty, and httle 
skilled in sifting evidence, it might be 
necessary to throw a heavier responsi- 
bility on the accuser; but in the Areio- 
pagus it would seem that there could be 
little need of such a safeguard ; and in 
any case the strongest oath which ought 
to be required of the accuser is, that he 
conscientiously believes the defendant 
guilty. An oath being also required of 
the accused, in cases that came to an 
issue there must generally have been 
perjury on one side or the other: but 
this evil was considerably mitigated by 
the provision that a guilty defendant, if 
he chose, might withdraw before the 
oath was administered and go into exile. 

Benefits of Solon^s legislation. 
The great benefits of Solon's legislation 
were the increased steadiness of the 
government and its less oligarchical cha- 
racter. Before, every thing depended on 
the archons, who were taken by lot fix)m 
the small body of the eupatridae. The 
general assembly was indeed supreme, 
but it had no stated times of meeting, 
and was seldom called together; and 
even when called, the mass of the people, 
ignorant and unused to public business, 
could only follow the beck of some 
powerful leader. Practically, therefore, 
none but the eupatridae had any part in 



How was attendance at the assembly of the people, compelled ? — What was Solon's design in this ? 

What was the most celebrated of the Athenian institutions? — Of whom was it composed? — Of what 
had it cognizance ? — Was it above appeal ? — What were its duties ? — What was its character ? — Its forms 
of procedure? 

What were the great benefits of Solon's administration ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



311 



the conduct of affairs; while through 
the small number of the archons, the 
government was always hable to be dis- 
turbed by cabal, and was entirely depen- 
dent on the accident of their personal 
character. Solon, by appointing set 
days for the assembly, made its controul 
regular and permanent; by aIlo^ving to 
every" citizen a vote in the election of 
jnagisti-ates, and constituting the couits 
of justice from the body of the people, 
he provided a popular check upon mis- 
govermnent, and secured to the needy 
the protection of the laws ; by giving the 
chief administrative powers to a nu- 
merous council, who, hke nearly all the 
magistrates under his system, were taken 
from every order of the citizens except 
the lowest, he transferred those powere 
from a small knot of wealthy men to a 
class whose interests practically agreed 
with those of the whole ; at the same time 
that the number of the counselloi-s made 
caballing more difficult, and rendered it 
probable that their prevalent feelings 
would faithfully represent those of the 
persons from among whom they were 
taken. Still, however, the influence of 
the rich and noble was generally para- 
mount at Athens, though moderated in 
degree and partly corrected in the manner 
of its exercise : and it was not till afler- 
times that the city came into the state of 
a democracy, by a train of events equally 
singular and unforeseen. . 

Peisistratus. 
Not long afler the legislation of Solon, 
Athens was again distracted by conten- 
tions between the old parties of the 
lowlands and the coast. The first was 
headed by Lycurgus, the other by Me- 
gacles the chief of the Alcmaeonidae, 
and while they were at the height of their 
dissension, Peisistratus came forward at 
the head of the democratical, or highland 
party. All three were men of high 
birth, without which, at this time, there 
was little chance of greatness at Athens. 
Peisistratus was an eloquent speaker and 
a distinguished military leader, and by 
his mildness of character and affability 
of manners had become the most popular 
man in Athens. One day he came in a 
chariot into the market place, wounded 
and bloody, and complained that he had 
been way-laid by his enemies, and with 
difficulty escaped alive. In aflertunes 



the story has been commonly treated as 
an imposmre; but as it was long be- 
heved, and no account has come down 
to us of its detection, and as the liistory 
is told by persons hostile to Peisistratus, 
it seems not less probable that the attack 
was real ; but, true or false, the people 
were pei-suaded to vote a guard to Peisis- 
tratus, and soon afler, with his guard, he 
seized the xlcropolis. His paHy^ sup- 
ported him, and of his opponents, those 
who would not submit to him were 
forced into exile ; and from this tune he 
was generally considered as tjTant of 
Athens. 

The word tyrant, among the Greeks, 
admitted various shades of meaning. In 
its strictest and most odious sense, it de- 
noted an usurper of arbiti'ar}^ dominion 
in a commonwealth; and to make the 
character complete, it was requisite that 
he should be supported against the ha- 
tred of the citizens by a mercenary 
guard. But there were more question- 
able appUcations of the word. The per- 
sonal authority of a partj^-leader would 
often reach beyond the law, and enable 
him, with httle violation of its provisions, 
to influence its administi-ation according 
to his will ; and particularly in govern- 
ments where the rule of law was seldom 
precise, and much was left to the discre- 
tion of judges and administrators. Such 
a man would generally be charged by 
his adversaries A'vdth tyi*anny, especially 
if the contest had been decided by aiTns. 
Bj the common artifice of Grecian fac- 
tions, appropriating to their own party 
the name of the people, they would 
complain that the people was kept down 
by force ; and everj' unlawful proceeding 
of then' enemies in the contest would be 
seized on as a proof of violence and 
usurpation, while similar acts on their 
ovvai side would be excused by the 
opinion prevalent in Greece that every 
thing was allowable against a tyrant. 
Peisistratus was a chief of the latter 
kind. He had estabUshed, by illegal 
violence, the predominance of his paity, 
ai^d while that was predominant, his 
personal ascendency was complete ; and 
accordingly his enemies called him ty- 
rant. His friends denied the charge, for 
the constitution was unaltered, and so 
far was he from overruling the ordinary 
magistracies, that he himself obeyed a 
citation from the Ai'eiopagus on a charge 



Was the influence of the rich and noble still paramount at Athens? 

After the lepislation of Solon what contentions arose r — Who came forward as the leader of the demo- 
cratical party .'-—What was the character of Peisistratus ? — How did lie obtain a guard ? — What use did 
he make of it P — How were bis opponents treated ? 



40 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



of murder. But we must remember that 
it was an easy virtue to let the law take its 
course, when he knew that it was wholly 
administered by his own Mends ; and he 
would probably have been less forbearing 
if he could have feai'ed an important 
decision against him. As it was, he at 
once enjoyed the reality of power, and 
avoided, in great measure, the odium of 
usurpation. Grecian party warfare was 
generally unscrupulous ; and the violence 
by which his ascendency had been 
gained was too common a thing much to 
injure his character, at least among his 
friends. His sway was not, however, 
miinterrupted. He was twice expelled,^ 
and twdce retmned: at last he died at 
an advanced age, in the administi-ation 
of Athens, having exercised it with gi-eat 
ability, and, in all his struggles, with 
unusual liberality and moderation to- 
wai-ds his opposers. He encoui^aged 
learning and the arts ; he is said to have 
founded the fii*st public hbrary known to 
the world, and first collected and di- 
gested the poems of Homer, which had 
been brought by Lycurgus into Greece, 
from the Grecian colonies in Asia where 
they had long been popular. 

Hippias and Hipparchus. — Harmodius and 
Aristogeiton. 

Hippias and Hipparchus, sons of 
Peisistratus, inlierited the influence of 
theii" father. Their government, like 
his, was mild and steady, and successfiil 
in peace and war. Many good laws 
were passed, the taxes were lightened, 
and the forms of the constitution were 
adhered to : and it was under Peisistratus 
and his sons that Athens fu-st became 
remarkable for the splendom* of its 
public buildings. Hippias chiefly con- 
ducted the civil administration, while 
Hipparchus was employed in measures 
for enlightening the minds and cultivating 
the tastes of the citizens. For this end 
he invited to Athens the poets Anacreon 
and Simonides: and that he might ex- 
tend a degree of instruction to those 
who, in an age when books were few 
and expensive, had neither means nor 
leisure for study, he erected in the streets 
and highways marble columns crowned 



with heads of Mercury, with short moral 
sentences engraved on the sides. But a 
power above the laws is a dangerous 
gift, and seldom fails to nourish, even in 
the happiest natures, a degree of insolent 
disregard to the feelings of others. Half 
the ohgarchies and tyrannies of Greece 
were overthrown through outi-ages done 
to individuals by the rulers in the wan- 
tonness of power. Enraged at a denial 
which a degrading passion had impelled 
him to incur, Hipparchus allowed himself 
pubUcly to insult the sister of the refuser. 
Harmodius, the injured man, engaged in 
his quarrel his friend Aristogeiton, and 
they plotted the death of both the brothers, 
and the overthrow of the government. 
Hipparchus was slain at the Panathenaea, 
but Hippias survived, and both Harmo- 
dius and Aristogeiton perished in the 
tumult. From this time forward the 
government of Hippias became jealous 
and severe. He renounced all trust in 
popularity, and endeavoured to secure 
himself by the death of any whom he 
suspected ; while he provided a refuge, in 
case he should be expelled, by marrying 
his daughter to the son of the tyrant of 
Lampsacus, on the Hellespont. His 
tyranny lasted but four years after the 
death of his brother. 

Expulsion of Hippias. 

The Alcmaeonidae, ejected by Peisis- 
tratus on his second restoration, were 
numerous and wealthy, and imceasingly 
watchful for an opportunity to return. 
The temple of Delphi having been burnt, 
they had contracted to rebuild it, which 
they had done with a splendour far 
beyond their agreement. Hereby they 
both increased their reputation, and se- 
cured an interest with the managers of 
the oracle, which they were suspected to 
have made yet firmer by bribery. How- 
ever that might be, the responses given, 
on whatever subject, to the Lacedaemo- 
nians, always terminated vdth the com- 
mand to liberate Athens; tiU at length, 
though bound by friendship and alliance 
to the Peisistratidae, they were induced 
to succour their opponents. A small 
force being first sent into Attica was de- 
feated, and the leader slain. But the 



How was his sway interrupted ?— Did he die in office ?— W^hat were his raost celebrated acts ? 

W^ho succeeded him ?— For what did Athens first become remarkable under Peisistratus and his sons ? — 
Which of his sons conducted the civil administration ? — How was Hipparchus occupied ?— For this pur- 
pose, whom did he invite to Athens ?— How did he remedy the want of books?— How were half the 
oligarchies and tyrannies of Greece overthrown .'—What two patriots rebelled against the government of 
Hippias and Hipparchus?— What was the fate of Hipparchus? — Of Harmodius and Aristogeiton? — How 
long after this did the tyranny of Hippias last ? 

How did the Alcmseonidse induce the Lacedaemonians to aid them against the Peisistratidffi, i. e. the 
party of Peisistratus and his sons ?— What was the fate of the first force sent into Attica ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



41 



Alcmaeonid party was gaming strength ; 
the severities of Hippias drove numbers 
to join it : and Cleomenes, the Spartan 
king, advancing with a larger army, was 
joined by the exiles. Hippias lost a 
battle, and was besieged at Athens. 
Here he might have held out beyond the 
patience of the Lacedaemonians, but for 
the fear of internal revolt, which induced 
both him and his principal partisans to 
concert measures for removing their 
children to a place of safety. These were 
intercepted by the besiegers, and the 
fathers consented to surrender Athens 
and quit its territory in five days. They 
retired to Sigeium on the Hellespont, 
(B. C. 510.) having held the ascendant 
in Athens for fifty yeai's since Peisis- 
tratus occupied the citadel. 

The death of Hipparchus had been 
chiefly caused by revenge for a private 
wrong: but nevertheless, on the over- 
throw of the tyranny, the slayei-s were 
honoured as the most deserving of pa- 
triots. Their statues were conspicuously 
erected in the Acropolis ; their descend- 
ants had various immunities and privi- 
leges, including exemption fi*om most 
pubhc burdens; a song m their pi-aise 
was regularly sung at all feasts and en- 
tertainments ; and in all the works of 
the Athenian orators, if an example of 
the highest patriotism, and the greatest 
merit towards the commonwealth be 
wanted, the names first mentioned, are 
generally those of Harmodius and Aris- 
togeiton. 

Disputes between Isagoras and Cleisthenes. 
The lead was now disputed in Athens 
between Isagoras and Cleisthenes, son of 
Megacles, the head of the Alcmseonidse. 
Finding the interest of his opponent su- 
perior among the rich and noble, Cleis- 
thenes betook himself to cultivate the 
favour of the lower people, and by this 
having gained the ascendant, he made 
some changes in the constitution tend- 
ing to render it more democratical. He 
opened public offices to all the citizens, 
and it was he who increased to ten the 
number of the wards, and enacted that 
fifty persons should be taken from each 
to serve in the council, which was hence- 
forth fi-equently distinguished as th» 



council of five hundred, or simply the five 
hundred. 

Violent interference of Cleomenes king of 
Lacedamon. 

For the recoveiy of his lost superiority, 
Isagoras placed his hope in Lacedaemon, 
then by far the greatest power in Greece. 
Since the conquest of Messenia, it had 
been first in the extent and richness of 
its tenitory, as well as m the military 
excellence of its population. Corinth, 
and many cities of Arcadia, were strictly 
bound to it in the sort of alliance 
common in Greece, where the weaker 
confederate was wont to fimiish troops 
to be used at the discretion of the 
stronger: and it had effectively the com- 
mand of all Peloponnesus, except the 
powerfiil and generedly hostile state of 
Argos. But the Lacedaemonians had 
views beyond the peninsula, and were 
ever eager to interfere as mediators in 
the wars and seditions of all Grecian 
states. They had hitherto acted in such 
matters with a considerable show of 
Avisdom and moderation, and sometimes 
veiy beneficially, as in overthrowing the 
tyranny of Hippias. But the end pur- 
sued was always to acquire a command- 
ing influence for Lacedaemon, under the 
specious pretext of protecting the fiber- 
ties of Greece. Above all, their favom- 
ite policy was, in every city where they 
had the opportunity, to establish the 
ascendency of the ohgarchical faction, 
which then depending upon them for 
support, would keep the city in nominal 
alliance, and real subserviency. With 
such views, they readily listened to the 
sohcitations of Isagoras, and the more so 
as Cleomenes was biassed in his favour 
by personal regai'ds. 

The sacrilegious murder of the paiti- 
sans of Cylon had been the act of the 
Alcmaeonidae, of which house were the 
now leading men of Athens. At the 
suggestion of Isagoras, Cleomenes re- 
quired the expulsion of all descended 
from the murderers: the demand was 
backed by the power of Spaita, and had 
much support m the religious feeling 
common to Greece; and Cleisthenes 
with his principal partisans withdrew. 
But not content with this, and confident 
that no one would venture to dispute the 



What was the result of the invasion by Cleomenes?— Whither did the party of Hippias retire .'—How 
long had he reigned at Athens ? — What honours were paid to Harmodius and Aristogeiton ? 

Who now disputed the lead? — Which gained the ascendant ?— By whose favour?— What changes did 
he make ? 

To whom did Isagoras apply for aid ? — What was the rank of this power in Greece ?— Wiiat was the 
object of the Lacedaemonians? — What demand did Cleomenes make of the Athenians? — AVas it obeyed 
by Cleisthenes and his party ? 

6 



43 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



will of the Spartan king, Cleomenes went 
with a small band of soldiei-s to Athens, 
commanded the banishment of 700 
Athenian famiUes, as concerned in the 
sacrilege, and then proceeded to abohsh 
the council, and consign all the authority 
of the state to 300 of the friends of Isago- 
ras. 

Cleomenes expelled from Athens. — Embassy 
to Sardis. 
But Athens was not fallen so low as 
to endure this insolence of usurpation. 
The council refused to resign its author- 
ity, and the people flew to arms in its 
support. Cleomenes and Isagoras were 
besieged in the Acropolis, and on the 
third day it was surrendered on the 
terms that Cleomenes and the Lace- 
daemonians should be allowed to depart. 
Isagoras contrived to steal away among 
them, but his followers were cast into 
prison, and all condemned to death ; the 
generally cruel spirit of Grecian party 
wai-fare being in this case embittered by 
great and just provocation. Cleisthenes 
and the exiles, immediately returning, 
resumed the direction of the common- 
wealth. A war wdth Lacedaemon seem- 
ed unavoidable, and they anxiously 
looked for any aid which might enable 
them to support it. The Persian empire 
had now extended over nearly the whole 
of Asia Minor ; and the Athenians sent 
ambassadors to Sardis, the capital of one 
of its provinces, to propose an alliance. 
The satrap, or governor, asking the am- 
bassadors who the Athenians were, and 
where they dwelt, when he had heard 
the answer, scornfully rejected the pro- 
posed alliance with so insignificant a 
state, imless they would give earth and 
water to king Darius in token of subjec- 
tion. The ambassadors compUed; but 
on retuiTiing to Athens, theii* conduct 
was blamed, and their act disavowed. 

War with Lacedeemon, Bceotia and Chalcis. 
Meanwhile Cleomenes entered Attica 
with a powerful army fi-om Polopon- 
nesus, fully bent on punishing the Athe- 
nians, and setting up Isagoras as tyrant ; 
while the Boeotians and the people of 
Chalcis in Euboea made a concerted in- 



vasion on the other side. Neglecting 
these, the whole force of Athens went 
against the more dangerous enemy : but 
when a battle was expected, the Corin- 
thians withdrew their troops, refiising to 
co-operate in a war so unjust ; and like 
sentiments being expressed by Demara- 
tus, the brother king of Cleomenes, 
dissension ran high between the col- 
leagues, and the army was hastily broken 
up. 

Boeotians and Chalcidians chastised by 
Athens. 
The Athenians, being now at hberty 
to chastise their other invaders, defeated 
the BcBotians, and the same day, passing 
into Euboea, reduced the Chalcidians to 
submission, and exacted fi'om them a 
tract suflacient to support a colony of 
4000 Athenian families. Unable by their 
o^vn strength to maintain the war, the 
BcEotians asked assistance from ^gina, 
an island in the Saronic gulf, wliich had 
early attained a wealth and consideration 
disproportionate to its extent, by the 
commercial activity and maritime skill 
of its inhabitants. This people had an 
ancient quarrel with Athens, and now, 
without warning, ravaged the coast 
The Athenians were preparing for re- 
venge, when their attention was diverted 
by news from Lacedeemon. 

Hippias canvasses the Peloponnesians unsuc- 
cessfully. 

The fraud had been discovered, by 
which the Alcmaeonidae had procured 
the help of the Lacedeemonians against 
Hippias ; and finding that the gi'atitude 
expected from the Athenians had been 
turned into enmity by the arbitrarj'^ vio- 
lence of Cleomenes, and that Athens was 
rapidly growing in power and spirit, they 
began to wish the tyranny restored. 
But they had seen that, without obtain- 
ing the consent of the allies, they could 
not be sure of their support ; a meeting 
therefore was called, and Hippias invited 
to be present ; and here they laid open 
the arts, which had been used to per- 
suade them to make war upon an old 
ally, complained of the ingratitude of 
Athens, and invited the assembly to con- 



What insolent demand did Cleomenes then make? 

How was the demand of Cleomenes received ? — Who were besieged in the Acropolis? — What was the 
result? — Who then returned and resumed the government? — Whose aid was solicited by the Athenians 
against Lacedaemon ? — What was the result of the embassy ? — Where is Asia Minor? — How is it bound- 
ed ? — Where is Sardis ? 

What invaders now entered Attica ? — Which way from Athens is Peloponnesus ? — What provinces 
does it include ? — Which way from Attica is Bceotia? — In what part of Euboea is Chalcis? — What sepa- 
rates Euboea from Boeotia? — What occasioned the breaking up of the army of Cleomenes? 

How did the Athenians chastise the Boeotian? and Euboeans? — From whom did the Boeotians seek 
aid ? — Which way is i^gina from Athens? — From BcBotia? 

Whom did the Lacedaemonians wish to restore to the government of Athens ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



m 



cur in the restoration of the banished 
chief. But the Corinthians, dwelling on 
the iniquity of the proposal and its in- 
consistency with the character assumed 
by the Lacedaemonians as hbemtors of 
Greece, prevailed on the assembly to 
reject it. 

Hippias prevails on Artaphemes to require 
his restoration. — Athenians refuse to sub- 
mit. 

Hippias returning to Sigeium went 
thence to Sardis, and persuaded the sa- 
trap Artaphemes to make war upon his 
country, that himself being restored to 
the sovereigDty might hold it as a vassal 
of the Persian king. The Athenians on 
hearing this, sent ambassadors to Arta- 
phemes, to dissuade him from foUo^ving 
the suggestions of their exUes ; but re- 
ceived for answer an imperious order to 
submit at their peril to Hippias ; and re- 
fusing to obey, they thenceforth consid- 
ered themselves as at war with Persia. 

Government of Athens becomes democratical. 
By the events which followed the ex- 
pulsion of Hippias, the government of 
Athens had become at length substan- 
tially popular. AU its former revolutions 
were but changes in the ruling portion 
of the nobUity ; sometimes, indeed, the 
weaker party caUed the people to its aid ; 
but the people, though it might determine 
the stmggle, gained Uttle by it beyond the 
hope of better masters. No lasting secu- 
rity for good government was obtained, 
and any immediate improvement of ad- 
ministration depended on the personal 
character of the new rulers, and the de- 
gree in which they yet needed popular 
support against their beaten opponents. 
Such might again have been the result, 
if Cleisthenes had enjoyed his first victo- 
ry undisputed ; but by the strength of his 
enemies, and the determination of Cleo- 
menes to set up an ohgarchy with Isago- 
ras for its chief, his cause was permanent- 
ly identified both with that of democracy, 
and of Athenian independence. The 
middle and lower people, hitherto power- 



less through inexperience, inertness, and 
disunion, had numbers that might have 
made them superior both in votes of the 
assembly, and in trials of force: they 
wanted leaders whose personal influence 
could keep them united, whose pohtical 
experience might direct their conduct, 
and who might be obhged, instead of 
using the people as instruments to serve 
a temporary pmpose in raising a faction, 
to rest their hopes on their continued 
activity. Such leaders were the Alc- 
mseonidse ; and while they were bound 
to the commonalty by the strongest ties 
of common interest and danger, the 
other party of the nobles was broken and 
disgraced by its unsuccessfiil treason, 
ContinuaUy appealed to by their present 
leaders, the people became versed m 
public afiairs, and were henceforth prac- 
tically, as well as legally, supreme. The 
result was increasing vigour and spirit in 
the government, and a great improve- 
ment in internal quiet and security. 
Though jealous and violent in troublous 
times, and sometimes hurried into acts 
the most fooHsh and iniquitous ; though 
always defective as a means of discover- 
ing truth ; the popular courts were hon- 
est in intention, and did justice between 
the rich and the poor, with an impartial- 
ity elsewhere little known in Greece: 
and of the value of this distinction, some 
notion may be formed from the atrocious 
cases, occurring in all the oligarchical 
republics, of oppression exercised with 
certain impunity by powerful individuals 
upon the weak. The faults of the Athe- 
nian government were many and great : 
but of its superiority to most in Greece, 
and of the Avilhng acquiescence in it of 
all classes, there needs no stronger proof 
than this, that from the time of Cleisthe- 
nes, tiU its constitution was nearly fallen 
into decay, no instance occurs of a con- 
tention by arms within its walls, except- 
ing only those occasioned in the close of 
the Peloponnesian war, by the external 
dangers of the commonwealth, and after 
that war by its temporary subjection to 
Lacedsemon. 



Who prevented the assembly of the allies from joining Hippias ? 

To what power did Hippias then apply ? — Was a war between Athens and Persia the consequence ? 

What was the effect of the events which followed the expulsion of Hippias on the government of 
Athens ? — What family were the best leaders of the people ? — Under them how was the political charac- 
ter of the people raised? — What was the result? — What was the character of the popular courts of 
Athens ? — What evidence have we of the superiority of the government of Athens to those of othet 
Grecian states ? 



44 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



CHAPTER IV. 

OF GREECE AND ITS COLONIES, FROM THE FIRST PERSIAN CONQUEST OF IONIA TO 
THE DEFEAT OF XERXES' INVASION OF GREECE, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OP 
ATHENS AS A LEADING STATE. 



SECTION I. 
Persian conquest ofLydia. — Crcesus. 
For a long time, the greatest part of 
Asia Minor was subject to the Idngs of 
Lydia, an extensive region, on the coast 
of which the Ionian colonies were situ- 
ated. Croesus, the last of the Lydian 
kings, an able and popular, but ambi- 
tious prince, had made tributaiy the 
Grecian cities of the Asiatic coast, and 
his power had become, to Greece itself, 
an object of fear, as his wealth and splen- 
dour were of wonder. His prosperity 
was not, however, to be lasting. In all 
ages, Asia has been remarkable for the 
sudden growth and rapid decay of mighty 
empires. When the Median monarchy, 
after overrunning most of the interior of 
Asia, was now giving way to the rising 
fortunes of the Persians,* Crcesus lent his 
aid to prop the falling power, and inciu*- 
red the vengeance of the conqueroi's. 

Conquest of Ionia. — Emigration ofPhocaans 
and Teians. — Subjugation of Asia Mi- 
nor. 

Cyrus, the Persian chief and founder 
of the empire, having overcome the 
Medes, marched against Croesus, sub- 
dued his kingdom, and made him prison- 
er in his capital of Sardis. (B. C. 546.) 
He had before mvited the Grecian cities 
to revolt, but they refused, and now, 
when they wished to submit to him on 
the same terms as formerly to Crcesus, 
he would listen to none but the Milesians ; 
and sent an army, under Harpagus, a 
Mede, to reduce the others. Harpagus 
first attacked Phocaea, an Ionian town, 
early famed for maritime enterprise and 
skill. When hard pressed, the Pho- 
caeans feigned to listen to proposals of 
surrender, and took adVantage of a sus- 
pension of arms to embark their house- 
holds, and quit the city. Having sought 



in vain for a settlement among the Gre- 
cian isles, they resolved to sail for Cor- 
sica, where they had already a colony 
established. But first desiring revenge 
on the authors of their calamity, they sur- 
prised and slaughtered the Persian gar- 
rison of Phocsea ; then sailed for Coi-sica, 
having called down curses on any of 
their number who should stay behind, 
and sworn that they never would return, 
till a lump of iron, which they cast into 
the sea, should appeal" upon the surface 
More than half, notwithstanding, return- 
ed, unable to live out of their native land. 
The rest arrived in Corsica, and dwelt 
there for five years ; till, by their piracies 
provoking an united attack fi-om the 
Carthaginians and Tuscans, though vic- 
torious, they suffered such a loss in ships 
and men, that they were again obhged to 
quit their dwelUngs. The larger part 
went to Gaul, and there founded Massilia, 
now Marseilles, which, with the advan- 
tage of an excellent harbour for the ves- 
sels of that age, became a rich and pow- 
erful commonwealth, and extended its 
dominion v^ddely on the Gallic coast, and 
even to some places on that of Spain. 

The Teians being next attacked, fol- 
lowed the example of Phocaea, and, sail- 
ing to Thrace, founded there Abdera. 
The other cities, finding that their walls 
would not enable them to hold out singly, 
resolved together to risk a battle. Being 
defeated, they submitted to the conqueror 
on his own terms. The islands remained 
free, as the Persians had no navy. Har- 
pagus proceeded through Lycia into 
Caria, and completed the conquest of 
Asia Minor. 

Death of Cyrus. — Cambyses. — Darius^ son 

of Hystaspes. 

Meanwhile, Cyrus conquered Babylon, 

which having done, he applied himself, 

with abihty equal to his miUtary genius. 



* An account of the early monarchies of Asia, and especially of the Median and Persian empires, may 
be found in the seventh chapter of the Outline of General History. 

Who was the last of the Lydian kings ?-^Where is Lydia? — For what has Asia always been remarka- 
ble ? — Whom did Croesus aid ? 

How did Cyrus punish Croesus ? — Where is Sardis ?--In what part of it is Sardis ? — Which of the Gre- 
cian colonies of Lydia did Cyrus protect ? — Where is Miletus ? — Whom did Cyrus send to reduce the 
others ?— How did the Phocceans escape? — Where did they settle? — How long did they remain in Corsi- 
ca ? — What led to their removal to Marseilles ? — How did the colony succeed there ? — Where is Phocaa? — 
Corsica ? — Marseilles ? — Whither were the Teians driven ? — What city did they found ? — What was the 
fate of the other Grecian cities in Lydia ? — How did the islands escape conquest? — What did Harpagus 
next do ? — Where ia Caria ? — Where is Lycia ? What country had Cyrus conquered ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



45 



tx) order the government of his vast em- 
pire, and unite it, as far as possible, into 
one. On his death, he was succeeded 
b)"^ his son Cambyses, who conquered 
Egypt, and died there, in the eighth year 
of his reign, while vainly attempting fur- 
ther acquisitions in Africa ; but not be- 
fore he had given proof that his natural 
violence of character had been fostered 
by despotic power into actual madness. 
After a short period of confusion, the 
throne was occupied by Darius, the son 
of Hystaspes, a monarch whose attention 
was principally tm-ned to improve the 
internal administration, and increase the 
revenues of the empu-e. But though 
not by inclination a wamor, it was neces- 
sary for Darius to find an enemy against 
whom he might employ the turbulent 
sphit of the militar}' portion of his sub- 
jects, thus avoiding the contempt which, 
in Asia, has always been the lot of un- 
warhke sovereigns. 

Invasion of Scythia. 
Under pretence of revenging an mva- 
sion made a hundred years before, he 
turned his arms against the barbarians 
of Scythia, a wide waste region, inclu- 
ding with Tartary, most of the present 
empire of Russia. He crossed the Hel- 
lespont, and advanced along the western 
coast of the Euxine sea, receiving the 
submission of all the nations in his way, 
till he passed the Danube, and entered 
Scythia. The Scj^hians had neither 
towns nor cultivated fields, but hved like 
the modem Tartars, m moveable camps, 
upon the milk and flesh of their numerous 
herds. Having nothing, therefore, which 
it was necessary to defend, they retreat- 
ed before Mm, avoiding a battle, to which 
it was impossible to force them, being 
entirely cavalry. In a wilderness, and 
far fi-om all suppUes, the army suflTered 
severely from want; it was obliged to 
reti-eat, and its retreat was harassed by a 
superior cavalrj' ; and it was not ^\'ithout 
great loss and hardship that it reached 
the Danube. But though Scythia was 
not subdued, the bounds of the empire 
were widened by the submission of 
Thrace and Macedonia ; and the expedi- 
tion seems, on the whole, to have in- 



creased the power of Darius, and his 
reputation with his subjects. 

HistueuH tyrant of Miletus. 
The usual policy of Persia towards the 
Grecian cities of its emphe, was in each 
to set up one of the citizens as chief, or 
tyrant, whose interest was then to keep 
his cirv" in obedience to the king, on 
whom he depended for the maintenance 
of his authority. Histiaeus, the tjTant of 
Miletus, was high in favour vnih Darius, 
and had obtained, as a reward for service 
done m the Sc}tliian expedition, the grant 
of a territory on the river Strymon, in 
Thrace ; a very eligible situation for a 
Grecian colony, as it abounded with ship 
timber, and had silver mines. Milems, 
which he governed, was the richest and 
most populous city of Ionia ; and it was 
represented to Darius that, by means of 
his new colony, so favourably situated to 
gain both wealth and maritime power, 
he might be able to revolt, and unite 
against Persia the whole naval force of 
the Asiatic Greeks. To prevent tliis 
danger, it was pretended that the king 
had need of his advice and assistance at 
Susa, his capital; and thither he went, 
while the government of Miletus was 
committed to his kinsman Aristagoras. 

Aristagoras. — ^Unsuccessful attack on 
Naxos. 

About this time, there was a contest 
of factions in the rich and populous 
island of Naxos, and the democrati- 
cal party being victorious, many of the 
wealthiest men were expelled. These 
apphed to Aiistagoras for aid, which he 
was mclined to grant, as loiowing that, 
if he restored them, he would be able, 
through them, to govern Naxos. His 
own force, he said, was unequal to the 
enter[)rise; but he had influence with 
the satrap of the ])rovince, Artapheraes, 
the brother of Darius, and with the power 
which he commanded, their restoration 
would be easy. The exiles consented, 
and Artaphemes approving the proposal, 
a fleet was equipped of 200 galleys, with 
a land force in proportion; and Mega- 
bates, a Persian of the royal blood, was 
joined with Aristagoras in the command. 



Who succeeded Cyrus? — What country did he conquer? — Who succeeded Cambyses? 

What country did he invade ? — Describe his march ? — How did the Scythians compel him to retreat? — 
What countries did Persia gain by this war? — Where is Macedonia? — Which way is Thrace from Mace- 
donia ? 

What was the policy of Persia towards its cities ? — Where is Miletus? — Who was its tyrant ? — Wher« 
did he receive a territory ? — What induced Darius to summon Histisus to his court ? — In whose hands was 
the government left ? 

Where is the island of Naxos orNaxia? — What happened thereabout this time? — Who applied to Aris* 
tagoras for aid ? — To whom did he refer them ? — What force did Artaphemes grant ? — Under whose com- 
mand? 



46 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



A report was spread that the fleet was 
intended for the Hellespont; but the 
commanders having quarrelled, Mega- 
bates betrayed to the Naxians its real 
destination, and they were found prepared 
for defence. After a fruitless siege of four 
months, the armament quitted the island, 
having consumed the sums allowed by 
Artaphemes, and much of the private 
fortune of Aristagoras. 

d Revolt of Asiatic Greeks. 

\ Aristagoras, sure of the enmity of 
Megabates, and justly fearing the re- 
sentment of Aitaphemes for the failure 
of his promises, now expected the loss of 
his government, as the least evil which 
could ensue. He had already conceived 
the idea of revolt, when a messenger 
coming from Histiaeus confirmed his 
wavering resolution. That chief was 
mieasy in his detention at Susa, which 
he now began to see was meant to be 
perpetual, and he resolved on the dan- 
gerous measure of exciting a revolt 
among the Greeks of Asia, m the hope 
that he would certainly be sent to quell 
it, and might thus return to Miletus. 
Ai'istagoras assembled his fiiends, and 
laid before them his own sentiments, and 
the message of Histiseus ; and havuig ob- 
tamed their approbation, he proceeded 
to call an assembly of the people, in which 
he resigned the tyranny, and proclaim- 
ed the re-establishment of democracy. 
The amiament fi:om Naxos was en- 
camped at My us, under the command 
mostly of the tyrants of the several cities. 
The commanders were suddenly an*ested 
by a Milesian commissioner, sent for 
that purpose, and were given up to the 
people of their respective cities. Most of 
them were banished, but Coes, the ty- 
rant of Mitylene, was put to death. De- 
mocracy was eveiywhere established, 
and all Ionia and ^oUs engaged in the 
revolt. (B. C. 500.) 

Burning of Sardis. 
Meanwhile, Aristagoras went to ask 
assistance fi'om Greece, and first fi-om 
Lacedsemon. But the cautious elder- 
hood who directed that city refusing to 
engage in a war so distant and danger- 
ous, he next applied to Athens, where he 



arrived at the moment when the haughty 
command of Artaphemes, to restore the 
tyranny of Hippias, had filled the citi- 
zens wdth anger and alarm. Miletus, 
and many othei-s of the endangered 
cities, were colonies of Athens; and 
anxiety for their fate united Avith resent- 
ment and with the lavish promises of 
Aristagoras, to induce the Athenians to 
grant his request. Twenty ships were 
voted to assist the lonians, and they ar- 
rived at Miletus with five besides, from 
the Eretrians of Euboea. The combined 
fleet sailed to Ephesus, and the forces 
debarking, marched to Sardis, a distance 
of about sixty miles. Artaphemes was 
taken by sui*prise, and fled into the 
castle, and the Greeks, entering the town 
unopposed, fell to plunder. But a house 
being set on fire, the flame spread ra- 
pidly through a town mostly built of 
timber and reeds. The inhabitants were 
diiven by the conflagi'ation to assemble 
in the market, and in the bed of the tor- 
rent Pactolus, which ran through it, in 
such numbers, that they found them- 
selves strong enough for defence; and 
the Greeks retiring to mount Tmolus, at 
night pm'sued their retreat towards their 
ships. To avenge the insult, troops were 
collected fi-om the greater part of Asia 
Minor, and the Persian army, following 
the enemy, found him under the walls of 
Ephesus. A battle ensued, in which the 
Greeks were entnely defeated, with the 
loss of many of the principal command- 
ers, and the dispersion of the amiy. 
The Athenians now recalled their ships, 
and refiised any further part in the war. 

Reconquest of Asiatic Greeks and taking of 
Miletus. 

The lonians pursued the war by sea, 
and, sending thither a fleet, engaged in 
then* alliance Byzantium, and the other 
towns about the Propontis ; and thence 
going southward, the fleet was no less 
successfiil with the cities of Caria. At 
the same time Onesilus, king of Salamis, 
in Cyprus, had persuaded all that island 
to revolt from Persia, except the city of 
Amathus, which he besieged. Being 
informed that a Persian force was coming 
against him, he sent to ask assistance 
from the lonians. They sent then* fleet, 



Of what treachery was he guilty ? — What was the result of the expedition ? 

What confirmed the resolution of Aristagoras to revolt? — How did he proceed? — How was the arma- 
ment disposed of? — How extensive was the revolt? 

From whom did Aristagoras seek aid ? — With what success ? — To whom next ? — Did he there succeed ? — 
How many ships were granted ?— What city dirt they attack ? — Relate the circumstances which led to their 
repulse? — What was the consequence of this insult to the Persian power? 

Where did the lonians pursue the war? — Where is Byzantium? — Where is Cyprua? — Who excited 
revolt there ? — Who assisted him ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



47 



but it did not arrive till the hostile army 
had been landed. Two battles followed 
on the same day — ^by land between the 
Cyprians and Persians, and by sea be- 
tween the Ionian fleet and that of the 
Phosnicians, who were subject to Persia, 
and chiefly composed its naval power. 
The lonians were victorious; but by 
land the Cyprians were defeated, and 
Onesilus slain, and the island was quite 
reduced to subjection. Meantime Ionia 
and iEolis were overrun by the superior 
land force of the enemy. One Persian 
army, after two great victories, was sur- 
prised in a defile, and destroyed by the 
Carians; but the other divisions were 
more successful, and after reducing most 
of JEoUs, with the important town of 
Cuma, and takiug Clazomense in Ionia, 
Artaphemes concentrated his forces, to 
besiege Miletus. Aristagoras, now de- 
spairmg of success, and Imowing himself 
marked for vengeance by the Persians, re- 
solved to quit the city, and sailed to Myr- 
cinus, the colony of Histiaeus. Here he 
was killed, in besieging a Thracian town. 

Histiaeus had been dismissed fi-om 
Susa, and sent to Sardis to assist in queU- 
ing the revolt ; but finding himself sus- 
pected, he fled into Ionia, and passed to 
Chios. The Milesians refiised to receive 
him, but he foimd fi-iends in Lesbos and 
at Byzantium, fi-om which places he 
exercised piracy, both against Greeks and 
Persians. At length, in a descent on 
Asia, he was taken, and being sent to 
Sardis, was there crucified. 

Miletus was besieged by land and seei, 
and the Panionian assembly being con- 
vened, determined to make no attempt 
by land, but, collecting all the ships of 
the confederacy, to hazard a sea-fight. 
The assembled fleet was of 353 trh'emes, 
long sharp-built galleys, carrying each 
nearly 200 men. The number of the 
hostile ships is stated at 600, being chiefly 
Phoenician, but partly also Cyprian, 
Cihcian, and Egyptian. The Greeks 
appear to have been already unequalled 
for skill and boldness in naval action, 
and, with all their superior numbers, the 
Persian leaders feared a battle. They 
had with them many Grecian tyrants ex- 
pelled at the beginning of the revolt, and, 



through them, they secretly offered to 
each squadron promises of impunity, if 
they would desert the common cause, 
and threats of utter destruction to their 
cities if they refiised. The rest stood 
firm, but the Samian commanders, dis- 
couraged by the disorder of their own 
fleet, and the vast resources of the 
enemy, were prevailed on to comply. 
When the battle was beginmng, they 
gave the signal of flight. Eleven ships 
out of sixty disobeyed, and stood their 
ground, in reward for which the names 
of the captains were afterwards recorded 
on a pillar by their commonwealth. The 
rest fled, and were followed by many 
others. The Chian squadron of 100 
ships fought gallantly against an over- 
whelming force, but the battle was irre- 
coverably lost Dionysius, the Phocaesm 
commander, had but three ships, so small 
was the remnant of that state. With 
these he took three vessels fi-om the 
enemy, and, when the fight was lost, re- 
turned no more to Phocaea, but, sailing 
to the coast of Phoenicia, made prize of 
many merchant-ships, and thence pro- 
ceeded to Sicily, whence issuing, he plun- 
dered the Carthaginisms and Tuscans. 

The Persians now pressed the siege of 
Miletus, and took it by assault in the 
sixth year of the war. Most of the men 
were killed: the rest, with the women 
and children, were led to Susa, and pre- 
sented to Darius, who settled them at 
Ampe, on the Tigris, near where that 
river falls into the Persian Gulf. The 
rich vale of Miletus was divided among 
the Persians, ^aces, the tyrant of Sa- 
mos, was restored to his government; 
but the Samian people had not approved 
the treachery of their admirals, and a 
large proportion of them emigrated to 
Sicily. The islands Chios, Lesbos, and 
Tenedos, submitted at the approach of 
the Persian fleet, and at the same time 
the army proceeded against the Ionian 
towns. All the threats of the Persian 
leaders were fulfilled : the most beautifiil 
girls were carried as slaves to the king ; 
the towns, with the temples, were burnt 
The devastation was spread to the shores 
of the Hellespont, of which the Persian 
army ravaged the Asiatic, and the Phoe- 



What was the result? — What places did the Persians take in Ionia and Elis? — Where is Cuma? — 
Clazomens ? — Miletus ? — What was the fate of Aristagoras ? — Of Histiaeus ? — How large a fleet was sent by 
the Panionian assembly to the defence of Miletus ? — What was the number of the hostile fleet ? — How 
did the Samians behave ? — How. were the eleven faithful Samians rewarded ? — What was the result of the 
battle? — Where did Dionysius take refuge? — In what year of the war was Miletus taken by the Per- 
nans ? — How was iEaces tyrant of Samos rewarded for his treachery in the sea fight ? — Whither did 
many of the Samians go ? — Where is Samos ? — Where is Chios ? — Lesbos ' — Tenedos ? — Did they submit 
to the Persians ? — How were the Ionian towns treated ? 



48 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



nician fleet the European side. After 
this, the Persian government turned its 
attention to the internal regulation of the 
countiy, with a liberality as conspicuous 
as its cruelty in avenging the revolt. Ad- 
vismg with deputies assembled from the 
cities, Aitaphemes made many useful 
regulations to prevent the petty warfare 
so miiversal among the Greeks, and to 
establish a course of law by which all 
disputes between cities were to be deter- 
mined. At the same time, he appomted 
the tribute from each, which was not 
heavier than before the war; and the 
same assessment remained in use long 
after. 

Mardonius establishes democracies in the 
Ionian and .ZEolian cities. — Fails in an ex- 
pedition against Greece. 

In the second spring after the reduc- 
tion of Miletus, Aitaphemes was recalled, 
and Mardonius succeeded him, a young 
man of high rank, who had lately mai*ried 
a daughter of Darius. He brought with 
him a large army and powerful fleet, 
avowedly to punish Athens and Eretria 
for the burning of Sardis. To acquire 
popularity among the lonians and Co- 
hans, and gain their willing service, he 
deposed all the tjn'ants, and estabhshed 
democracy in the Grecian cities : a meas- 
ure veiy opposite to the usual policy of 
Peraia. Having received from them a 
considerable reinforcement, he crossed 
the Hellespont. Thrace was aheady 
subject to the Pei-sians, excepting some 
hordes of savage mountaineers; and 
Macedonia had formerly submitted to 
deliver earth and water, and now, when 
tribute was demanded, did not venture to 
refuse. But the fleet, in doubling the 
promontoiy of Athos, lost, by a storm, 
300 ships, and above 20,000 men ; and 
the army suffered much by a night attack 
from the Biygian Thracians, in which 
Mardonius himself was wounded. The 
Biygians were attacked and subdued; 
but the season was then so far advanced, 
and the fleet so shattered, that it was 
thought best to return, and winter in 
Asia. 



Earth and water demanded by Darius of all 
Greeks. — Refused by Athens and Laceda- 
mon. 

The follo^ving year . leitilds were sent 
into Greece, to demand of every city 
earth and water in token of subjection. 
Many towns on the continent obeyed, 
and most of the islands. The Athenians 
and Lacedaemonians indignantly refused, 
and disgraced their refusal with a cruel 
violation of the law of nations : the he- 
ralds being, at one place, thrown into a 
cavern, in the other into a well, and told 
there to take theh earth and water. 
Among the cities which submitted were 
Thebes and iEgina. iEguia was an 
ancient enemj^ of Athens, and the Athe- 
nians immediately sent ministers to 
Spaita, to accuse the iEginetans of trea- 
son to Greece. Lacedsemon had recently 
been at bitter enmity with Athens, but, 
in the common danger, it was rejoiced to 
find that city disposed to unite with it in 
vigorous defence. Cleomenes, with his 
usual violence, went himself to iEgina, 
for the purpose of seizing the principal 
authors of the submission. He was op- 
posed and prevented, but not without a 
remarkable acknowledgment of the au- 
thority of Lacedsemon, since it was an- 
swered that the JEginetans would have 
obeyed, if they had been assured that he 
was properly authorised by liis common- 
wealth. 

Cleomenes in ^gina. 

During the absence of Cleomenes, his 
colleague, Demaratus, having long been 
at variance wth him, endeavoured to 
excite the leading men against him. 
There were circumstances attending the 
birth of Demaratus, which threw sus- 
picion on liis legitimacy, and Cleomenes 
encouraged and supported Leotychides, 
the next in succession, in claiming the 
crown ; the question was refeiTed to the 
Delphian oracle, and Cleomenes bribed 
the Pythia to declare his rival illegitimate. 
Demaratus was deposed, and soon after 
fled into Persia. Leotjxhides being ap- 
pointed in his place, accompanied Cleo- 
menes to JEgina, and that state submitting 



To what did the Persian government next direct its attention ? 

Who succeeded the Persian satrap Artaphernes ? — For what purpose did he bring an army and fleet ? — 
How did he seek to acquire popularity ? — Wliat sea did he cross ? — Where is the Hellespont or Darda- 
nelles? — AVhich way from it are Macedonia and Thrace or Rumalia? — Where did the fleet meet with a 
disaster ? — What lose was sustained ? — Where is Athos ? — What occasioned the return of the fleet to 
Asia ? 

What did the Persian heralds demand next year ? — How were they treated by the Athenians and Lace- 
demonians ? — For what purpose were ministers sent from Athens to Sparta? — Were the Lacedemonians 
and Athenians disposed to unite against the Persians ? 

What happened at Lacedaemon in the absence of Cleomenes ? — How did Cleomenes procure the deposi* 
tion of Demaratus ? — Did iGgina submit to Lacedsnion ? — Where is iEgina ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



49 



to their authority, ten of the principal men 
were sent to Athens as pledges of its 
fidehty to the common cause. 

Defeat of the Argians. — Suicide of Cleo- 
menes. 

Cleomenes afterwards leading an 
army against the Ai'gians, surprised 
and routed them with great slaughter. 
Many took refuge in a sacred grove 
surrounding a temple, which, as such 
groves were highly venerated, Cleomenes 
hesitated to profane. Enticing out about 
fifh" successively, by the promise of ran- 
som, he put them to the sword, and 
when the rest, discovering his treachery, 
refused to come out, he then fired the 
grove, and burnt them aU. In the battle 
and massacre, so large a portion of the Ar- 
gian people perished, that the slaves, over- 
powering the remaiuder, governed the 
cit}'^, till at length, the sons of those who 
had been slain growing up to manhood, 
they were expelled from Argos, but 
maintained themselves awhile in Tirjiis. 
Cleomenes, it was thought, might have 
taken Argos, but his caprice led liim 
another way. Dismissing the rest of his 
army, he went with a chosen escort to 
sacrifice in the temple of Jiuio, near 
Mycenae. The high priest remonstrating 
that such an intrusion was unlawful in a 
stranger, Cleomenes caused him to be 
scourged by the Helots, performed the 
sacrifice himself, and returned home. 
Not long after, evidence was produced 
of his having corrupted the Pj^hia, and, 
in his alarm, he fled into Thessaly ; but, 
thence returning tuto Peloponnesus, he 
obtained the support of a party in Arca- 
dia, and was there exciting war against 
his country, when his fiiends in Lace- 
dsemon, regaining the ascendant, recalled 
him to the throne. He did not long enjoy 
it, his habitual extravagance being at 
length converted into positive mad- 
ness. He was placed in confinement, 
when obtaining a sword from a Helot 
who guarded Mm, he cut himself piece- 
meal. 

The suicide of Cleomenes was gene- 
rally attributed to divine vengeance for 
some one of his many crimes. By most 
of the Greeks it was ascribed to his 



sacrilegious collusion with the Pythia; 
by the Argians to the cruel and treache- 
rous massacre of theh- fiigitives; but 
more confidently to the burning of the 
sacred grove, the violation of the temple 
of Juno, and the outrage to the priest. 
The Lacedaemonians imputed it to his 
frequent drunkenness ; a vice at Sparta 
rarely seen and highly reprobated. 

War between Athens and ^gina. 
The restoration of the iEginetan 
hostages being agreed to by Lacedsemon, 
was still denied by Athens. A war en- 
sued. The ohgarchical faction was pre- 
valent in ^gina, and Nicodromus, a 
leader of the opposite party, had been 
expelled. Nothing was more common 
in Greece than for the weaker in civil 
strife to connect themselves with the 
enemies of the state. According to a 
plan concerted with the government of 
Athens, Nicodromus, Avith his fi-iends in 
the island, seized on that called the old 
to-wn of iEgina. The Athenians, un- 
equal in naval force to the iEginetans, 
had borrowed from Corinth twenty 
ships. These came a day too late ; the 
project failed; and Nicodromus, vrith 
many of his friends, escaped to Attica, 
where, being settled on the promontory 
Simium, they made continual predatory 
war upon the iEginetans of the island. 
The prevailing party took a cruel re- 
venge for the attempt which had been 
made, and 700 citizens at once were 
executed. They were aftei'wards defeated 
by the Athenians, firet by sea, and then 
in a descent on the island. 

Persian invasion of Greece. 
While Greece was in the state of 
turbulence which has been described, 
Persia was again preparing for its 
conquest, and for the chastisement of 
Athens and Eretria. Mardonius was 
recalled, and his command given to Ar- 
taphemes, son of the former satrap, 
joined with Datis, a Median nobleman 
probably more experienced. To avoid 
the circuitous and dangerous route by 
Thrace and Macedonia, it was deter- 
mined to cross the ^gean, reducing the 
islands on the way. Naxos, where the 



Against whom did Cleomenes next lead an army ? — What sacrilege did he commit ? — Where is Argos ? — 
Which way from Lacedaemon ? — What prevented Cleomenes from taking Argos? — What did he do at 
Myceiiffi ? — Where is Mycenae ? — What occasioned his flight to Thessaly ? — Where is Thessaly ? — Where 
did he obtain a party after his return ? — In what part of Peloponnesus is Arcadia? — What occasioned bis 
return to Lacedseinon ? — What was his fate ? — To what was it attributed ? 

What occasioned a new war ? — On what did Nicodromus seize ? — Did he maintain this position ? — What 
prevented? — Where did Nicodromus and his friends take refuge? — Where isSuniuni? — What island 
southeast of it? — Which way from Sunium is iEgiiiar — What subsequently happened at ^Egina ? 

What cities was Persia preparing to chastise? — What Persian satrap succeeded Mardonius? — Who 
BBsisted him in the government ? — What sea did the Persians resolve to cross ? 

7 



50 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Persians had before been foiled, was 
first attacked ; the inhabitants fled to 
the mountains, and the town, with its 
temples, was burnt. The other islands 
submitted, and gave hostages, till the 
fleet arriving at Carystus, in Eubcea, the 
Carystians refused, but were obliged to 
yield by the investment of their city, and 
the ravage of their land. The Eretrians 
were now assailed, who, applying to 
Athens for succour, the 4000 Athenians 
who had been settled on the tenitoiy of 
Chalcis, were ordered to assist them. 
But the Eretrians were divided and dis- 
heartened: some were for flying to the 
mountains, others were inclined to be- 
tray the city ; and ^schines, a principal 
citizen, seeing no hope of defence, ad- 
vised the Athenians to reserve them- 
selves for the protection of their native 
country. They crossed into Attica. The 
Persians fonned the siege. For six days 
Eretria held out, but on the seventh was 
betrayed by two of the leading citizens. 
The town, with its temples, was burnt, 
and the inhabitants made slaves. The 
Persians, now mastei-s of Eubcea, crossed 
into Attica, and landed, at the suggestion 
of Hippias, on the narrow plain of Ma- 
rathon. (B. C. 490.) 

Miltiades. 
Athens had a commander equal to the 
emergency, in Miltiades the son of Ci- 
mon. His rnicle, Miltiades the son of 
Cypselus, being invited by the natives 
of the Thracian Chei-souese to found in 
it an Athenian colony, which might assist 
in their defence, had agreed to the pro- 
posal, and had been made tyrant of the 
Chersonese. On his death, as he left no 
children, his authority passed to his ne- 
phew Stesagoras. He also died, and in the 
hope of succeeding him, Miltiades, his 
younger brother, went from Athens to 
the Chersonese. Miltiades had not, like 
Stesagoras, an interest established durmg 
the hfe of his predecessor, and the Cher- 
sonese was not by law an hereditary 
principality : but by a mixture of fraud 
and force, Miltiades secured the tyranny, 
and strengthened himself in it by keep- 



ing five hundred guards, and by marry- 
ing the daughter of Olorus, a Thracian 
prince. When Darius marched against 
the Scythians, Miltiades submitted to 
him and followed in his train, and was 
left with the other Grecian chiefs of the 
army to guard the bridge of boats by 
which the Persians crossed the Danube. 
He then proposed to break up the 
bridge, and suffering the king and army 
to perish by the Scythians, to secure 
Greece and dehver Ionia from the Per- 
sian 3^oke. His suggestion was rejected, 
not for its treachery, but because Persia 
was to each of the tyrants his surest 
support against the spirit of freedom in 
the people; but it has met with ap- 
plauders among Grecian writers, gene- 
rally ardent patiiots, but somewhat lax 
moralists. Soon after Miltiades was 
expelled by the Scythians, but recalled 
on their retii-ement by the people: but 
he knew himself obnoxious to the Per- 
sians, and when on the reconquest of 
Ionia then* fleet approached Thrace he 
fled to Athens. The Athenian laws were 
severe against tyrants, even of foreign 
states; and Miltiades on aniving was 
tried for his life ; but he won the favour 
of the people so far, that he was not 
only acquitted, but appointed one of the 
ten generals who regularly directed the 
armies of the state ; and so conscious 
were his colleagues of his superior abi- 
hty, that four of them made over to him 
their days of chief command. 

Battle of Marathon. 
The generals being equally divided in 
opinion, whether to risk a battle or de- 
fend the city, the decision rested ■with 
the polemarch Callimachus. Miltiades 
pointed out to him that a siege by so 
powerful an enemy would divide and 
misettle the minds of the people ; that 
whoever had any leaning towards Hip- 
pias would be determined in his favour ; 
that others, through despondence, would 
propose surrender, and make their own 
peace by betraying the city; but that, 
while all were yet united and hopeful, 
they might win a battle, an assurance 



What island was first attacked? — Where is Naxos? — To what cluster does it belong? — How did the 
Persians succeed at Naxos ? — What effect did this have on the other islands ? — Where did the Persians 
meet with resistance ? — Where is Carystus ? — Were the Carystians subdued ? — Where is Eretria ? — Re- 
late the events of the war there ? — After conquering all Euboea where did the Persians land ? 

Who was the great commander on whom Athens now relied? — Where had his uncle founded a colo- 
ny ? — To whom had he left its government? — For what purpose did Milliades go to the Chersonese? — 
How did he secure the tyranny ? — How did he strengthen himself in it? — Where is the Thracian Cherso- 
nese? — Answer — West of the Hellespont. — Did Miltiades join Darius when lie marched through Thracia 
on his way to Scythia? — What trencherous proposal did he make? — Where did Miltiades take shelter 
when the Persian fleet approached Thrace ? — What happened to him there ? 

On whom did the decision rest whether to risk a battle ? — How did Miltiades prevail on Callimachus to 
decide in favour of one ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



SI 



which Miltiades was the better able to 
give, being acquainted with the Persian 
tactics as well as the Grecian. CaUi- 
machus was persuaded, and the army 
marched to Marathon, where, on his 
own day of command, Miltiades led it 
into action. The Athenians were joined 
by the whole strength of Platsea, a httle 
commonwealth of Bceotia, which had 
thrown itself on their protection against 
Thebes, and had ever since been then- 
most faithful ally. The combined force 
may have amounted to about 14,000 
heavj-armed troops, with at least an 
equal number of light-armed : the Per- 
sian army is stated at 100,000 men. 

Of the infantry in the invading army, 
the Pei*sians and Sacae only were good 
in close fight, and these were inferior to 
the Greeks in the length of their spears, 
the goodness of their defensive armour, 
and the firmness of their array. The 
rest of the foot were only to be feared 
for their skill in using missiles, but the 
cavahy was numerous and excellent. 
The ground was admirably chosen for 
the Athenians. In the hills their heavy 
phalanx would have been unable to keep 
its ranks unbroken and available against 
the archery of Asia ; in a wide plain it 
would have been surrounded by num- 
bers, and harassed without the power of 
retaUation by the horse ; but in the nar- 
row plain of Marathon the ground fa- 
voured the movements of the phalanx, 
while its small extent precluded the evo- 
lutions of the hostile cavahy, and obhged 
all to receive the Greeks in front, instead 
of annoying them on the flanks or rear. 
Still, confined as was the space, Mil- 
tiades could only present a front equal 
to that of the enemy by weakening some 
part of his fine. He weakened the cen- 
tre and strengthened the wings, and then, 
to leave as httle opportunity of action as 
possible to the enemy's horse and ar- 
chery, he ordered the troops to advance 
running, and engage at once m close 
fight. The conflict was obstinate. The 
Persians and Sacae, who were in the 
centre, broke the weak centre of the 
Athenians, and pursued it up the coun- 
try; but the rest were routed by the 
Athenians of the wings, who being im- 



mediately recalled from pursuit, and led 
against the conqueiing Persians, defeated 
them, and pursued them to their ships. 
Seven ships were taken on the shore, 
and the invaders lost 6400 men, the 
Athenians and Plataeans only 192, among 
whom, however, was the polemarch 
CalMmachus, with many other eminent 
officers. 

The Persian army on its embarka- 
tion sailed immediately towards Athens, 
hoping to surprise it during the absence 
of its defenders ; but IMiltiades guessing 
their design made a hasty march, and 
aiTived in the city before the enemy was 
in sight. The invaders now returned to 
Asia, carrying with them their Eretrian 
prisoners, who were sent to Susa. Dari- 
us had borne them bitter enmity for the 
burning of Sardis; but when he had 
them at his mercy he treated them with 
considerable humanity. According to a 
favourite practice of his, he estabUshed 
them as a colony on an estate of his own, 
where they were long after distinguish- 
able by their Grecian speech. 

The Athenians on the fall of Eretria 
had apphed to Lacedsemon for aid, which 
the senate promised, but alleged a super- 
stition which prevented its being sent 
till after the fiill moon. They then des- 
patched 2000 men, who marched with 
such haste to atone for the apparent 
slackness of their commonwealth, that 
they arrived in Attica on the third day. 
They were nevertheless too late for the 
battle, but they went to Marathon to see 
the dead, and departed giving due praise 
to the Athenians, as the first to stop the 
victories of Persia. Herodotus remarks 
that " the Athenians first of the Greeks 
advanced rmming on their enemies, and 
first endured the sight of the Median 
dress and the men who wore it; for 
hitherto the very name of the Medes had 
been a terror to Greece." 

Attack of Miltiades on Paros. — His trial, 
and death in prison. 

Miltiades now rose to the utmost 
height of popularity and influence, inso- 
much that when he requested a fleet of 
seventy ships without declaring how he 
meant to employ them, but merely pro- 



Who joined the Athenians? — Where is Plataea? — What was the respective force of the Athenians 
and Persians? — Why was the plain of Marathon a favourable erouiid for the Athenians? — What part of 
bis army did Miltiades weaken and what part did he strengthen ? — How did he order his troops to ad- 
vance and engage ? — Which part gave way to the Persians and Sacce of the centre ? — How were the rest 
of the Persiaris treated ? — What was the Persian loss ? — The Athenian ? — How was the surprise of 
Athens prevented? — Whither did the Persians then go? — What was done with the Eretrian captives?— 
What was done towards the defence of Greece against the Persians by Lacedsemon? 

What mark of confidence did Miltiades receive from the Athenians ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



mising that he would bring gi-eat riches 
to Athens, the people readily agreed. 
He led them to the isle of Paros, under 
the pretence of punishing its people for 
their compelled sei^vice in the Persian 
fleet, but really to revenge a personal 
injuiy of his own. He demanded one 
hundred talents as the price of his retreat, 
but the Parians refused, and resisted him 
bravely, and in an attempt to enter the 
town he received a wound, and was 
obbged to withdraw his army. On his 
return he was brought to trial for his 
life by Xanthippus, a man of high con- 
sideration, on account of the failure of 
his promises made to the people. His 
wound disabled him from defending him- 
self, but he was brought into the assem- 
bly on a bed, while his friends defended 
him, principally by recalling his former 
services. The memory of these, with 
jpity for his present condition, prevailed 
on the people to absolve him from the 
capital charge ; but they fined him fiftj^ 
talents, about 12,000Z. He died soon 
after by the mortification of his wound, 
but the fme was paid by Cimon his 
son. 

The treatment of Miltiades has been 
with little reason alleged as a gi'oss in- 
stance of popular ingratitude. In truth, 
the most blameable act of the Athenians 
on this occasion is one which can only 
be excused by the fervour of their grati- 
tude — the entrusting an armament en- 
tii'ely to the pleasure of a man who, 
however eminent as a warrior, seems to 
have given httle proof of probity or mo- 
deration. His attack on Paros was an 
atrocious abuse of public authority to the 
gratification of individual revenge ; and 
it would have been most unjust that 
such misconduct should go unpunished ; 
though it is to be feared that the popular 
resentment was excited less by the ini- 
quity committed than by the failure of 
tlie premised riches. With respect to 
the fine, it seems little likely, consider- 
ing the enormous wealth of Cimon, that 
it could materially injure either him or 
his father; and it was probably owing 
to gratitude and compassion that Mil- 
tiades escaped a heavier punishment, 
which his recent conduct certainly de- 
served. 



SECTION II. 
Preparations of Darius for a second invasion 
of Greece. — Revolt of Egypt. — Death of 
Darius. 

Darius's anger against Athens rose yet 
higher when he heard of the defeat at 
Marathon. He ordered to be made ready 
a mightier armament for the conquest of 
Greece, and for three years all Asia was 
disturbed vrith warlike preparation. But 
happily for mankind, there is generally a 
limit to the growth of empires formed by 
conquest, on passing which they either 
fall to pieces, or at least become feeble 
through the want of a steady control over 
the distant provinces. These were to the 
successors of Darius a source of weakness 
more commonly than of strength ; since, 
though they might swell the royal armies 
with lukewarm or doubtful adherents, 
they were ever liable to revolt ; while the 
Persian governors were frequently en- 
couraged, by the remoteness and mag- 
nitude of their commands, to conduct 
themselves as independent princes rather 
than as officers under a common master. 
The first symptom that the empire had 
reached its gi-eatest height was the revolt 
of Egj'^pt, which happened in the fourth 
year after the battle of Marathon, and 
divided the attention of Darius with the 
purposed conquest of Greece. While 
preparing for both objects, he was di- 
verted by the contending claims urged 
to the succession by his eldest son 
Artabazanes, and Xerxes the eldest bom 
to him, after his accession, of Atossa the 
daughter of Cyrus. After some delay, 
he decided in favour of Xerxes ; but he 
died before completing his preparations 
against either enemy. 

Xerxes. — Submission of Egypt. — Second 
Persian invasion of Greece. 

Xerxes succeeding Darius, in the se- 
cond year brought Egypt to submission, 
and then resolved on the invasion of 
Greece. To this he was stimulated by 
Mardonius, and by many Grecian re- 
fugees, particularly the Peisistratidse. 
Four years passed in preparation, and in 
the fiflh he moved towards the Helles- 
pont, with an army gathered from all 
Asia, between the borders of India and 
the Mediterranean. A bridge was form- 



How did he abuse their confidence? — Where is Paros ? — Did Miltiades succeed in his attempt on that 
island? — What was the consequence? — What punishment was inflicted? — What was his fate? — Was 
the punishment of Miltiades any proof of ingratitude on the part of the Athenians ? 

On hearing of the defeat at Marathon what did Darius order? — When did the revolt of Egypt happen? 

Who succeeded Darius? — Did he subdue Egypt? — What did he next resolve upon? — How many 
years were passed in preparation ?— Towards what sea did he march in the fifth? — Where is the Helles- 
pont ? — How did he prepare for the passage of the Hellespont ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



53 



ed of ships across the Hellespont, a diffi- 
cult undertaking, fi'om the breadth of the 
strait and the rapidity of the current ; and 
when this was broken by a tempest, He- 
rodotus tells us that Xei-xes, m the mad- 
ness of absolute power, commanded that 
the workmen should be all slaughtered, 
and the sea scourged for disobedience to 
its lord. Another being made, the army 
passed over, and seven days and seven 
nights were occupied unceasingly in its 
passage. The foot is stated at 1,700,000 
men, the horse at 80,000. Some time 
before, to avoid the dangerous navigation 
round the promontory of Athos, where 
the fleet of Mardonius had been ruined, 
a canal had been dug across the isthmus 
which joins that mountain with the main- 
land; a work of which the enormous 
labour and expense appeared so far to 
exceed the utility, that it was thought to 
have been chiefly done as a proof and 
memorial of Xerxes's power. 

Sperthias and Boulis. 
The army advanced,unresisted, through 
Thrace and Macedonia. Every Grecian 
city on its way had been command- 
ed to prepare it a meal in the most 
splendid manner, and many tovras were 
almost ruined by the expense. The fleet 
moved along the coast to the Thermaic 
bay, where it was rejoined by the land 
force ; and while the armament paused 
here, the heralds returned, whom Xei-xes 
had sent to demand earth and water from 
the cities of Greece. Of those who gave 
it, the most considerable were the Thes- 
salians, and the Thebans, with all the 
Boeotians, except those of Thespise and 
Plataea. To Athens and Sparta no her- 
alds were sent, on account of the murder 
of those sent by Darius. The atonement 
demanded for this crime, by the religion 
of the age, gave occasion to a splendid 
•instance of patriotism. Proclamation 
being made in Lacedaemon, that there 
was need of some to die for the common- 
wealth, Sperthias and Boulis, two noble 
Spartans, offered themselves as the sac- 
rifice, and were dehvered to the Persians. 
Offers were made to them of high pre- 
ferment, if they would enter the royal 
service, but they refused, and being 



brought to the king, they declared that 
they came to pay the penalty of murder 
for the Lacedaemonians. Xei-xes replied, 
that though the Lacedaemonians had 
broken the universal law of nations, by 
murdering heralds, he would not imitate 
the cruelty he abhorred, nor would he 
take the hves of two individuals, as a 
satisfaction for the national guilt. He 
accordingly dismissed them, and they 
returned home. 

Themistocles. 
Alarm was great among the Grecian 
states which had refused submission. 
The Athenians consulted the oracle at 
Delphi, and received a most threatening 
answer. Sending again, to beg for one 
more favourable, they received an am- 
biguous answer ; in a part of which they 
were told, that when all else was destroy- 
ed, the wooden wall might presence them. 
Some interpreted this of the Acropohs, 
which had been anciently sun-ounded by 
a palisade ; others, of the navy. A young 
man, by name Themistocles, had recently 
become a leader in Athens. When it 
was proposed to distribute to every citi- 
zen ten drachmae (a silver coin about ten 
pence) from the produce of the silver 
mines at Laureium, Themistocles had 
prevailed on the assembly to reject the 
proposal, and to spend the money in 
building ships for the war with JEgina. 
These were now ready, and he urged his 
countrymen to build more, and to rely for 
safety on their naval power; and the 
adoption of this counsel saved Greece. 
At a meeting of deputies from all the 
cities which had refiised submission to 
the invader, a general reconciliation was 
effected of all quarrels, and particularly 
of that between Athens and JEgina. 
Two embassies were sent, the one to 
invite the concuiTcnce of Argos, which 
was refiised, whether from fear or from 
jealousy of Sparta ; the other to Gelon, 
tyrant of Syracuse in Sicily, and then 
the greatest Grecian potentate. 

Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse. 

Gelon was of a noble family in Gela, 

a Rhodian colony in Sicily. He had 

been of the guard of Hippocrates, tyrant 

of Gela, who conquered many neighbour- 



Of what folly was Xerxes guilty when the bridge was broken? — When another was built how long 
was the army occupied in passing it ? — What was the number of the army ? — What canal had Xerxes 
caused to be dug? 

Throutrh what countries did the army go ? — To what Gulf did the fleet move ? — Where is the Thermaic 
Gulf? — Which way from Macedonia ? — What places gave tribute ? — Why were no heralds sent to Athens 
and Sparta? — What instance of patriotism is mention«^d ? 

What answer did the Athenians receive from tlie Delphic oracle? — How was it interpreted ? — What 
did Themistocles recommend? — What Grecian states were now reconciled? — To what states were em- 
bassies sent i Who was Gelon i 



SI 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



ing cities; and had gained the highest 
rank in his sei-vice, by great proofs of 
wai'Iike ability. When Hippocrates was 
killed in battle, Gelon was left guar- 
dian of his children. While pretend- 
ing to watch over their interests, he 
secured the tyranny to himself. After 
this, in a party contest in Syracuse, the 
great landholdei-s being expelled, Gelon 
undertook their restoration. It is pro- 
bable that he had gained a character 
for equity and moderation, as well as for 
ability ; since the people of Syracuse, at 
his approach, agreed that he should 
settle the differences between them- 
selves and their opponents, and should 
himself become chief of Syracuse. 
Henceforth he neglected Gela, and 
applied himself entirely to increase the 
more powerful city; and his measures 
for this pui-pose have, to a modem eye, 
the appearance of almost incredible 
violence. He transported to Syi*acuse 
the whole population of Camarina, and 
more than half that of Gela; and havuig 
reduced to a sun*ender the Megarians of 
Sicily, he made citizens of Syracuse the 
rich and powerful men who had been 
the authors of the war, while the com- 
monalty were sold for slaves, on the ex- 
press condition that they were to be 
earned out of Sicily. Yet they had 
borne him no ill will, and expected 
from him no evil ; but he seems to have 
been, by temper and policy, advei-se to 
democracy; and he probably was un- 
willing to mtroduce mto his city men 
who, addmg little to its strength or 
riches, would yet expect equality as 
citizens, and who might also bring into 
it the seeds of dissension, through en- 
mities before existing with their richer 
countiymen. Such seems the likeliest 
account of his motives; but the trans- 
action was most unjust and cmel, and 
fonns a deep stam on the memoiy of a 
chief whose administration was generally 
able, and, at least by policy, beneficent. 
Syracuse, however, prospered greatly 
under him, insomuch that when the 
ambassadors came to ask succour 
against Pei-sia, he offered 200 triremes, 
and a land force of 20,000 heavy ai-med 
foot, and 2000 horse, besides archers, 
slingers, &c. He required, however, the 
chief command of the confederate forces, 



but afterwards lowered his demand, and 
offered to take it either by land or sea, 
allowing the other to the Lacedaemo- 
nians. The proposal was reftised, and 
he did not join the league. 

Battles of ThermopyliB. — Self devotion of 
Leonidas with the Spartans and Thespians. 

The Thessalians had at first been 
willing to join the Grecian confederacy, 
provided their tenitory were defended; 
and 10,000 heavy-armed foot being sent 
mto Thessaly were joined by the power- 
ful cavalry of that province. But the 
Grecian commandei"s, thinking them- 
selves unable to defend the passes, fell 
back on the southern districts, and the 
Thessalians not only submitted to the 
invader, but served him actively. The 
Greeks now chose for defence the nar- 
row pass of Thermopylae, the only toler- 
able outlet southward from Thessaly: 
and here were posted rather more than 
5000 regular troops, under the Speutan 
king Leonidas, the brother of Cleomenes, 
to maintain the passage till the whole 
strength of the diflTerent states could be 
sent out; while the combined fleet of 
271 triremes, besides smaller vessels, 
was assembled in the neighbouring 
road of Aitemisimnin Euboea. Sevei-al 
attempts were made by the Pei*sians to 
force the pass; but they were always 
repulsed with great slaughter, the nar- 
row space not letting them profit by 
their numbere, and exposing them with- 
out defence or escape to the superior 
skill and steadiness of the Greeks, and 
the iiTcsistible onset of their heavy 
phalanx. At length Xerxes was told 
of a path by which ti'oops might be led 
across the mountains, and sending round 
a sti'ong detachment to attack the 
Greeks in the reai", while his main army 
advanced on their fi'ont, he ensured 
their destruction. It was now impos- 
sible to stop the enemy, and an ordi- 
naiy character would have thought it 
useless to sacrifice the lives of himself 
and his men, where no immediate mili- 
taiy object worth the loss could be 
gained. But Leonidas saw that the 
gi'eatest danger to Greece was in the 
teiTor occasioned by inequality of force, 
which disposed each state to seek its 
particular safety by deserting the com- 



How did he acquire the sovereignty of Gela ? — Of Syracuse ? — By what violent measures did he increase 
it ? — What force did he offer to the Grecian states against the Persians ? — On what condition ? — Was 
it accepted ? — In what part of Sicily is Syracuse ? 

What caused the defection of the Thessalians ? — What place did the Greeks choose for defence ? — What 
troops were posted there ? — Under whom ? — Where is Therinopylse ? — Where was the combined fleet of 
the Greeks assembled ? — Where is Artemisium ? — Which way from Thermopylae ? — Did the Persians suc- 
ceed in forcing the pass? — How was Xerxes enabled to ensure the destruction of Leonidas's army? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



55 



mon cause, or at least to neglect the 
general defence in order to provide for 
mat of its own territory. Nothing 
was so likely to obviate this as the 
enthusiasm which might be excited by 
a great example of self-devotion; and 
his resolution to give such an example 
was confirmed by an oracle declaring 
that either Sparta or her king must 
perish. Dismissing, therefore, the rest 
of his amiy to serve their countiy with 
better hope elsewhere, he retained the 
300 Spartans who were with him. The 
Thespians, in number 700, probably the 
, whole force of the little commonwealth, 
declared themselves resolved to share 
his fate; and he detained the 400 
Thebans against their will, as hostages 
for the doubtful faith of their countiy- 
men. The ai-my would probably be 
more than doubled by the light-armed 
slaves and Helots, who, however, were 
of httle value as soldiers. With this 
scanty force the Greeks advanced to 
meet the enemy, and fighting hke men 
whose only object was to sell their hves 
as dearly as possible, they made vast 
slaughter, and had the advantage till 
the Persian detachment came up in their 
rear; they then retreated to a hillock, 
and forming on the top, continued the 
struggle ; when their spears were broken 
fighting with their swords, and, if these 
failed, with their hands and teeth, tiU 
the Spaitans and Thespians were all 
slain to a man. The Thebans had been 
obliged to fight till their companions re- 
treated to the hillock, but then they sur- 
rendered in a body. This is well nigh 
the only occasion on which the pett}'^ state 
of Thespise becomes conspicuous in 
history, whereas Thebes was long great 
and flourishing, and at one time the 
predominant power in Greece; but all 
the bloody laurels of Thebes would be 
well exchanged for this one act of 
patriotic devotedness on the part of 
Thespise. 

Sea fights off Artemisium. — Eubcea over- 
run by the Persians. 

When the Persian fleet appeared at 
Artemisium, many of the Greeks, alarm- 



ed at its strength, had been inclined to 
retreat: but the Euboeans, not without 
the aid of bribery, persuaded them to 
remain. Themistocles, the Athenian ad- 
miral, received from the Euboeans 30 
talents, about 7000Z., with part of wliich 
he brought over to his wishes the Lace- 
daemonian and Coiinthian commanders, 
keeping the larger portion to himself. 
Three battles were fought with no deci- 
sive result, but generally in favour of 
the Greeks ; and the Athenians, who had 
at first supplied 127 sliips out of 271, 
and aflerwards added 53 more, won the 
highest praise in eveiy battle. Besides, 
the fleet of Xerxes, which had before 
suffered severely off Mount Peliou in 
Thessaly, was here again overtaken by 
a stoiTTi, which destroyed many vessels. 
But on hearing of the defeat at Thenno- 
pylae, the Grecian fleet was withdravvn, 
and the Persians took imresisted pos- 
session of Eubcea. Before leaving the 
island, Themistocles erected stones at 
all the wateiing-places, with inscrip- 
tions reprovmg the lonians for assist- 
ing the invaders of their mother coun- 
try, and calling on them either to desert 
the armament, or if that were impossi- 
ble, at least to be slack in then* service. 
By this he hoped either to influence 
the conduct of the lonians, or, faihng 
in this, at least to make them suspected, 
and thus to take fi'om the enemy the 
effective service of an important part of 
his naval force. 

Repulse of the Persians from Delphi. 
The Phocians were resolutely hostile 
to Xerxes, chiefly through hatred to 
the Thessahans; and now the Persian 
army advancing through Phocis, with 
the Thessalians for guides, laid waste 
the country with fire and sword, till it 
entered Boeotia, where it was received 
as in a fiiendly land. A detachment 
was sent against Delphi, chiefly for the 
great wealth contained in the temple. 
Alai'nied at its approach, the Delphians 
consulted the oracle what should be 
done with the sacred treasure, but the 
answer was that they should not move 
it, for the god could protect his o^vn. 



Was Leonidas obliged to devote himself and his army or could he retreat ? — What was probably his mo- 
tive for so doing? — How many Spartans did he retain with him.'^How many Thespians voluntarily 
joined them ? — How many Thebans did he detain ? — What was the fate of the Spartans and Thespians ? — 
Of the Thebans? — In what part of Boeotia is Thebes? — Thespiae or Thespia? 

How did Tliemistocles retain the services of the Lacedsnionian and Corinthian comniandrrs in the 
fleet? — What sum did he receive from the Eubceans for this purpose? — Who gained the greatest praise in 
the three battles ? — Where had the fleet of Xerxes suflered in a storm ? — In what part of Thessaly is 
Mount Pelion? — What occas'ioned the surrender of Eubcea to the Persians? — How did Themistocles try 
to draw off" the lonians from the Persian service? 

Wheie is Phocis ? — How was this country treated ? — Which way from Phocis is Boeotia? — Why was a 
detachment sent against Delphi? — Where is Delphi? 



56 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



They then sent over their Avives and 
children into Achaia, and themselves 
took shelter among the heights of Par- 
nassus, and in what was called the Cory- 
cian Cave. The Persians on their ap- 
proach were attacked Avith a violent storm 
and with rocks rolling down on them, 
and when they were thrown into con- 
sternation, the Delphians sallying forth 
completed their defeat, and pursued them 
with great slaughter towards Boeotia. 
Many prodigies are said to have hap- 
pened; a report produced, as we may 
suppose, partly by the imagination both 
of the defenders and assailants, excited 
by the reputed sanctity of the place, and 
partly by the arts of the priests employed 
for the encouragement of the one party 
and the intimidation of the other. The 
storm was probably natural, £ind the 
rolling down of rocks the act of the 
Delphians on the heights. 

Unworthy conduct of Lacedamon. — Taking 
of Athens. 

The councils of Lacedaemon were di- 
rected by a spirit very different from 
that of Leonidas. Instead of advancing 
to the borders of Boeotia to protect their 
allies, the Peloponnesians were fortify- 
ing the isthmus, in the hope that them- 
selves might thus be preserved, though 
all the rest became a prey to the in- 
vader. If the Athenians had acted in a 
like temper of shortsighted selfishness, 
all Greece would have been enslaved. 
They had alone repelled a foraier inva- 
sion, but the present was too powerful ; 
and, unable otherwise to save the city, 
they would have made a separate peace. 
Deprived of the Athenian squadron, 
which was more than half the fleet, the 
Greeks would have been unable to keep 
the sea; and either the defence of the 
isthmus must have been given up and 
the troops dispersed to their respective 
cities, when there would have been no 
army to oppose the Pei*sians in the 
field ; or else the cities would have been 
successively taken by the fleet of Asia, 
while the best part of the population 
was absent. But the Athenians, when 
they found that, in consequence of the 
desertion of their aUies, they could not 



presei-ve their city unless by submission, 
immediately resolved to abandon it. The 
fleet from Artemisium was assembled at 
Salamis to assist in their removal ; their 
vvdves, children, and servants were trans- 
ported to Salamis, Troezen, and ^gina, 
while the able-bodied men were mostly 
serving in the ships; a fcAv only were 
left behind, principally poor men, who 
were unable to support themselves in 
a foreign state, and some who con- 
ceived the wooden wall in the oracle 
to be spoken of the Acropolis. The 
Persians advanced on Athens, after 
burning Thespise and Platsea: they en-^ 
tered the city, but the few Athenians in 
the Acropoh^ made an obstinate defence, 
rejecting all the offers held out by the 
Peisisti'atidae to induce their surrender. 
At length, with great difficulty, the cita- 
del was taken and burnt, and the de- 
fenders slaughtered. 

Disputes in the fleet and conduct of Themia- 
tocles. 

This news alarmed the Greeks in 
Salamis so much, that many of the 
commanders were about to make a 
hasty flight without awaiting the gene- 
ral determination; and the rest being 
assembled in a council of war, it was 
resolved to retreat to the Isthmus, and 
there expect the enemy. As Themis- 
tocles was returning to his ship, he was 
met by Mnesiphilus, an Athenian officer, 
who, on hearing the issue of the con- 
ference, exclaimed that Greece was lost 
if such a counsel were adopted; for 
the alfies, if now allowed to retreat, 
could no longer be kept together, but 
would be scattered to their several 
cities. The suggestion falling in with 
the opinion of Themistocles, induced 
him to return to the Spartan Euiybiades 
who commanded in chief, and pressing 
on him with many additions the argu- 
ments of Mnesiphilus, he pei-suaded 
him to call back the council. He now 
urged the commanders to remain, both 
on account of the advantage which the 
narrow Strait of Salamis gave to the 
Greeks, inferior as well in the speed as in 
the number of their ships ; and also be- 
cause by so doing they would preserve 



Whither did the Delphians send their wives and children ? — Where is Achaia ? — Where did the Del- 
phians themselves take shelter? — Where is Mount Parnassus? — Which way from Delphi? — What ia 
related of the attempt on Delphi ? 

How did the Lacedaemonians behave on the approach of the Persians? — When no longer able to defend 
their city, what did the Athenians resolve to do ? — Where was the fleet assembled to assist them ? — Which 
way from Athens is Salamis ? — At what distance ? — Which way from Salamis is ^gina? — In wh.it part of 
Argolis is Trcezen ? — Who were sent to these places ? — Who were left at Athens ? — On their advance to- 
wards that city what places did the Persians burn ? — Where is Plataa? — What was the fate of the city of 
Athens and its few defenders ? 

What did the Greeks now resolve? — What did Themistocles and others prevail on them to do? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



57 



Megara, Salamis, and ^Egina, -with the 
Athenian women and children deposited 
in the latter places. When he found them 
still obstinate, he declared that the Athe- 
nians, if their feelings and interests after 
all they had done were so httle re- 
garded, would abandon the armament, 
and taking on board their families 
would seek a settlement elsewhere. 
This threat prevailed, and it was agreed 
to remain ; but at the approach of the 
enemy the Peloponnesians again were 
eager to depart and provide for the 
defence of their own territories; on 
which Themistocles, to prevent the 
mischiefs he foresaw, and partly, also, 
with the double pohcy which marked his 
character, to secure to himself, in case 
of defeat, an interest v^ith the con- 
querors, sent private information to the 
hostile commandei"S of the flight which 
was meditated by the Greeks, and ad- 
vised them to guard against it by occu- 
pying both ends of the sti-ait between 
Salamis and the main land. 

Aristeidea. 
Aristeides was an Athenian, of sin- 
gular fame for integrity. He had been 
opposed in pohtics to Themistocles, 
through whose influence he had been 
condemned to the tempoi*ary banishment 
called ostracism, from a Greek word 
signifying a piece of earthenware, on 
which the votes were written on such 
occasions ; an infliction imputing no 
crime and conveying no reproach, but 
merely devised as a safeguard to the 
democracy against excessive influence 
or popularity in any citizen, however ac- 
quired. The only source, from which 
a dangerous ascendency could arise to 
Aristeides, was the unbounded reverence 
paid to his virtues ; but this was enough 
to produce his ostracism, when urged on 
a jealous people by his able and unscru- 
pulous opponent. He was now in ^gina, 
and hearing that the Persians were pre- 
paring to beset both ends of the strait of 
Salamis, he made his way to that island, 
and calling out Themistocles fi-om the 
council where the debate on retreat was 
still pending, he told him what had 
taken place. Many of the commanders 
disbelieved his tidings, till they were 
confirmed by a Tenian ship (from 



Tenos, an island in the iEgean) which 
deserted from the enemy; and since 
flight was impossible, all prepared for 
battle. Themistocles had taught liis 
squadi'on an improved system of tactics. 
Every trireme was armed with a strong 
iron beak projecting from its stem; 
and its most effective attack was to 
sti'ike with its head on the enemy's 
broadside ; the next to render his vessel 
unmanageable by dashing away some of 
his oai-s. It had been usual to grapple 
and endeavour to board, so that the ac- 
tion had been decided by the soldiers on 
the deck: but Themistocles taught the 
Athenians to depend on the manage- 
ment of the vessel, and therefore, to 
hghten it, he diminished its complement 
of soldiers. With the morning the 
Persians advanced in the confidence of 
superior force, and only anxious to 
prevent the escape of theu- enemies: 
they had considerably more than 1000 
tiiremes, wliile the Greeks had but 378, 
of w^hich 180 were Athenian. Tlie 
whole Persian anny, with Xerxes at its 
head, was dra^\Ti up on the Attic shore 
to view the engagement. 

Battle of Salamis. 
The action commenced with the ar- 
rival of an ^ghietan gaUey chased by 
the Pei*sians. The Greeks advanced 
to support it; but on coming front to 
front ^vith the vast multitude of hostile 
vessels, there was a general movement 
of fear, and all the captains hung back 
except the Athenian x\mejuias, the 
brother of ^schylus the poet, who was 
himself also distinguished in the battle. 
Ameinias dashed forward and grapi>led 
with a Phoenician vessel ; the rest pressed 
on to aid Inm; and thus, according to 
the Athenian account, the fight was be- 
gim. The JEghietans, on the other hand, 
said that their sliip commenced the en- 
gagement; an assertion, perhaps, not 
really inconsistent with the claim of the 
Athenians, if we suppose that, wlien the 
iEginetan galley was hard pressed, 
Ameinias pushing forward to its rescue 
enabled it to turn on its pursuers. Both 
stories admitted the wavering of the 
Greeks, and the iEginetans related a 
marvel as the cause of its removal ; for 
they said that, at the doubtful moment, 



How did Themistocles prevent the Peloponnesians from deserting? 

Who was Aristeides ? — What is meant by ostracism ? — Where was Aristeides at this time ? — Whither 
jid he go, on hearing the situation of the Greeks? — How far is it from ^gina to Salamis? — What news 
did Aristeides bring to Themistocles? — How was it confirmed? — What was its effect? — What was 
Thernistocles's improved system of tactics ? — What was the Persian force ? — Who were the spectators of 
the battle of Salamis ? 

How was the battle of Salamis commenced ?— What Athenian captain first attacked the Persians ? 

8 



56 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



a female figure had appeared iii the air, 
and a voice had been heard by all to give 
the word for attack, crying " How long 
for shame will ye back your vessels ? " 
The onset of the Greeks was steady and 
orderly, in spite of their passing hesi- 
tation : whereas, in the Asiatic fleet, pre- 
sumption had bred carelessness, and 
carelessness confusion. Notwithstand- 
ing the gi'eat disparity of force, the 
Greeks were completely victorious, and 
the hostile armament was rmned. On 
this day, the iEginetans were judged to 
have won the first praise, the Athenians 
the second. (B. C. 480.) 

Return of Xerxes. 
The destruction of his fleet struck 
Xerxes with dismay, and produced in 
him an eager wish to escape in any 
manner fi'om a campaign which was 
now becoming troublesome and danger- 
ous. Mardonius saw that he would 
gladly hsten to any proposal that would 
facilitate his return. He was aware 
that without a fleet the war might pro- 
bably be tedious, in which case the im- 
mense bulk of the present army would 
be only an incumbrance, fi*om the diffi- 
culty of subsisting it. Besides, his 
ambition was flattered with the idea of 
becoming the concjueror of Greece, 
while he feared that, if he now retiu-ned, 
he might be made answerable for the 
ill success of the expedition he had ad- 
vised. He therefore proposed to Xerxes 
to return mto Asia with the body of the 
army, leaving himself with 300,000 of 
the best troops, to complete the con- 
quest of Greece. Xei-xes assented, and 
the army having retired into Bceotia, 
Mardonius made his selection, and then, 
accompanying the king into Thessaly, 
there parted from him, leaving him to 
pursue his march towards Asia, while 
himself prepared to winter in Thessaly 
and Macedonia. 

Themistoeles. 
The renmant of the Persian fleet 
ha\'ing been pursued as far as the island 
Andros, in the ^gean, Themistoeles 
proposed to continue the chase, and 
then to sail to the Hellespont and de- 



stroy the bridge; Eurybiades opposed 
him, on the ground that there was dan- 
ger lest the Persians, being rendered 
desperate, might yet be successfiil ; and 
the Peloponnesians generally agreeing 
with Eurybiades, the proposal was re- 
jected. On this, Themistoeles per- 
suaded the Athenians, who had been 
most eager for pm^suit, to acquiesce; 
while he took advantage of the incident 
to secure to liimself, in case of banish- 
ment, a refiige in Persia, by sending a 
secret messenger to Xerxes, to infonn 
him of the plan which had been pro- 
posed, and to say that Themistoeles, 
through firiendship to him, had pro- 
cured its rejection. The fleet then pro- 
ceeded to levy contributions fi-om the 
Grecian islands which had joined in the 
armament of the invader: when The- 
mistoeles abused the power resulting to 
him fi'om the large squadron he com- 
manded and fi'om the general admira- 
tion given to his ability and services, by 
exacting large bribes firom many of the 
islands, as the price of his influence 
employed to avert fi-om them the ven- 
geance of the confederacy. The Per- 
sian fleet, now 300 ships strong, with 
the lonians, took its station at Samos, 
to prevent the revolt of Ionia. The 
Greeks returned to iEgina, where, re- 
cei^dng ambassadors who solicited their 
assistance to liberate Ionia, they pro- 
ceeded as far as Delos, and there stopped, 
themselves being afraid to approach 
nearer to Asia, as the Persians were to 
come nearer than Samos to Greece. 

Operations of Mardonius. 
Mardonius, when he parted from 
Xerxes, had detached 60,000 men under 
Artabazus, a noble Persian, to protect 
the retreat. Artabazus ha\dng attended 
the king as far as the Hellespont, on 
his return undertook the reduction of 
Pallene, a peninsula on the Macedo- 
nian coast, which had revolted on 
learning the battle of Salamis and the 
reti-eat of Xerxes. Here the sea having 
retired and lefl; the sands bare for a 
considerable space, he attempted to pass 
over them into the peninsula; but a 
large proportion of his soldiers perished 



What was the result of the battle .'—Its date ? 

What was Mardonius's advice to Xerxes ? — Was it adopted ? — Where did Mardonius prepare to winter ? — 
Where are Thessaly and Macedonia? — Which way from Bceotia? 

Whither was the remnant of the Persian fleet pursued ? — Which way is Andros from Salamis? — What 
was the advice of Themisto< lea? — Did it prevail ? — Why not ? — What'advantage did Themistoeles take 
of the incident ?— What did the fleet then do ? — How did Themistoeles abuse his power? — Where did 
the Persian fleet take its station ? — For what purpose ? — Whither did the Greeks return ? — To what island 
did they advance ? — Where is Samos ? — Ionia ? 

Who'was sent to escort Xerxes to the Hellespont ? — What misfortune happened to Artabazus on his re- 
turn ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



59 



by the sudden return of the waters, and 
he was obliged to lead the remnant 
into Thessaly to Mardonius. 

In the spring, the fii*st important 
measure of Mardonius was an attempt 
to detacn the Athenians from the con- 
federacy of which their vigour and pub- 
he spirit had been hitherto the soul. 
He knew that if he could gain them, 
the Persians would at once recover the 
command of the sea: and having this, 
when every city was hable separately 
to be attacked by the fleet, it was vain 
to think that an army could be held 
together capable of opposing his own. 
He chose for his ambassador, Alexan- 
der, the king of Macedonia, who was 
previously connected by the bond of 
hospitaUty with the Athenians ; and era- 
powered him to offer them independ- 
ence and the friendship of the king, 
■with the rebuilding of their temples, the 
complete restoration of their teriitoiy, 
and the addition of any which they might 
wish to possess. The power of Persia, 
the past sufferings of Athens, the pro- 
bability that it would in any future Per- 
sian invasion be again the first to suffer, 
its experience how little aid was to be 
expected from the selfish timidity of its 
Peloponnesian allies, were considera- 
tions which might probably incline it to 
the acceptemce of terms so advantageous. 
The Lacedaemonians took the alami, 
and sent ambassadors to Athens, to 
remind that people that they were the 
principal cause of the wai*, to conjure 
them to be true to the hberty of Greece, 
and to offer, in cousideration of the 
waste already made in the property of 
the Athenians, to maintain in Pelopon- 
nesus, while the contest should last, their 
wives and such of their slaves as were 
useless in war. The reply of the Athe- 
nians was to Alexander a firm but tem- 
perate refusal; to the Lacedaemonians, 
a declaration that they would pursue 
the war upon their own resources, with- 
out trespassing on others, together with 
a request that the Lacedaemonians 
would be ready to march into Boeotia, 
to save them from a second capture of 
their city. 

Resolute fidelity of the Athenians and back- 
wardness of the Lacedcemonians. 
On learning the rejection of his 
proposals, Mardonius straightway ad- 



vanced on Athens. The Athenians re- 
mained in the city as long as they hoped 
to be joined by their allies; but when 
Mardonius had arrived in Boeotia and 
no aid was near, they passed over into 
Salamis, and lefl him the emptj' city, 
which he occupied, and then sent a mes- 
senger to Salamis, bearing the same 
offers which had been brought by Alex- 
ander. Ill used as they had been, the 
Athenians were true to Greece. The 
only man who ventured to advise com- 
pliance was Lycidas, a counsellor ; and 
it is painful to relate that, as a whole 
people can seldom be roused to deeds 
of heroic and devoted patriotism, \vith- 
out an excitement too violent to allow 
them, when inflamed by a suspicion 
of treason, to listen to the voice of hu- 
manity, or even of justice, the enraged 
multitude stoned Lycidas to death, while 
the women crowded unbidden to his 
house, and inflicted a like vengeance 
on his wife and children. The law of 
nations was, however, respected on this 
occasion, and the messenger dismissed 
unhurt. Ambassadors were sent to 
the Lacedaemonians to complain that 
succours were withheld, to remind them 
of the offers of Mardonius, and to 
threaten that the Athenians, if unas- 
sisted, would provide for themselves 
alone. The Lacedaemonians were 
quietly celebrating the Hyacinthia, one 
of their great annual festivals; and at 
the same time were, >vith the other Pelo- 
ponnesians, completing the fortification 
of the Isthmus. The ambassadors 
made their complaint to the ephori, but 
the answer was put off fi-om day to 
day. " I cannot tell," says Herodotus, 
"why, on the anival of Alexander at 
Athens, they were very anxious that 
the Athenians should not join with the 
Mede, but now made no account of it ; 
unless because the Isthmus was now 
fortified, and they thought they had no 
need of the Athenians ; whereas, when 
Alexander came into Attica, the walls 
were unfinished, and tliey were la- 
bouring in great fear of the Per- 
sians." On the tenth day, however, it 
was suggested to the ephori, that all 
their fortifications would be a vain de- 
fence to Peloponnesus if the enemy had 
the fleet of Athens, to transport his 
army. The hint struck them, and fear 



What waa Mardonius's first measure in the spring? — Who was his ambassador? — What offers did 
the Lacedipmonians mnke to the Athenians ?— What was the answer of the Athenians to Mardonius?— 
To the Lacedaemonians ? 

Wh;it did Mardonius on hearing this? — Whither did the Athenians retreat? — Who advised them to 
submit to the Persians? — How were he and his family treated ? — What threat did tiie Atlienians send to 
the Lacedxinoniana? — How were the ambassadors treated? — What at last induced the Lacedtemoniaju 
to send supplies ? 



60 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



effected what justice and honour ought 
to have done: 5000 Spartans were de- 
spatched that night, and when, on the 
following morning, the ambassadors 
came to make their last indignant re- 
monstrance, they were told that the suc- 
cours were already on their march. 

Battle of PlattBa. 

Mardonius being infomied by the 
Argians, who were secretly in his in- 
terest, that the Lacedaemonians were in 
motion, withdrew his army into Boeotia, 
for the sake of engaging near the friendly 
city of Thebes, and in a more level 
country, and therefore more favourable 
to his cavalry. Before leaving Athens, 
he burnt and demohshed what remained 
of the city. The Athenians crossed 
from Salamis, and the confederate army 
being assembled at Eleusis, advanced 
to Eiythrse, on the border of Bceotia, 
where it took up a position on the roots 
of mount Cithaeron. The heavy-armed 
troops of the Grecian aiTny amounted 
to 38,000, of whom the Lacedaemonians 
contributed 10,000. Of these 5000 were 
Spartans, from the city, each of whom 
was attended by seven light-armed He- 
lots. In the rest of the army it is com- 
puted that to each heavy-anned soldier 
there was one light-anned attendant. 
Besides, there were 1800 light-armed 
Thespians, the remaining strength of 
that little state, all its heavy-ai-med 
troops having fallen at Thermopylae, 
and those who remained being probably 
the poorer citizens, who were unable to 
purchase the full armour, or to main- 
tain themselves in distant warfare. 
With these the entire numbers were 
nearly 110,000. The army was led by 
Pausanias, the Spartan commander, 
who was cousin and guardian to the 
minor king Pleistarchus, the son of 
Leonidas. The Athenian force of 8000 
heavy-armed was led by Aristeides. 
Mardonius's anny consisted of 300,000 
Asiatics and about 50,000 Greeks. 

The first attack was made by the Per- 
sian cavalry, who continually riduig up 
in small parties, discharged their aiTOws 
and retired, annoying the Greeks With- 
out any retaliation. The Megarians 



being placed in the most exposed part 
of the line, sent to Pausanias to say 
that they could no longer mamtain their 
ground, and a picked band of 300 Athe- 
nians volunteered to relieve them. They 
took with them some archers, a service 
which the Athenians cultivated with an 
attention and success unusual in Greece ; 
and soon after their arrival, Masistius, 
the general of the Persian cavalry, his 
horse being wounded with an arrow, 
was dismounted and killed. All the 
horse now making a desperate charge 
forced back the 300, tiU the rest coming 
up to support the Athenians, they were 
repulsed with great slaughter. The 
army was encouraged by this success, 
but its present position was inconve- 
nient, particularly for want of water, 
and it was resolved to move into the 
territoiy of Plataea. A dispute arose be- 
tween the Athenians and the Tegeans, 
for the post of honour at the extremity 
of the left wing ; but it was prevented 
fi-om proceeding to extremity by the 
vdse moderation of the Athenian com- 
manders, who still maintaining their 
claim of right, professed themselves 
willing, nevertheless, to take their place 
wherever the Lacedaemonians might 
appoint. The Lacedaemonians decided 
in their favour, placing them at the ex- 
ti-emity of the left wing, and the Tegeans 
in the right, next to themselves. 

Mardonius now drew up his army 
according to the advice of the Thebans, 
opposing the Persians to tlie Lacedae- 
monians and Tegeans, the Baeotians and 
other Greeks in his service to the Athe- 
nians, and to the other bodies that oc- 
cupied the centre, the Medes and the 
rest of the Asiatics. The soothsayers 
on each side predicted success to the 
party which received the attack; in 
compliance probably with the policy of 
the commandei-s, each of whom being 
posted on ground advantageous to him- 
self, was unwilling to leave it and enter 
on that which had been chosen by his 
adversary. Ten days were spent in in- 
action, except that the Persian horse 
were harassing the Greeks, and, latterly, 
intercepting their convoys; but on the 
eleventh, Mardonius gi-owing impatient, 



Whither did Mardonius withdraw his army ? — In what part of Bceotiais Thebes? — Where did the con- 
federate army assemble ? — Which way is Eleusis from Salamis? — Where is Erythras ? — Mount Cithaeron ? — 
Where did the confederate army take up a position ? — What were its entire numbers ? — By whom was it 
led? — Who led the Athenian force?— What was the number of Mardonius's army? — Who made the first 
attack? — Who relieved the Me^aiians? — What was the fate of Masistius? — What was his rank? — What 
was the result of this first attack? — Whither did the Greeks resolve to move? — Wliy? — What was the 
dispute between the Tegeans and Athenians? — Where isPlata;a? — How did Mardonius draw up his 
army ?— What did the soothsayers predict ? — What was the consequence? — How many days were spent 
iu inaction ? — What did Mardonius now resolve i 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



61 



called a council of war, and resolved, 
against the opinion of Artabazus, to 
attack the Greeks on the followmg day. 
The same night, Alexander the Mace- 
donian, riding alone and secretly to the 
Athenian encampment, asked to speak 
to the commanders, and gave them no- 
tice of the resolution taken. 

Pausanias being informed of this by 
the Athenian generals, proposed a change 
in the order of battle, by which the Athe- 
nians should be opposed to the Persians, 
of whose mode of fighting they alone had 
experience, while in their place the Lac- 
edaemonians should act against the Boeo- 
tians and other Grecian auxiUaries. The 
Athenians readily consented, and the 
troops began to move while the mom 
was breaking; but Mardonius made a 
counter-movement of his Greek and 
Persian troops, and the Lacedaemonians 
desisted fi-om their purpose when they 
saw that it was known. Mardonius sent 
a herald to reproach them with their fear, 
and then commenced the action with his 
horse, who harassed the Greeks severely, 
and filled up the spring fi-om which their 
water had been supplied. The Greeks 
now suflfered both from the attacks of 
the cavalry, and from the want of water 
and food, their convoys being cut off: 
and it was resolved to proceed at night 
to a position nearer Plataea, where water 
abounded, and the ground was less fa- 
vourable to horse. Accordingly in the 
night the army was moved, but the 
Greeks of the centre had been so dis- 
heartened by the attacks of the cavalry, 
that instead of taking up the appointed 
position, they fled to the city of Plataea. 
There remained on the one wing the 
Lacedaemonians (10,000 hea\y-armed), 
and the Tegeans (1500) ; on the other the 
Athenians (8000), with the Plataeans 
(600), who always accompanied them, 
and who had carried their zeal so far that, 
though an inland people, they helped to 
man the Athenian ships at Artemisium. 
Including the lightarmed, those who stood 
their ground were, of the Lacedaemonians 
and Tegeans 53,000, of the Athenians and 
Plataeans about 17,200. The march of 
the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans was 
delayed by the obstinacy of Amompha- 
retus, a Spartan officer, who viewing the 
intended movement as a flight, long refii- 
sed to join in it. The day was dawning. 



and the Lacedaumonians, through fear of 
the horse, proceeded over the roots of 
Cithaeron. The Athenians, who had 
waited for the movement of their allies, 
went by the plain. Mardonius, on seeing 
the Greeks, as it seemed, retreating, was 
filled with exultation, and immediately 
led the Persians after them, while the 
other Asiatics followed tumultuously, 
thinking the day won. The Lacedaemo- i 
nians, on the approach of the cavalry, 
sent to the Athenians for assistance, beg- 
ging that if they were unable to come, 
they would at least send the archers; 
but the Athenians, when preparing to 
comply with the summons, were prevent- 
ed by the attack of the Greeks in the 
Persian service. 

The battle was now joined on both 
sides. The Persians fought with great 
bravery; but neither bravery nor vast 
superiority in numbers could compensate 
their inferiority in arms and discipline, 
and they were at length defeated vnth 
great slaughter, Mardonius being killed. 
The other Asiatics fled immediately 
when they saw the Persians broken. Of 
the Grecian auxiliaries, opposed to the 
Athenians, many were slack in their ex- 
ertions as not being hearty in the cause ; 
but the Boeotians, who formed the 
strongest body, were zealous for the suc- 
cess of Mardonius, and they fought long 
and hard before they were defeated! 
The Boeotians fled towards Thebes, the 
Asiatics to their intrenched camp, their 
flight being in some degree protected by 
the Asiatic and Boeotiem cavalry. On 
hearing that their fiiends were victorious, 
the Greeks of the centre returned in haste 
and disorder to the field, and the Megari- 
ans and Phhasians going by the plain 
were charged and broken with consider- 
able loss by some Theban horse. 

The fugitives who escaped into the 
camp were in time to close the gates and 
man the walls against the Lacedaemoni- 
ans and Tegeans ; and the assailants be 
ing unskilled in the attack of fortifications, 
they made a successfiil defence till the 
arrival of the Athenians, who went about 
the work more skilfully, and soon gained 
entrance. The passions of the Greeks 
were inflamed to the utmost by long dis- 
tress and danger, and no mercy was 
shown. Of the r300,000 men who were 
left with Mardonius, 40,000 had been led 



What secret information did Alexander the Macedonian give? — What did Pausanias propose? — What 
prevented its execution ? — How did Mardonius commence the action? — Whither did the Greeks in con- 
sequence retreat? — Whitiier did the (Greeks of the centre flee? — How did Mardonius behave on seeing the 
retreat of the Greeks ? — What was tlie result of the battle of Plataea ?— What was the fate of Mariloniiis ? — 
Which of the Grecian allies of the Persians fought best ?— Whither did they retreat ?— Whither did the 
Asiatics flee ? — Who forced an entrance into the intrenched camp? — How many of Mardonius's 300,000 
were led off from the field by ArtabazuB 1 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



from the field by Artabazus when it first 
became evident that the Pei-sians were 
losing the battle ; but of the others not 
3000 are said to have survived the battle 
and the subsequent massacre. The mind 
revolts fi-om such sweeping destruction, 
even amidst its exultation on viewing the 
dehverance of a great people from un- 
principled aggression. It were indeed 
to be wished that an outraged nation 
would remember mercy in the moment 
of vengeance, and refi'ain fi"om needless- 
ly visiting on the miserable tools of des- 
potism the crimes of their employers. 
But though such magnanimous humanity 
may be sometimes taught by reason and 
rehgion to an mdividual, it can never be 
expected fi-om a body of men, and least 
of all fi-om men flushed with victoiy, and 
burning with all the fierce passions ne- 
cessarily engendered in a bloody struggle 
for hfe or death, however just and holy 
the motive of the fray. Few victories 
are fi'ee fi*om the stain of unnecessaiy 
bloodshed, even when won by mere pro- 
fessional soldiers, unprovoked by persona] 
wrongs, and careless of the quan*el in 
which it pleases then* rulers to employ 
them. The Athenians were men whose 
houses had been burnt, and whose fami- 
lies had sutFered all the evils of a sudden 
emigration, while any who remained be- 
hind were undistinguishingly slaughter- 
ed. The other Greeks, if they had not 
endured it, had lived in fear of the like 
treatment at the hands of enemies whose 
warfare was habitually merciless. As- 
sm'edly, therefore, it is not a subject of 
wonder, or of hai-sh and unmitigated 
reproach, if the cruelties of the Pei*sian 
soldiery were retaliated in kind. 

Artabazus arrived in safety at Byzanti- 
um* on theBosphorus,whence he passed 
uito Asia ; but not without many of his 
followers being cut off" by the Thracians, 
and many dropping on the way through 
fatigue and hunger. Meanwhile the ar- 
my of the Grecian confederacy marched 
against Thebes, and compelled that city 
to purchase its safety by delivering up the 
principal authors of its defection from the 
common cause, who were sent to Corinth 
by Pausanias, and there put to death. 
Battle of Mycale. 

Another battle was fought in Asia on 
the same day with that of Plataea. The 



Samians, without the knowledge of their 
tyrant or the Persians, had sent messen- 
gers to invite the Grecian fleet at Delos 
to pass over to Ionia, assuring the com- 
manders of their superiority to the Per- 
sian force in those seas, and of the dis- 
position of the lonians to revolt. The 
Greeks complied ; and on their approach 
the Persian leaders, feeling themselves 
too weak for a sea-fight, sent away the 
Phoenician ships, and bringing the others 
to the promontory of Mycale, near Mile- 
tus, where the land army was encamped, 
drew them upon the beach, an easy thing 
with the light vessels used in ancient war, 
and surrounded them with a rampart. 
The chief commander of the Greeks was 
Leotychides, a Spartan of one of the royal 
houses. On arriving, he repeated, with 
a similar double purpose, the stratagem 
of Themistocles at Artemisium. Sailing 
along the shore he made proclamation by 
a herald to the lonians, bidding them re- 
member that the Greeks were fighting 
for their liberty. The Persians were 
already jealous of the Samians, because 
they had ransomed and sent home some 
Athenian prisoners : and their suspicions 
being strengthened and made more gen- 
eral by the proclamation, they disarmed 
the Samians, and sent the Milesians to 
guard the passes, under pretence of pro- 
fiting by their knowledge of the country, 
but reaUy to remove them from the camp. 
The Athenians advancing along the beach 
commenced the action, followed by the 
Corinthians, Trajzenians, and Sicyoni- 
ans. After some hard fighting they 
drove the enemy to his intrenchments, 
and then forced the enclosure, on which 
the mass of the army fled, the Persians 
only still resisting. It was not till now 
that the Lacedaemonians came up, hav- 
ing been impeded by steep and broken 
ground. On seeing the Greeks prevail- 
ing, the Samians, though unarmed, did 
what they could in their favour, and the 
other lonians followed their example, 
and sided with the Greeks. The Mile- 
sians, who had been sent to guard the 
passes by the Persians, turned against 
them and slaughtered the fugitives. All 
Ionia now revolted. The fleet proceeded 
to Samos, where a consultation was held 
on the fate of that country. It could not 
protect itself unassisted, and its defence 



* Byzantium, the modern Constantinople. 



What befel the rest .'—Why were the Athenians thus severe ? — What became of Artabazus ? — How 
were the Thebans treated by Pausanias ? 

What circumstances led to the battle which was fought in Asia on the same day with that of Plataa? — 
Whither did the Persians retreat on the advance of the Grecian fleet? — Where is Mycale .'—Miletus ? — 
Who commanded the Greeks .' — What stratagem did he use .' — What precautions did the Persians take ?— 
Who commenced the action ? — Which party was defeated .' — What country revolted .' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



63 



was a burden the Greeks were loth to 
support. The Peloponnesians proposed 
to remove the inhabitants, and settle them 
on the lands of those states that had join- 
ed the common enemy : but the Atheni- 
ans were averse to the desolation of 
Ionia, and jealous of the interference of 
othei-s with then* colonies; and when 
they urged the reception of the lonians 
into the confederacy, the Pelopomiesians 
gave way, and the Samians, Chians, and 
other islanders who had joined the fleet, 
were admitted. 

The fleet now sailed to the Hellespont 
to destroy the bridge, but found it 
broken ; on which Leotychides with the 
Peloponnesians returned home, while 
the Athenians remamed and formed the 
siege of Sestos on the Hellespont, where 
the Persians from all the other towns of 
the Chersonese had collected. The siege 
was continued till the Persians were 
reduced to the extremity of famine, and 
then they escaped by night out of the 
place, but many were slain or taken in 
the pursuit. The Athenians having 
cleared the Chersonese of the invaders, 
returned home. 

Athens rebuilt. — Lacedamonians oppose the 
rebuilding of the walls. — Crafty policy of 
Themistocles. 

Immediately after the battle of Pla- 
taeei, the Athenian people had begun to 
brmg back their families and to rebuild 
their city and ramparts. But the jea- 
lousy excited in the Peloponnesians by 
the power and spirit which Athens had 
displayed, was far stronger than their 
gratitude for what it had done and suf- 
fered in the common cause. An em- 
bassy arrived from Peloponnesus to 
urge the Athenians not to go on with 
the fortifications, but rather, as far as 
in them lay, to demolish the walls of all 
other cities out of Peloponnesus, that 
the enemy, if he again returned, might 
have no strong place to fix his head 
quarters in, as recently in Thebes. If 
the demand had been complied with, 
Athens would have become entirely 
subject to Lacedaemon. At the same 
time it was dangerous to refuse, since, 
from the past conduct of Lacedaemon, 
there was little ground to expect that 
gratitude would prevent it from any 
action prompted by jealousy or ambi- 
tion ; while it was vain to hope that the 



mihtary force of Athens, always inferior 
to that of Lacedsemon, and now further 
weakened by the number of citizens 
absent with the fleet, would be able to 
maintain itself without the aid of walls 
against the united strength of Pelopon- 
nesus. In this difficulty Themistocles 
advised them immediately to send away 
the Lacedaemonian ambassador, to 
raise up the walls with the utmost pos- 
sible celerity, men, women, and children 
all joining in the work; and choosing 
himself and some others as ambassadors 
to Lacedaemon, to send him thither at 
once, but to detain his colleagues till 
the walls had attained a sufficient height 
for defence. He was accordingly sent 
to Lacedaemon, where he put off his 
audience from day to day, excusing 
himself by saying that he waited for 
his colleagues, who were daily expected, 
and wondered that they were not come. 
But when reports arrived that the walls 
were gaining height, he bade the ma- 
gistrates not trust to rumour, but send 
some competent persons to examine. 
They sent accordingly, and at the 
same time Themistocles secretly di- 
rected the Athenians to detain the La- 
cedaemonian commissioners, but with 
the least possible show of compulsion, 
till himself and his colleagues should 
return. The latter were now an'ived, 
and brought news that the walls had 
gained the height required: and The- 
mistocles declared to the Lacedaemo- 
nians that Athens was already suffi- 
ciently fortified, and that henceforth if 
the Lacedaemonians and their allies had 
anything to propose, they must do it as 
to persons able to judge both of the 
common interest and tlieir own; that 
when it seemed best to abandon the 
city, the Athenians had determined and 
done it for themselves, and that in the 
deliberations of the confederacy they 
had appeared in judgment inferior to 
none; that they thought it best for 
themselves and for all, that their city 
should be fortified, since there could be 
no equality nor freedom of debate on 
the concerns of the alliance, without 
such an approach to equality in defen- 
sive means as might ensure to each a 
certain degree of independence and 
security. The Lacedfemonimis were 
secretly mortified at their failure, and 
probably not the less so from the con- 



What new associates were admitted to the confederacy of the Grecian states in consequence of this 
battle ? — Whither did the fleet sail ?— What was the result of the siege of Sestos? — Where is Sestos r 

What measures did the Athenians take after the battle of Platana ?— What did the liacedmrnonian am- 
bassadors urge ? — How did Themistocles contrive to have the walls built without incurring a war with 
Sparta ? 



64 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



''ciousness that the attempt had been an 
unhandsome one; but their discontent 
did not break out openly, and the am- 
bassadors on each part went home un- 
questioned. 

Pausanias. — Beginning of Athenian Empire. 

The following year Pausanias being 
appointed to command the confederate 
fleet, reduced most of Cyprus, and then 
proceeding to the Bosphorus, besieged 
and took Byzantium from the Persians. 
But his mind was drunk with glory and 
power, and he now aspired to hold under 
Persia the dominion of Greece. He fa- 
voured the escape of the prisoners taken 
in Byzantium, and with them he sent a 
letter to Xerxes, in which he asked his 
daughter in marriage, and promised to 
effect the subjugation of Greece. On re- 
ceiving a favourable answer his pride 
swelled yet higher, and led him to con- 
duct not more profligately an-ogant than 
absiu'dly impolitic. He assumed the 
Median dress and mode of life, and took 
a body-guard of Medes and Egyptians ; 
and he daily treated the allies with ex- 
ti'avagant haughtmess and severity, in- 
somuch that the lonians already pre- 
ferring as leaders the Athenians, their 
kinsmen and most active hberators, 
now urged them to take the command, 
and, if necessaiy, to resist Pausaiiias. 
At this crisis Pausanias was called 
home under a charge of treason, and 
forthwith the whole fleet, excepting the 
Peloponnesians, took the Athenians for 
leaders. Dorcis was sent out to replace 
Pausanias, but the allies refusing him 
obedience, he withdrew with his squa- 
dron from the fleet: and the Lacedae- 
monians acquiesced the more readily in 
the change, from weariness of the war, 
from fear lest their officers should, like 
Pausanias, be con'upted into disobedi- 
ence to the laws, and fi'om holding the 
Athenians equal to the command and 
now friendly to themselves. This be- 
ginning of Athenian ascendency took 
place in the year B. C. 477. (CUnton's 
Fast. Hellen.) 

Pausanias, on his return, being ac- 
quitted of the charge, but not reinstated 
in his command, went out again without 
public authority, pretending a wish to 



be present on the scene of action, but 
really purposing to caiTy on his practices 
with Persia. But fi-esh information ar- 
riving against him, the ephori again re- 
called him, and he obeyed, tmsting for 
security to money and fiiends. There 
were strong gi-ounds of suspicion, but 
not proof enough to procure the con- 
demnation of a man of high rank and 
pure Spartan blood, says the historian; 
implying, apparently, that against a 
meaner man slighter proofs might have 
sufficed. Complete evidence was at 
length supplied. A slave entrusted by 
Pausanias with a letter to Pei"sia, was 
alai-med by observing that no former 
messenger had ever returned. He 
opened the letter, and found that it di- 
rected his death; and he immediately 
carried it to the ephori, who not yet 
being fully satisfied with the proof, con- 
trived with him a plan through which 
they overheard an avowal of the treason 
from the mouth of Pausanias himselfl 
They now proceeded to an-est Pausa- 
nias, but he being forewarned, took 
refuge in a building belonging to the 
temple of Minerva, called the Brazen 
House. The sanctity of the place for- 
bade them to force him out or kill him 
there, but they walled him in and let 
him perish by hunger. They were not, 
however, thought to have preserved 
themselves by the evasion from the guilt 
of sacrilege. 

Flight of Themistocles. — His death. 
The Lacedaemonians sent ambassa- 
dors to Athens to declare that they had 
found evidence implicating Themistocles 
in the treason of Pausanias. It seems 
veiy unlikely that he should really have 
concuiTcd in it, but not improbable, con- 
sidering his intriguing character, that 
he may, to serve some purpose of his 
own, have tampered with Pausanias in 
a manner that might countenance the 
suspicion. He was now banished by 
ostracism and living at Argos, and hi- 
ther Athenian and Lacedaemonian com- 
missioners went together to arrest him. 
He fled at their approach, and went 
to Corey ra ; and thence he was conveyed 
to the opposite continent by the Corcy- 
raeans, who owed him kindness, but 



Who was appointed to command the Grecian fleet ? — What island did he reduce ? — Where is Cyprus ?— 
What place did he besiege ? — What proposal did he make to Xerxes ? — What folly was he guilty of ?— 
Under what charge was Pausanias called home? — Who now became the leaders of the confederacy ? — In 
what year did this take place ? — Was Pausanias convicted of treason ? — On what pretence did he go out 
again ? — Was he recalled again ? — How was complete evidence against him procured ? — How was lie 
punished ? 

What information did the Lacedsemonians send to Athens? — Wbere was Themistocles? — Wlutb- 
er did he fly ? — Which way from Atgos is Corcyra ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



65 



Ifeared to protect him. Whithersoever 
he went, he was followed by those who 
were sent to apprehend him, till he was 
obliged to commit himself to the gene- 
rosity of a personal enemy, Admetus, 
the king of the Molossians. Admetus 
being absent, Themistocles addressed 
himself to his wife, and was instructed 
by her to take her child in his arms and 
seat himself on the hearth, as the most 
prevailing manner of supplication. On 
the return of Admetus, he declared who 
he was, and prayed that if, in the as- 
sembly of the Athenians, he had spoken 
anything against the interest of Admetus, 
it might not be visited upon him in his ba- 
nishment : " For he was now an easy prey 
to any one much weaker than Admetus ; 
but a generous spirit would only avenge 
itself on its equals, and in equal contest." 
The Molossian prince was moved, and 
received him to hospitality; and when 
he was demanded by the messengers of 
Athens and Lacedsemon, he would not 
give hun up, though he did not venture 
to retain him. Themistocles wished to 
go to Asia, and he was sent by Adme- 
tus to the Macedonian port of Pydna, 
where he embarked in a trading vessel 
bound to Ionia. He was driven by cross 
winds to the island of Naxos, where an 
Athenian armament was besieging the 
city. (B. C. 466. See the next chapter.) 
In this emergency he made himself 
known to the master of the ship, and 
threatened that, if taken, he would de- 
clare to the Athenians that the master 
had knowingly earned him for the sake 
of gain. The only means of safety, he 
said, was, that none should quit the ves- 
sel; and if in this the master would 
comply with Mm, he should be largely 
rewarded. Accordingly, the vessel was 
kept in the offing for a day and a night, 
and then, as soon as the weather al- 
lowed, it proceeded to Ephesus. On 
arriving in Asia, Themistocles wrote to 
the king Artaxerxes, the son and suc- 
cessor of Xei-xes, beginning his letter 
thus : — "I, Themistocles, come to 
thee, who have done thy house most 
ill of all the Greeks, while I was of 
necessity repelling the invasion of thy 
father ; but yet more good, when I was. 
in safety and his return was endan- 
gered." He mentioned the warning 
he gave before the battle of Salamis of 
the intended flight of the Greeks, and 



the breaking of the bridge, which at 
the time he professed to have prevented : 
declared that he was able to do great 
service to the king, and was now ex- 
pelled for friendship to him; and said, 
that at the year's end he would in per- 
son explain the purpose of his coming. 
The king bade him do so, and after a 
year spent m learning the Persian lan- 
guage and manners, he went to Susa, 
and was there received into the highest 
favour, as well on account of his repu- 
tation and the abihty which appeared in 
his discourse, as for the promises he 
made of reducing Greece under the 
Persian yoke. The revenues of three 
cities were assigned for his support, and 
he lived in great splendour till he fell 
sick and died, according to some; ac- 
cording to others, he poisoned himself 
when Aitaxerxes was preparing an in- 
vasion of Greece, whether from con- 
scious inability to fulfil his promises, or 
fi'om unwillingness to assist in enslaving 
the countiy he had preserved. It is 
said that he directed his bones to be 
carried to Attica, and secretly buried, 
since the laws forbade the interment 
there of one banished for treason. He 
left an unequalled reputation for readi- 
ness, decision, and rectitude of judg- 
ment, fertility of resource and acuteness ' 
in conjecture, for foresight of the good 
and evil results of every measure, and 
for eloquence in enforcing his conclu- 
sions. Had he iomed to these high 
powers of mind a clear integrity and 
singleness of purpose, his fame would 
have been purer, and his latter days 
perhaps more happy. It is true his 
double policy served him well in secur- 
ing so splendid an asylum in Asia, but a 
more straightforward hne of conduct 
might have prevented his exile. In all 
his exeitions for the good of his country 
he endeavoured at the same time to pro- 
mote his private profit, and to keep up 
an interest with the public enemy, by 
which he might be able, if it should be 
convenient, to separate his fortunes from 
those of Athens. Such a man, whatever 
be his services, can never be trusted: 
and however innocent he may have 
been of the treason of Pausanias, it was 
the natural consequence of his habitual 
doubledealing that the charge should 
readily be believed. 



How did he gain the favour of Admetus? — Whither did Admetus send him? — Where is Pydna? — To 
what island was he driven ? — How did he escape from the Athenian fleet at Cyprus? — How did he gain 
the favour of Artaxerxes ? — How was he treated by Artaxerxes ? — What accounts are given of his death? 
—What was his character ? 



9 



ANCIENT GREECE. . 



IVansactions in Sicily. — Victories over the 
Carthaginians. 

During part of the war just described, 
a struggle no less critical had taken 
place among the Grecian settlements in 
Sicily. The Phoenician colony of Car- 
thage, in Africa, remarkable no less 
than its mother country for maritime 
and commercial enteiprise, was begin- 
ning to attain a degree of military power 
to which Phcenicia had never aspired. 
It possessed a part of the northern coast 
of Sicily, and the opportunity was in- 
viting to subdue the whole, while all as- 
sistance from Greece was precluded by 
the Persian invasion. A pretext was 
furnished by a quarrel with Theron, ty- 
rant of Acragas, or Agrigentum, a co- 
lony from Gela, and, after Syracuse, the 
most powerful state in Sicily: and an 
enormous armament was sent out, 
strengthened, according to the usual 
practice of Carthage, with mercenaries 
from many barbarous nations, the fleet 
being by treaty joined with that of the 
Tuscans. Gelon, however, marched 
with the force of Syracuse to the assist- 
ance of Theron, leaving the command 



of his fleet to his brother Hieron: and 
Hieron defeated the Carthaginian and 
Tuscan fleet, while, about the same time, 
the Carthaginian land force was com- 
pletely broken at Himera by the united 
armies of Syracuse and Acragas. It 
is said, by some authors, that Gelon's 
victoiy took place on the same day 
with the battle of Salamis. No fur- 
ther conquest was attempted in Si- 
cily by Carthage for many yeai-s after; 
but we are not sufficiently acquainted 
with the history of that city to deter- 
mine the cause of its inaction. Shortly 
after his victoiy Gelon died. His ability 
and popularity are shown by the fact, that 
130 years after, when a vote was passed to 
remove all statues of kings and tyrants, 
Gelon's alone was excepted. He was 
succeeded by Hieron, also a prince of 
considerable ability, and remarkable for 
the encouragement of letters. In the 
following reign of his brother Thrasy- 
bulus, who is accused of cruelty and 
arbitraiy conduct, a civil war took place, 
which ended with the establishment of 
democracy in Syracuse. 



CHAPTER V. 



OF GREECE, FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF ATHENS AS A LEADING STATE, TO THE 
BEGINNING OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 



Organization of the Athenian confederacy. 
Assessment of Aristeides. 

The Athenians, being acknowledged as 
leaders by the Greeks of Asia and the 
islands, proceeded regularly to organize 
the confederacy. Aristeides was, by 
common consent, appointed to make the 
assessment determining how much each 
city was to contribute in ships or money 
to the support of the war. This he exe- 
cuted with the greatest impartiality, and 
in such a manner, that the justice of the 
proportions appears to have been ques- 
tioned by none. The whole annual 
amount of the tribute was 460 talents, 
about 101,200Z. Athenian officers were 
appointed to receive it, under the title 
of Hellenotamise, stewards or treasurer 
of the Greeks. The common treasury 
was established in the sacred island of 
Delos, and here the assembly of dele- 



gates was held which directed the opera- 
tions of the league. The whole arrange- 
ment was marked by an equity and 
moderation uncommon in Greece, and 
very opposite to the after conduct of 
Athens: and this may probably be as- 
cribed partly to the circumstance that 
the power of Athens was yet mcom- 
pletely established, and depended much 
on the good will of its aUies, and partly 
also to the wisdom and virtue of some 
of the jiresent leaders there, especially 
Aristeides. 

Quarrels of Athens with the allies. — Conquett 
of Naxos. — Battle of the Eurymedon.— 
Conquest of Thasos. 

The war was successfully carried on 
under Cimon, tlie son of Miltiades, 
against those places in Europe which 
still held for the Persian King. But the 



What state declared war with the Grecians of Sicily ? — What was the result ? — Who succeeded Gelon ?— 
Who succeeded Hieron ? — What did the civil war in Thrasybulus's reign end with ? — Where is Carthage ? 
—Which way from Sicily? — In what part of Sicily is Agrigentum? 

Who was appointed to make the assessment of the Grecian states? — What was its amount? — Where 
was the common treasury ? — Where is Delos ? 

Where and by whom was the Persian war conducted ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



% 



allies grew weary of it, and many agreed 
to pay a sum of money in lieu of the 
ships which they were bound to furnish. 
By this Athens was at once obliged to 
build and employ more ships, and sup- 
plied with the means, while the navy of 
the alUes proportionally decUned. The 
Athenians feeling their strength became 
haughtier in their conduct, and more 
harsh in enforcing the same services 
which gi'ew to be less punctually ren- 
dered. Hence rose wars wdth the de- 
fiiulters, in which Athens uniformly pre- 
vaihng, the fleet of the conquered city 
was taken fifom it and a heavier tribute 
levied: and since every such contest 
brought fi'esh power and wealth to the 
predominant state, and diminished the 
resources which could be at the com- 
mand of any combination among its 
dependents, Athens, from the leader, 
became the mistress of her allies. The 
fii-st state so subjected was the island 
Naxos, which revolted and was con- 
quered in the twelfth year of the Athe- 
nian command. In the following cam- 
paign the forces of the Athenian league 
under Cimon won two great victories 
on the same day from the Persians, by 
sea and then by land, at the mouth of 
the river Eurymedon, in Pamphylia. 
Some time afler the Athenians had a 
quarrel with the islandere of Thasos 
about some nunes on the opposite coast 
of Thrace, and about the revenues of the 
ports in the same region ; when the 
Thasians, after a defeat at sea, and a 
siege of three years, submitted to give 
up their ships of war, to demolish then- 
walls, and to pay a heavy tribute, resign- 
ing the disputed revenues. (B. C. 463.) 

Earthquake at Sparta and revolt of the 
Helots. — Third Messenian war. 

The Lacedaemonians being appealed to 
by the Thasians, were secretly preparing 
to invade Attica in their behalf, when 
they were prevented by an earthquake, 
in which great part of Sparta was over- 
thrown, and 20,000 pei*sons perished. 
The Helots, who were nearly all of Gre- 
cian blood, and chiefly descended from 
the conquered Messenians, took the 
opportunity to revolt, and were joined 



by some of the Perioeci, or people of the 
towns, who, though pei-sonally free, were 
pohtically enslaved, being excluded from 
all share in the government, obhged to 
unlimited obedience to Lacedsemon, and 
liable to insolent and arbitrary indignity 
both from the officers of the state and 
from individual Spartans. An attempt 
to surprise the city was foiled by the 
ready prudence of the King Archidamus, 
and the revolters occupied Ithome, the 
strong hold of their ancestors m the first 
Messenian war. They were here besieged 
by the Lacedaemonians, who called in 
aid from their allies, and particularly 
from the Athenians, on account of their 
superior skill in sieges. But the Athe- 
nians were proud of the rising gi'eatness 
of their countiy, and Httle disposed to 
acknowledge the pre-eminence still as- 
sumed by Lacedsemon. Disagreement 
took place, and the Lacedaemonians be- 
came suspicious, considering the bold, 
restless, and somewhat capricious cha- 
racter of their allies, that the Athenians 
might possibly be induced in the course 
of the siege to turn against them. They 
therefore dismissed them, saying that as 
the siege was converted into a block- 
ade they had no fmther need of them ; 
but they still retained then* other allies. 
The Athenians perceived the cause, and 
were deeply offended, insomuch that 
they immediately renounced the alliance, 
and contracted one with the hostile state 
of Argos. Ithome was surrendered in 
the tenth yeai' of the war, under the 
condition, that the besieged should for- 
ever quit Peloponnesus, and that any 
who re-entered it should be a slave to 
the finder. The Athenians received 
them, and established them at Naupac- 
tus on the Coiinthian gulf, which had 
been lately taken from the Locrians. 

Megara allies herself with Athens. — Long 
walls of Megara and of Athens. — Corin- 
thian war and victory of Myronides. 

A quarrel taking place between Me- 
gara and Corinth, the former revolted 
from the Lacedaemonian confederacy 
and allied itself with Athens, giving it the 
command, not only of the city, but of its 
two ports, Nisaea, on the Saronic, and 



How did Athens from the leader become the mistress of her allies ? — What island was first subjected ?^ 
Where did Cimon win two great victories ? — With what islanders did the Athenians quarrel about 
minef) ? — Where is Thasos ? — How did the quarrel end ? 

What prevented the Lacedaemonians from invading Athens ? — How did the Helots and Perioeci take 
advantage of this event? — Where is Ithome? — Who occupied it ? — Who besieged it? — VV'hy were the 
Athenians dismissed from the siege? — What was the consequence? — How long did the siege of Ithome 
last? — What finally became of the besieged? — Which way is Naupactus from Athens? 

Where is Megara? — ('orinth? — Nistea? — Pega; ? — On what isthmus are they situated? — Which is near- 
est Athens, Megara or Corinth? — Which joined Athens when the two states quarrelled ? — Of what porta 
did it give Athens the command ? 



68 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Pegse, on the Corinthian gulf. (B. C. 458.) 
The Athenians now built between Me- 
gara and Nissea what the Greeks called 
long walls, that is, fortified hnes securing 
the communication between a city and 
its port; a valuable defence to a state 
alhed with Athens against Pelopon- 
nesus, since no danger could be feared 
from a land blockade as long as suc- 
cours could be thrown in unopposed from 
the powerful navy of its ally. A war 
ensued against the Peloponnesians, in 
which Athens gained many successes 
both by land and sea; its most active 
enemies being by land the Corinthians, 
by sea the ^ginetans. In one instance 
its power and energy were most emi- 
nently shown, when a large part of its 
forces being employed in iEgina, and 
another in Egypt, in an expedition 
which Avill afterwards be mentioned, the 
Corinthians with their allies marched 
against Megara, thhiking that the Athe- 
nians could give it no assistance with- 
out abandoning the enterprise of ^gina. 
The Athenians, without recalling a man, 
sent against them Myronides, an able 
commander, vvdth those who remained at 
home, being chiefly old men and boys ; 
and with these they won a decisive vic- 
tory. About the same time they began 
their long walls. Their port of Peirseeus, 
with the two smaller, Phalerum and 
Munychia, had been foitified at the 
suggestion of Themistocles, with even 
gi-eater care than the city itself, and he 
advised them, if they should ever be 
unable to maintain both, to abandon 
the city, and estabhshing themselves in 
the Peiraeeus to hold out with their 
ships and their ramparts against all as- 
sailants. The city and the port were 
now connected by fortifications, in such 
sort that as long as they could com- 
mand the sea and defend the walls, the 
most superior land force could endanger 
neither. 

Original Dorians assisted by Lacedamon 
against the Spartans. 

The Phocians having invaded Doris, 
the original country of the Lacedsemo- 
nians, the strong mutual regard which 
generally subsisted in Greece between a 
mother country and her colonies, im- 
pelled the Lacedaemonians to send an 



army against them. Having effected its 
object, the return of the anny was op- 
posed by the Athenians, who, holding 
Megara and Pegae, commanded the 
passes of the isthmus ; and it was led 
into Boeotia to wait the discovery of 
some safe way to return, and also the 
result of some overtures from Athenian 
malcontents, made desperate by the 
building of the long walls. 

Discontent among the rich in Athens. — IMar- 
itime power among the Greeks always 
favourable to democracy. — Battles of 
Tanagra and (Enophyta. 

In everj'^ Grecian state, the cavalry be- 
ing composed of the richest men, and the 
heavy armed foot of citizens mostly in 
easy ch'cumstances ; while the fleets, 
where they existed, were principally 
manned by the poor, who were elsewhere 
condemned to insignificance among the 
despised crowd of light-armed ; the pos- 
session of a navy was necessarily fa- 
vourable to the importance of the com- 
mon people. Hence maritime power 
was always the wish of the democratical 
party ; whereas those who favoured oli- 
garchy prefen*ed depending on the land 
force, of which the more substantial 
citizens were the strength. The safety 
and the present greatness of Athens had 
been won by the patriotic exertions of 
all its people, both poor and rich, 
and chiefly in that mode of warfare 
wherein all were called into important 
and decisive action. Accordingly, from 
the Persian war the government of 
Athens began to be practically demo- 
cratical: the supremacy of the general 
assembly, always acknowledged, now 
came habitually into play; that body 
gradually engrossed all the powers of 
government; and rank and wealth lost 
all pohtical power, save what they must 
always exert by influencing the conduct 
of individuals. The importance of the 
richer classes was, however, maintained 
by whatever made the safety of Athens 
depend on the army it could keep in the 
field; and hence they would disUke a 
measure which ensured, without the 
protection of an anny, a safe communi- 
cation with all its possessions. Besides, 
in every democracy the oligarchical 
malcontents looked for aid to Lacedse- 



What is meant by long walls? — W^hat war ensued ? — Who were the most active enemies of Athens ? — 
How was the attack of Corinthians on Mejiara repelled ? 

Where is Uoris ? — Phdcis? — What occasioned the coming of a Lacedremonian army to Doris? — Who 
opposed its return ?— Whither was it led ?— What war had rendered the government of Athens democrati- 
cal ? — Why did the rich dislike the lonft walls? 

Which Grecian state always favoured the oligarchy ? 



Ji 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



mon, as did henceforward the popular 
party m oUgarcliical states to Athens: 
and here was a fresh motive to attempt 
a revokition before the completion of 
the works, which would so much dimi- 
nish the power of Lacedsemon to help 
them. A rising against the democracy 
seems to have been contemplated, but 
it came to nothing. The Athenians 
mai-ched out to Tanagra in Boeotia, and 
were there defeated, some Thessalian 
horse who were with them deserting in 
the action. 

Submission of Bceotia, Phocis andu3Sgina. — 
Five years^ truce. 

The present policy of Lacedsemon 
was to raise up Thebes as a check on 
Athens, and the araiy on retiring left Boe- 
otia subject to that city. Only sixty-two 
days afterwards the Athenians under 
Myronides defeated the Boeotians at (Eno- 
phyta. Tanagra was tal^en; in all the 
towns the democratical party, ever hos- 
tile to Lacedsemon, was called into activ- 
it}'^, and all Boeotia, except Thebes, came 
into alhance with Athens. Myronides 
next advancing into Phocis, where the 
democratical party, othenvise the strong- 
er, had been kept under by Thebes and 
Lacedsemon, restored ascendency to the 
fiiends of Athens, and then proceeded to 
enforce the submission of the eastern or 
Opuntian Locrians, who were generally 
attached to Lacedsemon. About the same 
time ^guia submitted to give up its 
fleet, demolish its walls, and pay a tri- 
bute ; and Athens ceased to suffer from 
an island which, from its situation, its 
maritime strength, and its ever active 
hostiUty, was called the eyesore of Pei- 
raeeus. The war continued about four 
years longer, generally in favour of 
Athens. It was then interrupted by a 
five yeai"s' tnice with the Peloponne- 
sians. (B. C. 450.) 

Greatest extent of Athenian dominion. 
The empire of Athens had now at- 
tained its greatest magnitude. It ex- 
tended over most of the islands of the 
^gean, including EubcEa; over the 



Grecian towns of Thrace and Mace- 
donia, and those of Asia. The terms 
of subjection were various; some were 
deprived of ships and fortifications, 
obliged to pay a heavy tribute, and 
liable to what fiirther exactions it might 
please the Athenians to make; others, 
whose obedience hitherto had given no 
pretence to oppress them, or whose 
power made it a dangerous attempt, 
retained their navy, and were only 
bound to a lighter tribute and to ser- 
vice in war. The common treasuiy had, 
however, been removed fi'om Delos to 
Athens ; the assessment was much 
raised ; the affairs of the league were 
entirely directed by the Athenian as- 
sembly, and any disputes which might 
arise among its members were deter- 
mined in the Athenian courts; the 
meeting of deputies fi'om the different 
cities, which had been held at Delos, 
was indeed continued at Athens, but 
it no longer had any effective power, its 
boldest exertion bemg humble sugges- 
tion or remonstrance to the Athenians. 
Besides, the power of Athens was ex- 
tensive on the continent of Greece. It 
directed Megaris, Boeotia, Phocis, and 
the Opuntian Locris; from Pegoe and 
Naupactus it commanded the Corinthi- 
an gidf ; in Peloponnesus, Trcezen was 
subject to it; its influence was predo- 
minant in Achaia, and Argos was con- 
nected wath it by necessary interest and 
common hostility to Lacedsemon. 

Habits, character and political state of the 
Athenian people. 

While Athens was rising to its pre- 
sent greatness, changes not less im- 
portant took place in its internal go- 
vernment. Where slave-labour prevails, 
there can be little employment for the 
poorer freemen; and hence in Greece 
that class was usually degraded and 
miserable. The great destruction of pro- 
perty in the Pei-sian war would increase 
the number of poor in Athens; their 
bravery and services would much en- 
hance their claim to consideration. But 
whence were they to be maintamed? 



Which the democracy of other states? — Where were the Athenians defeated by the Lacedtemonians ?— 
WhicWway from Thebes is Tanagra? 

What was the present policy of Lacedaemon ? — Where did the Athenians afterwards defeat the Bopo- 
tians ? — Where is (Enophyta ? — What other place was taken ? — What was the consequence ? — What did 
Myronides do after gaininp; Breotia ? — W iiat island submitted to Athens about the same time ? — How long 
afterwards did this war with the Peloponnesians last ? 

What was now the extent of the Athenian empire? — Whither had the common treasury been remov- 
ed? — What states on the continent of (Jreece did Athens direct ? — Where is Megaris? — RoBotia? — Pho» 
Cis? — Opuntian Locris or Locri (Jpuntii? — Pega; ? — Naupactus? — What places in Peloponnesus were 
subject to Athens ? — Where is Troezen ? — Achaia ? — Argos ? 

What internal changes had taken place in Athens while rising to its greatest power? — Whence were 
the poor to be maintained ? 



70 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



This question was answered by success- 
ful and lucrative war, and the rapid 
growth of empire. These gave the citi- 
zens both employment and maintenance ; 
in the intervals of service they lived at 
leisure on the fruits of pay and plunder, 
and occasional donations from the state 
and from wealthy individuals ; and hav- 
ing little private business they were the 
more ready to attend the assembly when 
any interesting question was to be de- 
bated. The poorer citizens were superior 
in number to all, and to most of the middle 
class in leisure and frequency of attend- 
ance : and hence rose two effects appa- 
rently inconsistent ; the regular increase 
of power in the lower orders, with the 
ahnost uniform success of every mea- 
sure tendmg to gratify them ; and the 
gi'eat influence accruing to wealthy in- 
dividuals, if they laid out their riches 
with pohtic hberality on feasts, theatri- 
cal representations, and other methods 
of contributing to the amusement and 
comforts of those who were unable to 
command the means of pleasure. 

Cimon. — Pericles. 

After the fall of Themistocles, Cimon 
was long the first man in Athens, by 
his abilities, integiity, and popular 
manners, and by the splendidly liberal 
use of his great wealth. He threw 
down the fences of his gardens and 
orchards near Athens, and permitted all 
to partake of their produce; spread a 
table daily for the poorer citizens, parti- 
cularly those of his own ward ; and was 
always ready to give or lend money to 
the indigent. His magnificence was 
also displayed in pubhc works. He 
adorned the city vdth splendid porticoes, 
groves, and gardens, in which it was 
the delight of the Athenians to assemble 
and pass their time in conversation. 
Most of this was done at his private 
expense: ,but other important works 
were executed under his direction, from 
the riches which his victories had brought 
into the treasury. In particular, the de- 
fences of the AcropoUs were completed 
in this manner. 

In his pohtical bias Cimon was aris- 
tocratical, and desirous of friendship 
with Lacedaemon, and it wais chiefly 



owing to him that so long a time elapsed 
before a breach with that power. There 
was, however, a strong opposing party 
whose influence rose with the rising 
dislike of Lacedaemon; and when the 
Athenians were provoked to renounce 
its alliance, Cimon was banished by os- 
tracism, and the opposition came into 
power. Ephialtes was the ostensible 
leader, but Pericles the son of Xanthippus 
was rapidly gainmg the chief influence ; 
a young man of noble birth and great 
abilities, with some military distinction, 
but piincipally noted as an accomplished 
statesman and speaker. His high na- 
tural gifts had been improved to the 
utmost by education and by converse 
with philosophei-s and men of lettera: 
his mind was penetrating and compre- 
hensive, his oratory most forcible, with 
a pohsh and elegance before unknown. 
The new government was strengthened 
by the gaining of Megara, and the en- 
suing victories; but the people missed 
the bounty of Cimon ; it was necessary 
to gratify them, and the means of the 
present leaders were inadequate. The 
expedient adopted was to apply to this 
purpose a part of the pubhc revenues ; 
and at the same time it was deemed 
essential to that speedy and brilliant 
success in the war without which the 
administration could not stand, to con- 
duct the operations on a gi*eat and ex- 
pensive scale. But all issues from tlie 
treasury were controlled by the council 
of Areiopagus, which being mostly 
aristocratical and fiiendly to Cimon, 
was thought not likely to sanction the ex- 
penditure demanded by the views of the 
new rulers. Ephialtes proposed to cur- 
tail the powere of that body, giving to 
the assembly ' the cognizance of the 
most important causes resei-ved by 
Solon to the Areiopagus, and the power 
of directing issues from the treasury 
without control. The motion was sup- 
ported by Pericles, who, after it was 
carried, obtained a law giving * pay for 
attendance in the assembly and in the 
courts. The religious festivals were 
increased in number and magnificence, 
and thus, on days of business the many 
were fed by their pay, on holydays 
feasted by the victims of the sacrifices. 



*This is the statement of Aristotle; according to some others, there was a small pay given before, 
which Pericles increased. 

What two effects had arisen from the greater number and leisure of the poor ? 

After the fall of Themistocles who was the first man at Athens? — How did he display his magnifi- 
cence? — From what resources were the defences of the Acropolis completed? — What was the political 
bias of Cimon ? — What occasioned his banishment ? — Who werts the leaders of the opposition which now 
came into power ? — What were the qualifications of Pericles ? — How did the new government find supplies 
to gratify the people ?— How did they curtail the power of the Areiopagus ? — What law did Pericles obtain ? 



m 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Growth of Literature and Art. 
Since the Persian war, Athens had 
become the seat of philosophy and art, 
■which had long flourished in the earher 
quiet, riches, and civihsation of Ionia, 
but had hitherto been httle cultivated in 
Greece. Their growth had been liberally 
encouraged under the administrations of 
Themistocles and Cimon, and that of 
Pericles went yet fiirther in the same 
career. The city was adorned \vith 
master-pieces of sculpture, painting, 
and architecture. The religious festivals 
were accompanied with contests in 
poetry and music. Tragedy, from a 
rude ode in honour of Bacchus, liad 
been raised by Thespis, Phrynichus, 
and others, to a delineation of human 
action and suflTering; had been clothed 
by iEschylus vdth the utmost loftiness 
of thought and expression, and set forth 
with all the aids of scenic effect; and 
was still most successfully pursued by 
Sophocles, Euripides, and others not 
meanly gifted, though inferior to these. 
Comedies were exhibited, disgraced in- 
deed with licentious ribaldry and gross 
personal abuse, but rife with wit and 
humour, hvely painting of character, 
and keen political satire. Many dis- 
tinguished philosophers were resident 
in Athens, and the citizens flocked to 
hear them discourse in porticoes and 
other places of public resort. With 
such amusements, the people must 
needs have been unusually pure of taste 
and active in mind ; but their time was 
given to Uttle but amusement, and hence 
they were, hke other idlers, hght-minded 
and capricious. Secure of subsistence 
and pleasure at the public expense, the 
many wanted the discipline of necessity, 
which habituating men to strict atten- 
tion in their particular pursuits, enables 
them, when called on, to display the like 
on questions of national utihty. They 
were not dra^vn from private business 
by the interest of important state pro- 
ceedings, but, having no business, they 
found amusement in lively debate, and 
pride in the exercise of their franchise. 
Accordingly they thought more of criti- 
cising the speakers, than weighing the 
measures ; they were greedy of flattery, 
readily led away with brilliant promises, 



careless and hasty in decision, because, 
though singularly quick of apprehen- 
sion, they were impatient of continuous 
thought. Had Athens commanded no 
resources but its own, it would have 
been impossible to support in idleness 
so large a portion of the people ; but 
the subject states were Uable to unlim- 
ited extortion. Any proposed exaction, 
however oppressive, was eagerly caught 
at by the swarm of idlers who looked 
for maintenance and pleasure to the 
lavish expenditure of the state; and 
their number and frequent attendance 
in the assembly, would generally ensure 
the success of any measure which united 
them in its favour. Hence arose a crew 
of profligate demagogues, who attained 
a paramount influence by being ready 
to propose, at any cost of justice, hu- 
manity, and ultimate advantage, what- 
ever promised to the multitude an im- 
mediate gain ; and who frequently turned 
their ascendency to profit, by taking 
presents from the allies as the price of 
forbearance and protection. The popu- 
lace drew both gain and pleasure from 
the submission of the allies ; the pride 
of each was flattered, in proportion to 
his personal insignificance, by the ho- 
mage paid him as a citizen of the 
sovereign republic ; their hopes of indi- 
vidual enjoyment were all bound up in 
the continuance and extension of the 
empire; and the passions thence re- 
sulting were studiously exasperated by 
unprincipled orators : — what wonder 
then that we shall hereafter find their 
sway as jealous as oppressive, and, in 
case of revolt, their vengeance as cruel 
as their rule had been unjust ? 

Expedition to Egypt. 
Shortly after the rise of Pericles and 
his friends, a fleet had been sent to con- 
quer Cyprus ; but Egypt had lately re- 
volted from Artaxerxes under Inaros, 
a chief of the bordering Libyans, and 
he made splendid offers to engage the 
assistance of Athens. The fleet was 
ordered from Cyprus to his aid, and 
backed by Grecian valour and discipline, 
he soon became master of the country, 
obhging the Persians to shut themselves 
up in the White Castle of Memphis, 



Under what administrations were arts and philosophy encouraged at Athens ? — What were the conse- 
quences of this? — Who were the chief writers of tragedy ? — What was the effect of frequent amusements 
on the Athenian character? — At whose expense were the people secure of subsistence and pleasure? — 
How did Athena support in idleness so large a portion of the people ? — Were they always ready to impose 
new exactions on the allies? — IJow did the demagogues turn their ascendency to profit ? — When thealliea 
revolted waa the vengeance of the Athenians as cruel as their rule had been unjust? 

After the rise of Pericles whither had a fleet been sent? — To whose assistance was it afterwards or- 
dered ? — What was the consequence ? 



^"72 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



the chief city of Egypt, the other two 
divisioias of the city being taken by 
Inaros. The Persian king, despairing 
of success by force, made large offers 
of money to the Lacedaemonians, to in- 
duce them to mvade Attica; but they, 
tliough not on fiiendly terms with 
Athens, refused to be the tool of the 
common enemy against it. At length, 
Megabazus, a Persian of the highest 
rank, being sent with a powerful army, 
defeated the Egj'^ptians and drove the 
Athenians out of Memphis. They were 
now besieged in their turn for eighteen 
months in an island of the Nile, which 
was finally taken, and the defenders were 
mostly slaughtered. Inaros was taken 
and crucified ; and all E^pt submitted, 
except a large tract of inaccessible 
marshes. The war had lasted for six 
years, and was finished three yeare be- 
fore the conclusion of the five years' 
truce with Lacedsemon. 

Reconciliation of Cimon and Pericles. — 
Third long wall. — Athenian cavalry re- 
stored. 

About the same time the two great 
parties in Athens were reconciled, and 
Cimon was recalled at the motion of 
Pericles, having completed only five 
years of his temi of banishment, which 
he spent on his inherited lordship in 
the Chersonese. His restoration pro- 
bably facilitated the conclusion of the 
truce with Lacedaemon, and till his death 
Athens was undisturbed by internal 
contest. In the interval of peace a 
third long wall was added, passing be- 
tween the former two to the middle 
harbour, Munychia, so that if either of the 
outer walls were forced, the city would 
still have secure communication with 
one of its ports. The cavalry had long 
fallen into insignificancy, being probably 
depressed by Cleisthenes for its attach- 
ment either to the Peisistratidee, or 
generally to oligarchy. The democracy 
seemed now too strong to fear it, and 
a good cavalry would be very useful in 
any invasion of the Peloponnesians, to 
check and hmit the ravage of the fields. 
A body of 300 horse was therefore 
established, and the Athenian cavalry 
gained credit as among the best in 
Greece. 



Athenian settlement in the Thracian Cher- 
sonese. — Death of Cimon. 

The cessation of hostiUties filled 
Athens with a multitude unaccustomed 
to peaceful industiy, and to diminish 
the inconvenience and provide for a 
number of the citizens, a colony of 1000 
families was sent out to the Thracian 
Chersonese. Soon afl;er, to give pro- 
fitable employment to the many who 
must otherwise have been supported in 
idleness, and to divert the popular thirst 
of conquest from disturbing Greece, the 
design was resumed of adding Cypixis 
to the Athenian confederacy. Cimon 
was sent out thither with 200 triremes ; 
but he died on the island, and this, with 
the want of provisions, made it neces- 
sary to return. Before returning, how- 
ever, the Greeks won a double victory 
over the Pei-sians by land and sea. 

Temple at Delphi given in charge to the 
Delphians by Lacedeemon and restored to 
the Phocians by Athens. — Battle of Coro- 
neia. 

The superintendence of the temple at 
Delphi had long been in the common 
government of the Phocian towns, but 
the Delphians now claimed it exclusively, 
and the Lacedaemonians supported them 
with an army which put them into pos- 
session of the temple. This arbitrary 
act could not but offend the Athenians, 
and the more, as Phocis was among 
their allies ; and afi;er the retreat of the 
Lacedaemonians, they forcibly restored 
the temple to the Phocians. Here the 
matter rested; but some time after, the 
Boeotian exiles, expelled when the coun- 
try came under the influence of Athens, 
having seized on Orch6menus, Chae- 
roneia, and some other places in Bceotia, 
the Athenians sent an army to dislodge 
them. Chaeroneia was taken, and the 
defenders condemned to slaveiT ; but a 
large force of exiles, Boeotians and others, 
had been collected at Orchomenus ; the 
Locrians had joined it, who by timely 
submission had prevented any expulsion 
of their people ; and the returning army 
was defeated near Coroneia, almost 
every sui*viving Athenian being made 
prisoner. The Athenians were now un- 
able to command Bceotia, and the rather 
as they expected enmity fi"om Lacedae- 



Who afterwards drove out the Athenians ? — What was the final result of the war ? 

What occasioned the recall of Cimon ? — What wall was built during the peace ? — What military force 
was organised ? 

Whither was a colony sent ? — What island was invaded ? — Who died there ? — What was the result of 
the expedition ? 

Whom did the Athenians reestablish atDephi? — Where is Orchomenus? — Chseroneia? — Who eeissed 
them f — What was the fate of the Athenian army sent against the Boeotian exiles .' 



ANCIEXT GREECE. 



73 



mon, the five yeare' truce being near its 
dose; there was searcely a fami]T not 
Adeply interested in the recoTerr of the 
pnsonrais; and a peace was hastily 
made, in which their restoration was 
die only set-off required against the sur- 
render of all claims upon Bceotia. 

Revolt of Euh<Ba and Megara — Invasion 
ofAtftens by the Peloponnesians and sud- 
den retreat. — Impeachment ofPleistoanax. 
— Euhfta recovered by Athens. 

The treaty was soon proved necessary 
by the revolt of Euboea, the most im- 
portant dependency of Athens. Pericles 
led thither an army ; but he had scarcely 
landed when it was told him that the 
Megarians, renewing their connexion 
with Corinth, had risen on the Athenian 
garrison. Returning, he defeated the 
Megarians and their aUies: but subse- 
quentty Aitica was invaded by the Pe- 
loponneaam, under the young king of 
Lacedsemon, Pleistoanax, the son of Pau- 
Banias. Defeat might be fatal, and any 
considerable delaj" in the reduction of 
EubcEa might endanger the other de- 
pendencies. In this dilemma Pericles 
is said to have procured the retreat of 
liie invaders, by bribing the chief adviser 
of Pleistoanax- The army was with- 
drawn without apparent cause, and 
FleiBtoanax, on his return, being accused 
of corruption, was fined so heavily that 
he was obliged to quit the country. 
Pczieies, m. ^ account of the expenses 
of ins oommand, stated ten talents as 
employed for a necessarj' purpose : and 
it is mentioned as a proof of singular 
eonfid«ice which the people placed in 
Pericles, that they let that article pass un- 
questioned. The Peloponnesians being 
gcme, Pericles again passed into Eubcea, 
and quickly reduced it. The Histiaeans 
were expelled, and their territoiy apn 
portioned among Athenian families ; the 
rest were admitted to a capitulation, by 
w^hich they preserved their estates and 
their municipal governments. The Athe- 
BiaiiB, weaiy of a war which had been 
moedj difflstrous, and feeling them- 
BdveB unable to maintain their empire 
in its present extent, now concluded 
with the Peloponnesians a truce for thirty 
jean, by which, besides Bosotia and Me- 
gara, which were alreadjr loBt, tljey gave 



up Nisaea, Pegae, and TroBzen, witb the 
influence which they had hitherto exer- 
cised in Achaia. (B. C. 445.) 

Pericles and Thucydides. 
The death of Cimon had ended the 
union of parties in Athens. His bro- 
tber-in-law, Thucydides, the son of 3Ie- 
lesias, was a man of high birth and 
character and considerable talents: and 
to him the aristocratical part}* wished to 
trust the hekn of the state. But Pericles, 
who had submitted to be second to the 
age and tried ability of Cimon, would 
not give place to any other: and it is 
probable that the demands of the aris- 
tocratical party rose higher on the loss 
of a chief whose hberal and popular 
character, while it increased their 
strength, had moderated tiieir preten- 
sions. A war of orator}^ ensued. The 
unfortunate expedition into BoBotia 
seems too have been conducted by the 
fiiends of Thucydides, and by its failure 
and the disasters following, the people 
were led to throw themselves entirely 
upon Pericles. He justified their con- 
fidence by his abilit}' and success in 
extricating the commonwealth fi-om its 
perils; Thucydides was banished by 
ostracism, and the lead of Pericles was 
henceforth little disputed- 

War with Samos and Byzantium^ 
In the sixth year of the thirty' yeare' 
truce, a war took place between Samos 
and Miletus, both allies of Athens. The 
Milesians, being worsted, appealed to 
Athens, and their complaint was sup- 
p>orted bj^ some of the Samians, dis- 
contented with the government of their 
country which was then oligarchical 
The Samians in power being required 
to send deputies to answer the charges, 
refiised comphance, probably appre- 
hending that their plea would be un- 
favourably heard by a people always 
hostile to oligarchy ; but the Athenians 
sent a fleet which enforced submission, 
and established a democracy, taking, as 
hostages fi-om the oligarchical Samiana, 
50 men and 50 bo}!*, who were placed 
under a guard in the island of Lemnos. 
Some, however, of the partj' of the Few 
had fled to tlie continent, and tlienoe 
corresponded with tlieir fiiends in the 



Bovr 



f— Who wae sent V.< gut- II tbt re volt r — How was he jirevf riled : — 
■Mr Jttack did tit averx r — By what nifeans- r — Did bt- iheii subdue 
4H tht JliheaisM m»kit iMs&ot with the f'eliipoiirieKiant' ' 
After CiiiMa*i iiifli w%am 4»A tke liiiteriitfril partj wiKb id have fur a leader of ihe Kiate f— Did thil 
f— Wkgr Boc ?— What hurair <r Tbw74i4et r— VTfao becane lea4ier f 
te n— ■ Wktmt' !■ Ifedr mmneLw%k!k waeakiito Hl^ni* TTIrtr what result? 
10 ^^ 



74 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



island : and these, with the aid of Pis- 
suthnes, Satrap of Sardis, having col- 
lected 700 auxiliaiy soldiers, crossed by 
night into Samos, and, being joined by 
their fiiends on the spot, surprised and 
ovei-po wered the new go vernm ent. They 
then went to Lemnos, and retook their 
hostages, with the Athenian guard, 
which they gave over to Pissuthnes. 
They now prepared an expedition agamst 
Miletus; at the same time Byzantium 
revolted in conceit with them. 

Immediately on the anival of the 
news, Pericles was sent out with nine 
othei-s in command of a fleet, which 
defeated a Samian force superior in 
numbers. Reinforcements arrived from 
Athens, Chios, and Lesbos, and the city 
was blockaded by land and sea, till 
Pericles going with a considerable 
squadron to look out for a Phoenician 
fleet that was expected to succour the 
besieged, the Samians by a sudden at- 
tack took several ships from the Athe- 
nians, and commanded the sea for four- 
teen days, after which, through the re- 
turn of Pericles and the ai-rival of fresh 
reinforcements to the besiegei-s, they 
were again shut up within their walls. 
In the ninth month of the siege they 
suiTendered: their navy was given up, 
their walls demolished, they were obliged 
to give hostages for their fidelity, and 
to ])ay a sum of money, by instalments, 
for the expenses of the war. The By- 
zantines submitted, not awaiting the 
approach of the fleet, and they were 
admitted to their former terms of sub- 
jection. 

The Samians in the beginning of their 
revolt had apphed to Lacedsemon for 
assistance, and an assembly of deputies 
fi'om the alhes had been held to con- 
sider the request. It would not seem 
that any very effectual aid could be ex- 
pected, smce the Peloponnesians were 
totally unable to cope with the Athe- 
nians at sea, and the only chance of their 
presei-ving Samos was the diversion 
which might possibly be made by in- 
vading Attica. The request was, how- 
ever, rejected, principally by means of 
the Corinthians, yet weak from the last 



war, and well aware that in any contest 
with Athens, they, from their nearness, 
were hkely to be principal sufferei-s; 
and they are afterwards represented as 
taking credit with the Arfienians for 
ha\-ing asserted the right of every lead- 
ing city to control and punish its allies. 

War between Corcyra and Corinth. 
Three years after the reduction of 
Samos the seeds were sown of a war 
the most general, lasting, and pernicious 
with which Greece had been torn. The 
island of Corcyra, on the coast of Epii-us, 
was a colony of Corinth; a settlement 
formed by public authority, to extend 
the connexions of that city, or to reheve 
it of its ovei-flowing population; and 
supported in its original weakness by 
the power, and partially, at least, equip- 
ped from the resources of the state.* — 
As such, it was obliged to give, and en- 
titled to demand, assistance in time 
of need; and it was bound by sacred 
usage to pay to the mother city a 
reverential observance, shown, among 
other instances, in giving to its citi- 
zens precedency in the religious fes- 
tivals. But Corcyra gi'owing to sui'pass 
Cormth in commercial wealth and naval 
and mihtaiy power, withheld the cus- 
tomary homage, and thereby incmTed 
the enmity of its metropolis (mother 
city.) Before the breach the Corcy- 
rseans had founded Epidamnus. on the 
Illyrian coast; by a common practice 
inviting Phallus, a Corinthian, to be the 
leader of the colony, that so, as they 
thought, the gods of their fathei-s might 
favour the enterprise, and protect the set- 
tlement. Some Corinthians and other 
Dorians joined the expedition. Epi- 
damnus grew and prospered, till it was 
brought low by sedition and war with 
the neighbouring Illyrians. The oligar- 
chical party, who were expelled, united 
^vith the bai-barians, and those in the 
city being hard pressed sent to ask aid 
fi'om Corcyra. They seem, however, to 
have felt that their state had no claim of 
merit with the mother countiy : they pre- 
feiTcd their suit in the habit of suppliants, 
and it was, notwithstanding, rejected. 



* Provisions and arms were supplied from the public stores in the Prytaneum. In the same building, 
a sacred lamp was kept perpetually burnins;, from which the colonists lighted a lamp, to burn in like 
manner in their Prytaneum ; and this, if accidentally extinguished, could be relighted only at the sacred 
amp of the mother city. 



By whose aid did the Samian aristocrats recover their island and their hostages ? — Where is Lemnos ? — 
What city revolted?— Where is Byzantium ? — WHat city did Pericles besii-ge? — What was the result? — 
Did Byzantium also submit? — Who prevented tlie Laced.Tmoiiians from aiding the Samians ? — Why? 

Where is Corcyra? — By whom had it been colonized? — How did it incur the enmity of Corinth?— 
v^'llere had the Corcyraeans founded a colony ? — How was Epidamnus brought low ? — Which party sought 
aid of Corcyra? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



75 



The Epidamnians now consulting the 
oracle at Delphi, were authorised to 
acknowledge Corinth as their metro- 
polis, and to transfer to it their homage 
and obedience. The Corinthians ac- 
cepted the offer, both in hate to the 
Corcyraeans, and as thinking that they 
had no less right in the colony, since 
the nominal founder and some of the 
original settlers had been Corinthian. 
They proclaimed that any citizen who 
wished it should go as a colonist to 
Epidamnus, and sent, besides, an auxi- 
liary force. Offended at this, the Cor- 
cyneans took the part of the Epidamuian 
refugees, who had also requested their 
interference, and sent a fleet to requh'e 
the recall of the exiles, which, when this 
was refused, joined \vith them and with 
the lUyrians in besieging the town. 

The Coiintliians prepared to raise 
the siege ; and being far weaker at sea 
than their opponents, tliey procured 
assistance from many of their allies. 
Alarmed at the combination against 
them, the Corc3TEeans invited the me- 
diation of Lacedfemon and Sicyon, and 
prevailed so far that ministers from 
those states accompanied an embassy 
which they sent to Corinth, to propose 
that the dispute should be submitted to 
the arbitration of any Peloponnesian 
states on wliich both could agree, or to 
the decision of the oracle at Delphi. 
The Corinthians refused, and the arma- 
ment sailed. The Corcyraeans com- 
pletely defeated it, and slaughtered all the 
prisoners, except the Coiinthians, whom 
they kept in bonds. On the same day 
Epidamnus suiTendered. The Corcy- 
rseans now commanded the sea, and 
long amioyed their enemies without 
retaliation. 

Athens receives Corcyra into alliance. 
It had been the settled and liitherto 
successful policy of the Corcyraeans to 
engage in no alliance. Islanders and 
strong at sea, tliey needed not pro- 
tection, and they would not hazard 
being entangled in the quarrels of 
others. But the Corinthians were 
making the greatest exertions to repair 
their defeat, and it was apprehended 
that they might have the aid of the 
Peloponnesian confederacy, of which 
Corinth was a very important member. 
It seemed therefore necessary to the 



Corcyraeans to obtain a powerful ally; 
and, then* kindred states of Peloponnesus 
being in the hostile interest, they sent 
ambassadors to Athens, as the only 
power fi*om which they could hope 
effectual succour. The Corinthians 
also sent an embassy to dissuade 
the Athenians from supporting their 
enemies, and the assembly being met, 
each stated and supported their clauns 
in a set speech. Athens had but a 
temporaiy peace with the Peloponne- 
sians, and their disposition was known 
to be unfriendly : and Corcyra being the 
second maritime power in Greece, it 
was impoitant to secure it to the Athe- 
nian confederacy, and to prevent its 
falling under the Peloponnesian. The 
treat}" allowed the admission kito either 
league of any Grecian state not yet a 
member of either; but it was nearly 
certain that any act done in defence 
of CorcjTa would be considered as a 
hostile measure by the Pelopounesians. 
On the first day of assembly nothing 
was decided: but on the second day it 
was agreed, apparently with the ^vish of 
Pericles, to contract an alliance solely 
defensive with Corcyra. 

Sea fight between the Corinthians and Cor- 
cyrceans. 

The Corinthians and then- allies put 
to sea ^'vith 150 ships, of which 90 
were Corinthian ; and the Corcyraeans 
met them with 110. Besides, there were 
ten Athenian triremes, which had orders 
not to fight unless a descent were at- 
tempted on Corcyra or its dependencies : 
and accordingly they kept aloof, except 
by sometimes threatening where the 
Corcyraeans were hard pressed. The 
battle began with much corn-age, but 
httle skill : the vessels, as of old, inar- 
tificially equipped, the decks crowded 
with soldiei-s, and the action, to the 
Athenians trained in the disci])line of 
Themistocles, resembling less a sea- 
fight than one by land. The Corcy- 
raeans were defeated, and driven to the 
shore ; and, in the pui-suit, hostilities 
passed between the Corinthians and 
Athenians. The Corinthians then set 
themselves to collect the wrecks and 
make prisoners of the men who were 
found on them ; most of whom they 
slew, and among them, ignorantly, some 
of their ovsii fiiends, whose vessels had 



To whom did the Epidamnians transfer their allegiance? — What did the Corcyr.Tans then do? — From 
whom did the (Corinthians seek aid ? — Were they defeated ? — Was Epidamnns taken ? 
Whose aid did the Corcyrseans seek ? — What sort of alliance was formed between Athens and Corcyra? 
What was the force of each party ? — Which party was defeated i 



76 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



been destroyed by the Corcyraeans. In 
the evening, they again advanced ; and 
fearing a landing, the Corcyraeans led 
out their shattered fleet, with the Athe- 
nian ships, which would now have given 
more decided aid: but the Corinthians 
were deterred from joining battle by the 
approach of a squadron which proved 
to be of twenty Attic triremes. The 
next day, the Corcyraeans, with the 
thirty Athenian ships, offered battle. 
Unwilling now to fight, and unable to 
maintain themselves in their station, 
the Corinthians resolved to try the dis- 
position of the Athenians ; and sent to 
them, in a boat without a herald, mes- 
sengers who accused them of breaking 
the truce by obstructing the movements 
of the Corinthians, and bid them treat 
themselves as enemies if they intended 
to commence a war. The Corcyraeans 
within hearing called out to kill the mes- 
sengers, which, considering them as 
enemies without a herald, would have 
been within the Grecian laws of war: 
but the Athenian leaders answered that 
they were not breaking the tiiice, but 
protecting their aUies ; and that the 
Corinthians might go whithersoever 
they would, if it were not against any 
place belonging to Corcyra. Hereupon 
the Corinthians went home, as did also 
the Athenian squadron to Athens. 

Revolt of Potideea, Chalcidice and BottitBa. 

Potidaea, a town on the Isthmus con- 
necting the Peninsula of Pallene with 
the confines of Thrace and Macedonia, 
though a tributary ally of Athens, was a 
colony of Corinth, and still so far con- 
nected with its mother city as to receive 
thence annually magistrates. It was 
now urged to revolt by the Corinthians, 
and by Perdiccas king of Macedonia, 
who was also endeavouring to stir up 
a revolt among the other subjects of 
Athens in his neighbourhood, the Chal- 
cidians and Bottiaeans. The Athenians 
being inforaied of this, sent a requisi- 
tion to the Potidaeans, to give hostages 
of fidelity, to demolish their walls on 
the side towards Pallene, to send away 
the Corinthian magistrates, and thence- 
forward to receive none. The Potidaeans 
sent to solicit a reversal of the order, 
and, at the same time, in conjunction 



with the Corinthians, secretly negotiated 
for the support of Lacedaemon. The 
Athenians refused to relax, and the Spar- 
tan administration promising to invade 
Attica in case the Athenians should 
endeavour by arms to enforce their 
demands, the Potidaeans engaged in a 
league with the Chalcidians and Bot- 
tiaeans, and all revolted together. The 
Chalcidian Peninsula being open to the 
fleet of Athens, Perdicceis proposed to 
the inhabitants to destroy their towns 
and abandon their lands; to make 
Olynthus their one strong-hold; and 
during the war to remove to a territory, 
which he would assign for their support, 
all their people beyond what the defence 
of the city might require. This measure 
was adopted, and the greatoess of the 
sacrifice shows that the Athenian sway 
had been most galling. 

The Athenians sent 30 ships to 
Thrace, and 40 more with 2000 Athe- 
nian heavy-armed, when they learned 
that the Corinthian Aristeus, with 1600 
heavy-ai'med, was on his way to Po- 
tidaea. They first attacked Perdiccas, 
but having soon concluded a treaty 
with him, they went against the re- 
volted alhes. These they found before 
Olynthus, commanded by Aristeus, and 
with 200 horse from Perdiccas, who had 
turned against the Athenians as soon 
as the pressure of their arms was re- 
moved. The Athenians were \'ictorious, 
their enemies mostly flying to Olynthus, 
but Aristeus, who had broken and pur- 
sued too far the wing opposed to him, 
taking refuge m Potidaea. They sat 
down before Potidaea, and being rein- 
forced by 1600 heavy-armed, they were 
enabled to complete the blockade. Ari- 
steus, having settled matters within, es- 
caped out of the city, and taking the com- 
mand of the Chalcidians, gave the be- 
siegei"s some annoyance, and at the same 
time pressed the Peloponnesians for aid. 

Disputes with the Peloponnesian confederacy. 

The Corinthians now called more 
loudly for war, and were supported by 
others, particularly the ^ginetans, who 
secretly, since they dared not openly, 
complained of their subjection. The 
Lacedaemonians being met in assembly 
to hear any charge which might be 



Which party offered battle next day ? — What answer did the Athenians return to the Corinthian mes- 
sengers ?— Did a second battle take place ? 

What town was urged to revolt from Athens by the Corinthians ? — Where is Potidaea ? — Who was Per- 
diccas ? — Between what gulfs is Pallene ?— What requisition did Athens makeof Potidsea?— Did the Poti- 
dxans gain a reversal of this order? — Who engaged to support them? — What provinces revolted ? — What 
did Perdiccas propose? — What force did the Athenians send against the rebels? — Where did they find tbe 
allies? — Where is Olynthus? — Which party was victorious? — What city was besieged? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



77 



made against the Athenians, the Me- 
garians, among others, alleged that 
3iey were unjustly excluded from the 
Attic market and the subject ports. 
Last of all, the Corinthians blamed the 
general tardiness of Lacedaemon; set 
forth the dangers arising to Grecian 
liberty from the insatiable ambition and 
restless enterprise of Athens ; com- 
plained of their own particular giiev- 
ances, and caUed for assistance to their 
friends shut up in Potidaea. It hap- 
pened that Athenian ambassadors were 
then in Sparta ; and they, hearing their 
city thus accused, demanded a hearing. 
They would not, they said, answer par- 
ticularly to charges made before those in 
whom no right resided to judge between 
them and their alUes; but they wished 
to admonish the hearers against hghtly 
determming so great a matter, and to 
show their city not unworthy of its em- 
pire. They spoke of the merits of 
Athens in both Persian invasions, and 
the voluntary submission of the alhes ; 
and said that, as their sway was honom-- 
ably won, so in the present temper of 
Lacedaemon it could not safely be relin- 
quished. They endeavoured to palHate 
the harshness of their rule ; deprecated 
all breach of the existing truce, and 
offered to submit all disputes to arbitra- 
tion, according to the treaty. 

The foreign minister bemg dismissed, 
Archidamus, the aged king, a vrise and 
moderate man, addressed the assembly. 
He justified the habitual caution of La- 
cedaemon, and set forth the dangers and 
certain evils of war ^vith a state so far 
superior in wealth and in naval skill and 
power. In land force, he said, it was 
true the Peloponnesians had the advan- 
tage ; but they could only ravage Attica, 
while the Athenians would be constantly 
supplied with all they needed from pos- 
sessions far beyond the reach of their 
enemies. Finally, since the Athenians 
were wilUng to submit to a judicial deci- 
sion, the appeal to arms would be unjust. 
The question was put, and the assembly 
decided that the treaty was broken, and 
that the allies should be called to delib- 
erate whether war were to be commenc- 
ed. This took place in the fourteenth 
year of the thirty years' truce, and the 
forty-ninth after the battle of Salamis. 
It was followed by a meeting of the al- 



lies, which resolved on immediate war. 
It is the opinion of the discerning Thu- 
cydides, that the Lacedaemonians were 
less detenriined to hostihty by the com- 
plaints of their alUes than by then ovni 
jealousy of the power of Athens. 

Unprepared for action,tlie Lacedaemo- 
nians wished to delay the beginning of 
the wai* : they also vidshed to throw on 
the Athenians the refusal of peace, and, 
if possible, to sow dissension among 
them. With these views they sent an 
embassy to Athens on a subject totally 
imconnected with tlie present quaiTels, 
but likely to engage on tlieir side the 
superstition of Greece. Fit atonement, 
they said, had not been made for the 
sacrilege of the Alcmaeonidae m the sedi- 
tion of Cylon ; and since the curse of 
sacrilege was held to cleave to all de- 
scendants of the guilty, they required 
that the wi*ath of the gods should be 
averted from Greece by the total expul- 
sion of the polluted race. Of these was 
Pericles, through his mother ; and though 
they could not hope to obtain his banish- 
ment, they yet expected, by alarming the 
people, to embaiTass his administration. 
It would have been vain to allege the 
antiquity of the crime, or tlie innocence 
of those on whom it was now to be visi- 
ted ; for in the popular faith of Greece, 
bUnd fear was predominant over reason 
and justice : but the demand was easily 
repelled by recrimination. The Lace- 
daemonians had two more recent sacri- 
leges unatoned, the stai-ving of Pausanias 
in the Brazen House, and the execution 
of some Helots forced from the temple 
of Neptune on Mount Taenarus, to which 
last the gi-eat earthquake at Spaita was 
popularly ascribed. They were there- 
fore required fii-st to expel the accm-sed 
families from among themselves. 

A second embassy came with a differ- 
ent commission. It required that the 
siege of Potidaea should be i*aised and 
-^gina made free; but chiefly that the 
decree against Megara should be revere- 
ed. The fii-st demsmds were little press- 
ed, and decidedly rejected ; to the third, 
and principal, the Athenians rephed by 
alleging misconduct on the part of the 
Megariaus, who had cultivated the sacred 
land on the bordei-s which ought to be 
inviolate, and received the fugitive slaves 
of the Athenians. A third embassy, neg- 



What charges were brought against the Athenians in the Lacednemonian assembly .'—What reply did 
the Athenian ambassadors make? — What advice did Archidamus oft'er ? — How was the (luestion decid- 
ed .'—When did this happen ? — What was resolved at the meeting of the allies ?— What did the TiUeedffl- 
monians demand of Athens ? — What did the Atheninns require of them ? — What did the second embassy 
require .'—Was this complied with? — What did the third embassy require .' 



78 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



lecting the former requisitions, demand- 
ed, as the one condition of peace, the 
independence of all Grecian subjects of 
Athens. The assembly being divided in 
opinion how to answer, Pericles address- 
ed them. He exhorted them resolutely 
to withstand the imperious demands of 
the ambassadors, since one concession to 
fear would embolden the Peloponnesians 
to dictate new submissions without limit ; 
and he showed that the war was more to 
be dreaded by Lacedsemon than by 
Athens. Inferior in shipping, and still 
more in seamanship, the Peloponnesians 
never could cope with them at sea ; they 
might ravage theu* lands, but the Atheni- 
ans could retahate, and the ravage of all 
Attica would be a smaller calamity than 
that of a part of Peloponnesus. " If we 
were islanders, who," he asked, " would 
be so proof agamst attack ? Let us then 
be islanders in our policy, giving up our 
lands and houses, and only solicitous to 
defend the city and command the sea: 
and let us not squander the Uves of men, 
on whose exertions our empire depends, 
in a doubtful attempt to preserve for a 
time a tenitory of which the loss is httle 
important, and to repel an mvasion which, 
if repelled, will soon be repeated with no 
less a force. I have many other grounds 



to hope success, if you be but willing not 
to seek fresh conquests during the war. 
To the embassy let us answer. That we 
wall admit the Megarians to our markets 
and ports, if the Lacedaemonians will 
abrogate, as far as respects ourselves and 
our allies, the law excluding strangers 
from their city; for neither of these 
points is provided for in the treaty : That 
our subject cities shall be independent, 
if they were independent at the making 
of the treaty; and if at any time the Lac- 
edsemonians shall permit their allies to 
settle theu' respective governments in 
their o^vn fashion, and not in that most 
agreeable to Lacedoemon: That we are 
wdlling, according to the treaty, to submit 
our disputes to a fan* arbitration: and 
that we will not commence a war, but 
we will resist, if others commence it." 
The foresight of Pericles is worthy of 
remark, since we shall find that Athens 
was with difficulty prevented from tri- 
umphing by gi'oss errors of conduct, and 
particularly by that rashness and wild 
thirst of conquest which he deprecated. 
The answer was framed according to his 
suggestion: That the Athenians would 
do nothing on command ; but that they 
were wdUing to abide by a judicial deci- 
sion according to the treaty. 



CHAPTER VI. 



OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 



SECTION I. 
Attempt of the Thebans on Plateea. 
Thebes had ever been accustomed, as 
the leading city of Bosotia, to claim polit- 
ical and miUtaiy command over aU the 
rest. The Plataeans had refused submis- 
sion, and stood upon their independence 
as a separate state ; and, at an early pe- 
riod, finduig themselves unable to resist 
the overwhelming power of the Thebans, 
they had sued to Lacedaemon for aid. 
It did not then agree with the views of 
the Lacedaemonians to engage in the 
concerns of a region so distant as Bceotia, 
and they therefore advised the suppliants 
to make their request to the Athenians, 
who were a powerful people and near at 
hand. The Plataeans did so, and met 
with prompt and effectual aid from Ath- 
ens : in return for which they gave their 



heartiest service in all the wars and dan- 
gers of their protectoi-s. The Thebans 
were now sure of war with Athens ; they 
had oflen been annoyed by the hostility 
of the Plataeans, and always had ill 
brooked their assertion of independence; 
and, hoping to secure the town before 
the general straggle broke out, they lis- 
tened to some Plataean malcontents, who 
offered to introduce their troops into the 
city. Three hundred were sent, who 
entered by night the more easily, as no 
watch was set, for it was considered a 
time of peace. Then' introducers wished 
them to proceed to the massacre of their 
chief enemies ; but they preferred to gain 
the city peaceably if possible, and taking 
ground in the market-place, they made 
proclamation that those should join ^vith 
them, who wished to be leagued with all 



What advice did Pericles offer to the Athenians? — How was the answer of the Athenians to the Pelo- 
ponnesian allies framed ? 

What city claimed the command of Bceotia? — What state had aided the Platteans against Thebes?— 
What return was made? — What treachery did the Thebans practise towards the Platssans? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



79 



the BcEOtians acconiing to the custom of 
their fathers. Dismayed at the sudden 
attack, the Plataeans listened to their 
proposals, till they discovered the small 
number of the invaders ; but, finding this, 
they assailed them while perplexed by 
the darkness in their ignorance of the 
streets. The Thebans were defeated, 
and most of the survivors obliged to sur- 
render at discretion. A Theban araiy 
following to support the detachment re- 
ceived, while on the march, the news of 
its destruction ; and when the leaders 
were determining to seize on any Platae- 
ans found without the walls, as pledges 
for the captured Thebans, a Plataean 
herald arrived to rebuke theh* treacher- 
ous aggression, and to declare that, if 
they did any injury, the prisoners should 
instantly be put to death. The Thebans 
retired ; but the Plataeans, in the violence 
of their resentment, proved false to the 
promise, which, if not expressed, was 
implied in their threat, and all the prison- 
ers were executed, in number one hun- 
dred and eighty. 

A messenger had been sent to Athens 
with the news of the surprise, and the 
Boeotians in Attica were arrested : a se- 
cond to tell of the capture of the The- 
bans; and directions were returned to 
keep the prisonei-s safe till the Athenians 
should determuie of their treatment. 
Unfortunately, they were already dead. 
An Athenian army now conducted to 
Plataea a convoy of provisions, and hav- 
ing left a detachment to assist in the de- 
fence, brought away with it the women 
and childi'en, and men unfit for war. 

Invasion of Attica by the Peloponnesians. 
The Lacedaemonians were exerting 
themselves to the utmost in preparation. 
Ambassadore were sent to Pereia, chiefly 
in hope of pecuniary' aid. A fixed money 
contribution was appointed to 'be paid 
by each of the allies, and it was pro- 
posed that five hundred tiiremes should 
be raised for the maritime states, besides 
those expected fi-om the Itahan and Si- 
cilian Greeks, who mostly favoured their 
cause. The league included all the Pe- 
loponnesians, except the Argians and 
Achaians, who were neutral ; and nearly 
all the states of northern Greece, except 
the Thessalians and Acamanians. These 
sided with Athens, the former coldly. 



but the latter more heartily; and by 
their friendship, with that of Corcyra 
and Zac5TithHs, and with the tovm of 
Naupactus held by the Messenians, who 
owed their veiy existence to Athenian 
protection, the Athenians were enabled 
to carry on the war m the Avestern seas. 
Corcyra, Chios, and Lesbos, furnished 
ships to Athens, and were treated as in- 
dependent : the remaining islands of the 
^gean, except Melos and Thera, with all 
the Greeks of Asia, and all in Thrace 
but those who had recently revolted, 
were tributary subjects, deprived of ships 
of war, and liable to unlimited control. 

In spite of a more cultivated humanity 
of manners, and a religion so pointedly 
opposed to violence and bloodshed, that 
by some it has been construed to forbid 
even necessaiy defence, nearly every war 
has been popular in the outset, even in 
the states of civilized and Christian Eu- 
rope. The Greeks were ardent lovers of 
mihtary fame, and little imbued with 
universal justice and philanthropy. The 
utmost extent of their pohtical morality 
went no further than patriotism and 
fidelity to contracts ; few even of deep 
thinkei-s held it a duty to respect the 
happiness of mankind, or felt the wicked- 
ness of unnecessaiy war. It is not then 
wonderful that the call to aiTQS should 
have been generally welcome, when, in 
fourteen years, the youth had gi'own up 
inexperienced in the sufferings of war, 
but proud of the gloiy of then' fathers, 
and eager to emulate their deeds. All 
Greece was in anxiety ; oracles and pre- 
dictions without number were circu- 
lated ; and eveiy imcommon natui-al phe- 
nomenon was made a presage of the 
event. The general wish was favourable 
to the Lacedaemonians, who professed to 
uphold the Hberty of Greece. The sub- 
jects of Athens were eager to be hbe- 
rated, and those who were yet fi-ee were 
fearful of being subjected ; and thus, as 
she rose to empire through the tyranny 
of Pausanias, she seemed likely to fall 
from it through her own. 

The Peloponnesians advanced under 
king Archidamus, but, before they en- 
tered Attica, a Spaitan minister was 
sent to try whether the Athenians would 
yet recede in their pretensions. The 
messenger was not admitted to a hear- 
ing, but was sent away with the decla- 



What was the result?— How were the Theban prisoners treated ?—WIiat assistance did the Athenians 
render to the Plataeans ? 

\yhat preparations did the Lacedaemonians make for the war:— What did the Pelopoiinesian league in- 
ude?— What states sided with Athens?— What towns?— What islands furnished ships to Athens?— 



elude . 



TiTiT ■•■■■■•^ o..,ii»„. .-,u»,.. ,T.i.. ,»iii^.ic.. — i>ii.ii mwiis: — \> nai isianns lurnisnen snips lo .Ainens r— 

Who were tributary subjects of Athens?— Why was the Lacedemonian the popular side in this war?— 
Under whom did the Peloponnesians invade Attica ? 



80 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



ration that, if the Lacedsemonians wished 
to make any proposal, they must first 
withdraw their army. Having received 
this answer, Archidamus crossed the 
Attic border. 

Conduct of Pericles. — Resources of Athens. 

Pericles was one of the ten generals of 
Athens. His office enabled him to caU 
at his discretion extraordinary assem- 
blies of the people; and this, with the 
power of guiding their proceedings by 
his eloquence and popularity, gave him, 
in eflfect, the supreme direction of the 
state. In an assembly held while the 
Peloponnesians were gathering, he en- 
deavoured to prepare the people for the 
war. Apprehending that Archidamus 
might spare his lands, either for private 
friendship which existed between them, 
or by command of the Lacedsemonians, 
to make him suspected in Athens; he 
declared that if his estates met with 
any distinguishing forbearance he would 
resign them to the public. He ex- 
horted his hearers to secure their move- 
able propeity in the city, and avoiding 
a battle, to look to the maintenance of 
their naval strength and foreign com- 
mand, the chief sources of their great- 
ness. He then stated the amount of 
their means. Besides other revenues, 
the yearly tribute fi-om the allies was 
now six hundred talents, about one 
hundred and fifty thousand pounds. The 
treasury contained six thousand talents 
in coined money, and there was uncoined 
gold and silver in sacred vessels, offer- 
ings, Persian spoils, &c. to a vast 
amount. The native heavy-aiTned troops 
were twenty-nine thousand men. The 
cavalry, with the horee bowmen, were 
twelve hundred ; the foot bowmen, six- 
teen hundred. Besides there would be 
numerous light armed, chiefly slaves. 
The triremes fit for service were three 
hundred. It is not stated what additional 
force was supplied by the allies. 

The Athenians brought into the city 
their families and furniture, and sent 
their cattle to Euboea and the other 
neighbouring islands; reluctantly, for 
they were beyond all other Greeks at- 
tached to a country hfe. The ravages of 
the Persians had been repaired, the 
houses rebuilt, and many with expen- 
sive improvements, all which would now 



again be ruined. They regretted the 
temples, and the old rehgious observan- 
ces of the several towns, inherited fi*om 
times before the union effected by 
Theseus. The actual distress was great 
Many fell from competence to poverty 
by the cessation of income fi*om their 
estates. The city was filled with a mul- 
titude far greater than the houses could 
contain: some found shelter in the 
temples, some in towers of the walls ; 
the rest were hutted in open spaces of 
the city and the Peirseeus, and on the 
ground between the long walls. Never- 
theless, they applied themselves vigor- 
ously to warlike preparations, and a 
fleet of one hundred ships was made 
ready to act against Peloponnesus. 

The advance of Archidamus was re- 
tarded by the hope that the Athenians, 
while their property was yet undamaged, 
might oflTer concessions to preserve it. 
No offer coming, he proceeded to Eleu- 
sis, and sitting down there, wasted the 
rich Thriasian plain ; then to Achamae, 
the largest parish of Attica, and within 
six miles of Athens. The Achamians 
were a numerous and powerful body, 
and furnished alone three thousand 
heavy armed ; and he thought that they 
might prevail with the people to risk a 
battle, or if not, when they had lost their 
property, they would be less warm in 
defendijQg that of others, and he might 
pursue his operations more securely. 
Athens was all confusion. The Thria- 
sian plain had been ravaged by Pleis- 
toanax ; but never before, since the Per- 
sian war, had an enemy come in sight 
of Athens. Some cried out for battle, 
particularly the Achamians; others op- 
posed a measure so perilous; but all 
agreed in censuring Pericles as the cause 
of their evils. Pericles stood firm, and 
would not caD an assembly, since it 
would probably have voted to risk an 
immediate engagement ; but he sent out 
parties of cavalry to cut off* stragglers, 
and to prevent the extension of ravage 
to any distance fi*om the camp ; and in 
an action with the Boeotian horse, the 
Athenians had the advantage. Having 
wasted the Achamian vale, and vainly 
sought a battie, the invaders carried de- 
vastation to Oropus, at the eastern ex- 
tremity of Attica, and thence passing 
into Bceotia, returned home. 



Who had the supreme direction of Athens ? — What sacrifice did he make for the public ? — What did he 
exhort the Athenians to do ?— What was the amount of their funds ?— Of their land forces ?— Of their navy ? 
— How did the Athenians prepare for invasion ? — Did these preparations occasion much distress? — Before 
what city did Archidamus sit down? — Which way is Eleusis from Attica? — What plain did he ravage?— 
What parish did he next invade? — How near to Athens? — What was the state of Athens? — What did 
the people demand?— Did Pericles grant their request ?— What was the result ?— Which way from Athens 
is Oropus ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



81 



Operations of the Athenian fleet. 
Meanwhile, the one hundred Athe- 
nian ships, with fifty Corcyraean, and a 
few fi-om other aUies, sailed round Pelo- 
ponnesus, and wasted much of its west- 
em coast. Passing on, they took As- 
tacus, in Acamania, expelled its tyrant, 
and establishing democracy, admitted it 
to alliance ; and without hostihty brought 
over to their interest the large islcind of 
Cephalonia. 

Expulsion of the ^ginetan people. — Al- 
liance of Athens with Sitalces king of 
Thrace. 

The Athenians voted to set aside one 
thousand talents as a reserve for extre- 
mity, and denounced death to whoever 
should propose to touch it unless the 
city should be attacked by sea ; an event 
impl}'ing the prior ruin of the Athenian 
na\^, and the only thing, as it was 
thought, which could destroy the com- 
monwealth. One hundred triremes were 
set aside for the same emergency. The 
iEginetans were kno^vn to have been 
active m kindling the war, and their in- 
veterate hostiht}' was peculiai'ly danger- 
ous from the situation of their island. 
By a harsh measure, but one which 
seems, according to Grecian maxims, 
not to have exceeded what the provoca- 
tion might justify, the whole fi-ee popu- 
lation was expelled, and a colony of 
Athenians occupied the lands and houses. 
Thus the island was garrisoned ^vithout 
expense, and the cit}^ relieved of part of 
the multitude which crowded it. Most 
of the iEginetans were established by 
the Lacedaemonians at Thyrea, on the 
confines of Argolis and Laconia. The 
Athenians had successfully negotiated 
with Sitalces, the powerful king of 
Thrace, who became their ally, and ef- 
fected peace and alhance between them 
and Perdiccas. 

Winter setting in, all Greece was 
quiet, except the western coast, where a 
Corinthian squadron restored the tyrant 
of Astacus. At Athens, the funeral of 
those who had fallen in battle was, ac- 
cording to custom, publicly solemnized, 
and Pericles being appointed to pro- 
nounce their funeral oration, delivered a 
speech which has been reported by Thu- 



cydides. As this and some other speeches 
of Pericles are the earhest extant speci- 
mens of Grecian eloquence, so they may 
justly take their rank among its greatest 
masterpieces. 

Second Peloponnesian invasion. — Plague of 
Athens. 

In the first campaign, the ravage of 
Attica had been retaliated with not less 
effect, and with far smaller expense and 
trouble. But in the following year, just 
as the Peloponnesians had commenced 
a second inroad, Athens was \isited with 
a scourge more terrible than they. A 
pestilential fever, originating in ^Ethio- 
pia, had been felt in Egypt and many 
parts of Asia, when it fell on Athens with 
fury before unknown. It began vrith 
heats in the head, and inflammation in 
the eyes; the tongue and throat were 
bloody, the breath fetid ; then came 
sneezing, then laborious coughing ; then 
excessive evacuations in all ways, fol- 
lowed by violent hiccups and spasms. 
The skin was reddish and full of ulcers, 
but not outwardly hot; though the in- 
ternal fever was such that the patient 
could not bear the lightest covering, and 
many threw themselves into the wells 
for reUef. Thirst was unquenchable, 
and sleep there was none, yet the suffer- 
ers were less weakened than inigbt have 
been expected. The fever lasted from 
seven to nine days ; but many who sur- 
vived it perished by the ulceration of 
the bowels, and the flux which followed. 
The disease passed from the head 
through the whole body, and finally fix- 
ed in the exti-emities, which many lost 
Some were totally deprived of menjory, 
and recovered, not knowhig their nearest 
fi-iends, nor even themselves. Birds and 
beasts of prey would not touch the 
corpses, or, tasting them, they perished. 

No remedy was found for the disease. 
Its virulence was increased by the mii- 
form despondency of the sufferei-s ; and 
they died neglected, or if any ministered 
to them, he caught the infection. Those 
only who had passed througli the ma- 
lady, could attend with safety on the 
sick, since they were not again liable to 
it in a fatal degree. The evil was in- 
creased by the crowded state of the city. 



What was effected in Peloponnesus by the Athenian fleet ? — What city did tliey take ? — What island 
did they gain? — In what part of Acamania is Astacus? — Which way from Astacus is Cephalonia or 
Cephallenia? 

How did the Athenians prepare for extremity ? — How did they treat the iEginetans ? — What new allies 
did the Athenians gain? — What solemnity was celebrated at Athens in the winter? — Who pronounced 
the oration ?- -Who reports it in his history? 

What misfortune befell Athens in the following year ? — What were some of the circumstances attend- 
ing it ? 



11 



82 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Dying men lay heaped in stifling huts, 
or in the streets, and about the fountains, 
whither they thronged to drink. The 
temples were filled with corpses, and 
means were wanting for the burial of the 
dead. 

The worst effects of the calamity were 
mibounded hcentiousness and desperate 
thoughtlessness. Men said in their hearts 
" Let us eat, drink, and revel, for to-mor- 
row we die : why spare health or fortune, 
which we shall not live to enjoy ?" Rich 
houses were made desolate, and poor 
men, suddenly enriched, abused their 
wealth in riot and debauchery. Men's 
affections were blunted, and then* natures 
brutalized, by tumultuous revehy, when 
all were perishing around them, and 
when the riches they squandered were 
derived fi*om the recent death of those 
who had been most dear to them. No 
fear of God, or the laws, deterred fi'om 
crimes that promised the means of im- 
mediate pleasure. Untaught by their re- 
ligion to look to the Divinity for aught 
but worldly blessings, they saw no dis- 
tinction between the righteous and the 
wicked, when the pestilence was fatal to 
both ; and the laws were impotent, since 
no one expected that he would live to 
suffer their sentence. 

At this time of misery, Pericles ad- 
hered to the policy he had chosen. He 
would not hazard a battle, but suffered 
the Peloponnesians to ravage Attica, 
while their own country was wasted yet 
more extensively than before by the 
Athenian fleet. But the spirit of the 
Athenians was broken : they made pro- 
posals of peace, which were haughtily 
refused ; and the shame of failure con- 
curred with previous suffering to raise 
their anger against Pericles, as the author 
of their misery. Pericles called an as- 
sembly to encourage them, and justify 
himself. He re-stated the reasons for 
war, which had before determined them, 
and which now had lost no force; re- 
minded them that he had warned them 
of all their present sufferings, except the 
pestilence, which no human wisdom 
could foresee ; repeated that, if they now 
gave way, they must be subject to Lace- 
daemon, and on harder terms than if they 
had yielded at first; and showed that, 
with firmness, they might still prevail. 
His arguments persuaded them to main- 
tain the war, but their anger for their in- 



dividual losses did not subside till they 
had fined him heavily ; yet so convinced 
was the capricious multitude of his supe- 
rior merit, that they soon re-elected him 
general, and put everything under his 
direction. 

Peloponnesian ambassadors to Persia put to 
death by the Athenians. — Surrender of 
Potidcea. 

In the autumn, there fell into the 
hands of the Athenians some Peloponne- 
sian ambassadors sent to Persia. Among 
them was Aristeus, who had chiefly 
managed the revolt of Potidaea; and the 
fear of further damage from him was a 
leading motive in the cruelty which fol- 
lowed. The ambassadors were put to 
death unheard, under the plea of retalia- 
tion for the atrocious conduct of the La- 
cedaemonians, who, smce the war began, 
had massacred the crew of every mer- 
chant ship they met with, whether of the 
Athenians or their allies, or even of neu- 
trals. In the ensuing winter, Potidaea 
surrendered, on the terms that the garri- 
son and people should be dismissed in 
fi-eedom. The territory was occupied 
by a colony of Athenians. 

Death of Pericles. 
Pericles died soon after through the 
pestilence ; and after his death, Thucy- 
dides observes, his foresight was made 
manifest. "For he said that the Athe- 
nians would prevail in the war, if they 
attended to their navy, made no new con- 
quests, and incuiTed no needless dan- 
gers : but they did just the contrary, and 
besides committed many other faults, 
both among themselves and against their 
allies, at the persuasion of ambitious and 
interested men. And the reason of the 
difference was, that he being powerful 
by ability, reputation, and pre-eminent 
integiity, was not obliged to humour the 
people, but able to direct them ; whereas 
those who followed being more on a 
level vnth each other, and each aspiring 
to be first, courted favour by advising not 
what was best, but what was most agree- 
able. Yet the Athenians, after squan- 
dering unprofitably the best of their 
strength, and provoking new and power- 
ful enemies, were with difficulty over- 
come when weakened by internal strife ; 
so more than verified was the assertion 
of Pericles that, with prudence, they 
were a match for the Peloponnesians." 



What were the worst effects of the calamity ?— Did Pericles persist in his defensive mode of conducting 
the war ?— Did the Athenians succeed in ohtaining peace? — Whom did they blame? — How did they pun- 
ish him ? — Did they afterwards restore his power? 

What act of cruelty did the Athenians perpetrate? — Under wbat plea? — What town surrendered to 
Athens in tiie ensuing winter ? 

Who died soon after ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



83 



Siege of Plataa. 
In two invasions of Attica, the Pelo- 
ponnesians, with great expense, had 
caused much individual suffering, but 
had failed to provoke a battle, and had 
little weakened the adverse state. The 
next summer they entered not Attica, 
but laid siege to Platsea. The Plateeans 
remonstrated, urging the merit of their 
commonwealth in the Persian war, and 
the perpetual protection assured to them 
by PausEinias, in the name of Greece. 
Archidamus, who conmianded the Pelo- 
ponuesians, offered neutrahty ; and when 
they said they could not ti-ust the The- 
bans for observance of the terms, his 
answer was, " Entrust to us your lands 
and houses, show us the boundaries of 
the lands, and number the fruit trees; 
and sojourn where you please till the 
war is over, when all shall be restored ; 
till then, we will cultivate the land, and 
pro\'ide for your subsistence." The Pla- 
taeans consented, provided the Athenians 
were willing ; but deputies being sent to 
Athens, brought a requisition to abide 
by the terms of their alliance, and a 
promise of aid. They, therefore, de- 
clared themselves unable to comply with 
the demands of the Lacedaemonians; 
and Archidamus, solemnly protesting 
that the breach of faith was on the side 
of Plataea, commenced the siege. The 
mode of attack was rude and unskilful, 
the garrison active and vigilant ; and the 
besiegers were obliged to resort to block- 
ade. All useless mouths having been 
sent to Athens, there were in the place 
but four hundred Plataeans, eighty Athe- 
nians, and one hundred and ten women, 
to make bread. 

Naval victories of Phormion. 
Meanwhile, an Athenian ai-my had 
been beaten by the Chalcidians of Thrace, 
and an attempt had been made against 
the power of Athens in AVestem Greece. 
The Ambraciots, a Corinthian colony to 
the north of Acamania, with the Leuca- 
dians and Anactorians, one thousand 
Peloponnesians, and some of the neigh- 
bouring barbarians, invaded Acarnania; 
but the barbarians, rashly separating 



themselves, were defeated, and the ex- 
pedition failed. Of one hundred ships 
equipped last year by the Peloponnesians, 
forty-seven being sent from Corinth to 
co-operate with the force in Acamania, 
were intercepted by Phormion, who was 
stationed with twenty Athenian ships at 
Naupactus. Confident in his o\m3 ability, 
and the skill of his crews, he met them, 
and confoimded them ^vith his man- 
oeuvres, sunk then* admiral, and I'outed 
them, taking twelve ships. The Pelopon- 
nesians sent out sevent}-seven ships to 
retrieve their defeat, yet, with these, they 
feared to meet the small squadi-on of 
Phonnion in the open sea. At length, 
they enti-apped hmi in the entrance of 
the bay, where there was not room for 
his superior manoeuvring. Nine Atheni- 
an ships were taken or forced agi-ound, 
some of which were recovered by the 
Messenians on the shore, dashing into 
the water, and fighting from the decks : 
eleven fled towards Naupactus, pui-sued 
by the Peloponnesian advanced squadron 
of twent}^ ships. The hindmost of these 
eleven was neai-ly overtaken by a Leuca- 
dian trireme, when it turned round a 
large vessel at the enti-ance of the port, 
struck its pui^suer on the side, and sunk 
it. The Peloponnesians stopped in con- 
fusion and alarm, and the eleven Athe- 
nian ships, advancing in order, had an 
easy victory. The Athenians took six 
ships, and recovered all which had been 
taken from them, save one. 

Attempt of the Lacedcemonians to surprise 
Peireeeus. 

A project was suggested to the Lace- 
daemonian commanders, by which they, 
might partly cover their disgi'ace. Being 
told by the Megarians that the Athenian 
goverament, secure m naval superiority, 
left Peiraeeus little guarded, they deter- 
mined to surprise it. A body of seamen 
crossing the isthmus, launched forty tri- 
remes laid up in Nisaea, and stood to- 
wards Attica ; but a conti*ary wind aris- 
ing, they feared they might be too late 
for surprise, and, instead of sailing for 
Peiraeeus, they landed on Salamis, and 
ravaged it. The time thus wasted saved 



To what city did the Peloponnesians lay siege next summer? — How did the Plataeans lay claim to in- 
demnity ? — What offer did Archidamus make them ? — Did the Athenians allow them to accept it? — How 
did they prepare to hold out iu the siege ? — What force remained in Platiea ? — How near is Piatsa to the 
sea? 

Where had an Athenian army been beaten? — Between what gulfs is Chalcidice? — Who invaded Acar- 
nania? — Where is Ambracia? — Why did the expedition fail? — Where was Phormion the Athenian admi- 
ral stationed ? — What gulf does Naupactus command ? — How many ships did Thermion take in the first 
battle? — How many ships did the Peloponnesians then send against him ? — How did they entrap him? — 
How many ships did they take? — What was the final result of the battle] 

How did the Lacedaemonians endeavour to cover their disgrace? — What prevented it? — What island 
did they ravage ? 



84 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Peirseeus. The alarm in Athens was 
excessive, at sight of the beacon fires, 
which announced the presence of an 
enemy. All hunied in arms to the port, 
the ships were launched and manned, 
and stood for Salamis; but the Pelo- 
ponnesians, not awaiting them, returned 
to Nissea with much booty, some pri- 
soners, and three empty triremes, not 
without fear that their leaky vessels 
might founder on the way. Hencefor- 
ward, the Athenians kept better guard 
in their harbour. The Peloponnesian 
fleet having dispei-sed. the winter was 
spent by Phonnion in strengthening the 
Athenian interest in Acamania, by con- 
firming the power of the fiiendly party in 
the towns, and banishing the most ob- 
noxious men. 

Sitalces overruns Macedonia. 
Perdiccas of Macedonia had again 
changed sides, and Sitalces attacked 
him, at once to fulfil his engagements 
with Athens, and to punish a breach of 
faith to himself. The Thracians were a 
barbarous, but bold and hardy race; 
and however inferior in discipline and 
skill, their numerical superiority was 
such that the Macedonians could not 
keep the field. Sitalces oveiTan and 
wasted Macedonia and Chalcidice; but 
his army suffered through hunger and 
wintiy weatlier, and he retired without 
making any pennanent conquest. 

Third Peloponnesian invasion of Athens. — 
Revolt of Mitylene. 

The next summer Attica was again 
invaded by the Peloponnesians ; and 
soon after all Lesbos but Methymne re- 
volted from Athens. The island was di- 
vided into six republics, of which Mity- 
lene and Methymne were far the most 
powerful. Methymne was zealous for 
democracy and Athens ; but in Mitylene 
the oligarchical party was strong; and 
this, with the hope of undisputed rule in 
the island, and the fear that they might 
be like othei's deprived of their fleet and 
reduced to subjection, disposed the Mi- 
tylenaeans to revolt. They increased 
their navy, strengthened their defences, 
and laid in stores for a siege : they had 



already influence in the smaller states, 
and they now improved it to a strict 
union. But before their preparations 
were completed, the Athenians being 
informed by the Methymnseans, and 
some of the democratical Mitylenseans, 
commanded them to desist: and their 
refusal brought an Athenian squadron 
of 40 triremes. The Mitylenseans en- 
deavoured to gain time by negotiation: 
but the only terms of pai'don now were 
the suiTender of their na^'y, and the de- 
molition of their walls. All Lesbos de- 
clared for Mitylene, except the Methym- 
nseans, who joined the Athenians with 
their whole force. Afl;er an mdecisive 
engagement in the field, the Mitylenseans 
reth'ed within their walls, and the siege 
was formed. 

Ambassadors fi'om Mitylene, aniving 
at Sparta, were sent to sound the allies 
at the Olympian meeting. At a confe- 
rence held afi;er the solemnities, it was 
resolved to aid them by again invading 
Attica: and the fleet which lay in the 
Corinthian gulf was carried across the 
isthmus, to co-operate with the land 
force. Dispersed in the Grecian seas 
as was the navy of the Athenians, it was 
thought they could not meet the attack 
but by withdrawing the squadron from 
Lesbos; but they launched 100 triremes 
which lay ready in Peirseeus, displayed 
their force before the astonished enemies, 
who ventured not to quit their ports, 
and made descents where they would 
on Peloponnesus. The Peloponnesians 
were busy with their harvest, and weary 
with fruitless inroads; and intelligence 
coming that an Attic squadron was ra- 
vaging Laconia, the invasion was given 
up, and the Lacedaemonians went home. 

The armament in Lesbos being so in- 
adequate to its pui-pose that the Mity- 
lenaeans kept the field, Paches was sent 
with 1000 heavy-anned to take the com- 
mand, and his arrival again confined 
them to their walls. The Athenian 
treasury was exhausted with the war, 
and a contribution was now first collec- 
ted fi-om the citizens, appai'ently as a 
free gift. At the same time ships were 
sent to levy money firom the alUes. 



What was the consequence of the alarm at Athens ? — How did Ph.ormioii pass the winter? 

Against whom did Sitalces, king of Thrace act in favour of Athens ? — Did he make any permanent 
conquest.' 

What country was invaded next summer? — Whnt island revolted from Athens? — What part of thiB 
island remained true ? — Where is Lesbos? — How did tlie Mifylenffians prepare for revolt ? — How many 
triremes were sent against them? — Was IMitylene besieged? — Whither were the Mitylenasan ambas- 
sadors sent? — How did the allies determine to aid them ? — How did the Athenians compel the allies to 
abandon their invasion ? — Who was sent with one thousand heavy armed against Mitylene ? — What means 
did the Athenians take to raise money ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



85 



Fourth invasion of Attica. — Lacedtemonian 
fleet on the coast of Asia. — Surrender 
of Mitylene. 

In the following summer, the fifth of 
the war, the Peloponnesians ravaged 
Attica more destructively than in any 
invasion but the second, and sent Alci- 
das with 42 ships to Mitylene. In the 
winter, Salaethus, a Lacedaemonian, had 
brought assurance of such an aid ; but 
as the year advanced, even he began to 
despair of it. He thought that by giving 
the armour of the phalanx to the lower 
people, who, as in most ohgarchical 
states, were only allowed to act as light- 
armed, the Mitylenseans, instead of starv- 
ing in their walls, might keep the field. 
The thing was done — but the people, no 
longer awed by the monopoly of arais 
and discipluie in the privileged class, 
claimed a part in the government, de- 
manded a pubUc and equal distribution 
of food, and threatened, if refused, to 
make their own terms with the besiegers. 
The leaders being alarmed capitulated 
for all on these hard terms: — That the 
Mitylenaeans should surrender them- 
selves to the pleasure of the Athenian 
people — that the Athenian army should 
immediately be admitted into the city — 
and that none should be put into bonds, 
enslaved, or killed, till the wUl of the 
people was Itnown. 

When Alcidas heard that Mitylene 
was taken, some advised liim to attempt 
its recovei7, by surprising the Athenians 
while ignorant of his arrival ; others to 
seize some city in Ionia, and issuing 
thence to win that country fi-om Athens. 
But Alcidas was only anxious for a safe 
return. Instead of going on to Lesbos, 
he coasted in the opposite direction, tak- 
ing many merchant vessels, which fear- 
lessly approached, the crews supposing 
that any ships of war in those seas must 
be Athenian. All the prisoners he mas- 
sacred, according to the savage practice 
of the Lacedaemonians from the beginning 
of the war, till, at the remonstrance of 
some Samians, he changed his conduct. 
But as soon as he found that the Athe- 
nians in Lesbos had heard of him, he sail- 
ed directly for Peloponnesus. The alarm 
of his presence had been gi-eat in Ionia, 
as the towns were kept unfortified lest 
they should assert independence. Paches 



pursued, but could not overtake him, 
and returned to Mit3dene, whence he 
sent to Athens the chief promotei-s of the 
revolt. 

Cruel decree of the Athenian people. — 
Cleon. — Decree reversed. 

The Athenians were highly enraged 
against the Mitylenaeans, both because 
they had revolted, being exempt fi'om 
the galUng yoke imposed on most of 
the allies, and because they had first 
brought a Peloponnesian fleet on the 
coast of Asia. In their first fury they 
voted death to all the grown up citizens, 
and slaveiy to the women and children. 
On the morrow, the people seeming dis- 
satisfied with their vote, at the mstance 
of some friends to the intended ^dctims, 
a second assembly was called. The 
chief supporter of the vote was Cleon, a 
profligate demagogue, with little ability 
in the conduct of affairs, a coarse but 
ready speaker, and sldlful in flattering 
the woi-st passions of the populace. He 
dwelt on the mischiefs of lightly chang- 
ing pui-pose, and the necessity of a ter- 
rible example to check the spirit of re- 
volt already prevalent in the subjects of 
Athens; and laboured to inflame the 
people by setting forth the privileges 
which the Lesbians had enjoyed. His 
opponents argued that no severity of 
punisluiient could prevent revolt when 
inclination and opportunity concuiTed; 
that revolters shut out fi-om pardon 
would be the more obstinate; that it 
was unjust to visit the fault of the ruUng 
few on the people, who, when arms 
were given them, had compelled sub- 
mission; and that such an act would 
destroy the good wiW of the common- 
alty, in every state the main prop of the 
Athenian interest. The friends of mercy 
prevailed, and a trireme being sent with 
a countermand, amved just as Paches 
had read the fii-st order and was about 
to execute it. The men whom Paches 
had sent were put to death, hi number 
near 1000. The walls of Mitylene were 
razed, the ships of war given up ; and 
the lands of all the Lesbians except the 
Methymnaeans, being divided into lots, 
were assigned to Athenians, but were 
occupied by the Lesbians, payuig each 
a yearly quit-rent to the lot holders. 



What happened to Attica in the 5th year of the war? — With what force was Alcidas sent to support 
Mitylene ? — How were the people of Mii\ lene raised to power ? — What was the consequence ? — On what 
terms did Mitylene surrender ? — How did Alcidas proceed after the fall of Mitylene ? — Did Paches suc- 
ceed in overtaking him ? — Whom did he send to Athens? 

Why were the Athenians enrajred against the Mitylenaeans? — What vote did they pass ? — Who was 
its chief supporter ? — What was Cleon's character? — Was the vote repealed ? — What severe meaauret 
were adopted ? 



86 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Plataa taken. 
In the preceding year provisions had 
begun to fail the Platseans ; and seeing 
tliat Athens would not venture an at- 
tack on the besieging army backed by 
all Boeotia, they planned an escape. 
Full half were discouraged, but by the 
rest the plan was gallantly executed as 
it had been ably conceived, and passing 
tlie hues by night with the loss but of 
one man, they came safe to Athens. In 
spite of the rehef thus given, the re- 
maining garrison were now brought so 
low by famine that they could not 
defend the walls. The Lacedaemonian 
general had been ordered to win the 
place by capitulation, if possible, that 
so Platsea might be retained, though all 
conquests made by force should, at the 
peace, be mutually restored. He there- 
fore sent a herald to propose to the 
Platseans, that they should surrender 
then- city and submit to the justice of 
Lacedsemon, so that the guilty should 
be punished on trial, but none other- 
wise. The Plataeans consented, and 
commissioners were sent from Lacedse- 
mon to try them; who without stating 
any accusation, asked each whether in 
the war he had done any good to the 
Lacedaemonians or their allies. The 
Plataeans requested to answer more at 
length: they stated the ancient merits 
of their city, the ties of necessity #nd 
gratitude which bound it to Athens, the 
treacherous attack of the Thebans which 
forced it into war. The Thebans re- 
plied, asserting that the Plataeans had 
wrongfully deserted Bceotia for Athens ; 
they justified their late interference as 
a fiiendly act invited by the best of the 
Plataeans ; and complained of the faith- 
less massacre of their prisoners. As if 
to make it evident that the fate of the 
Plataeans had been predetermined, the 
judges, without weighing the arguments, 
merely repeated their question. None 
could say yes, and all were led to death. 
Thus perished 200 Platseans and 25 
Athenians, by an act which, though less 
extensively bloody than others in this 
same war, can scarcely be paralleled in 
any histoiy for deliberate baseness and 
impudent mockery of justice. The 
women were made slaves, and the town 
demolished by the Thebans. 



Corcyraan sedition. 

Meanwhile attention was called by 
the troubles of Corcyra. Many noble 
Corcyraeans, prisoner in Corinth, had 
been won by kind treatment, and set 
free under a secret engagement to re- 
concile their country with the Corinthi- 
ans. Through their intrigues the assem- 
bly voted that the Corcyraeans, retaining 
the alHance with Athens, would yet 
remain at peace with the Peloponnesians. 
They went on to prosecute Peithias, the 
head of the democratical party, as enslav- 
ing Corcyra to the Athenians; but he 
being acquitted, and retaliating on his 
accusers with an improbable charge of 
sacrilege, the five richest were condemn- 
ed to a iTimous fine ; and hearing that 
the influence of Peithias withheld all 
mitigation, and that he was persuading 
the people to an alliance, oflTensive as 
well as defensive, with Athens, the party 
suddenly collected, and entering the 
council-hall with daggers, killed Peithias, 
and about sixty of his friends. Then 
assembling the people, they declared that 
what had been done was the only method 
of preserving fi-eedom to Corcyra, and, 
under the teiTor of the recent massacre, 
obtained a vote of neutrality in the war. 
^Embassadors being sent to make their 
apology in Athens, were there arrested 
as rebels. 

To confiiTn their insecure ascendency, 
the oligarchical Corcyraeans attacked 
their opponents. Both offered freedom 
to any slaves who would join them, but 
most took part with the people, who, 
strong in numbers and position, and in 
zeal so vehement that the very women 
were active in the fray, on the third day 
prevailed so far, that their opponents 
could only cover their retreat by firing 
the quarter of the town where they 
dwelt. The next day the nobles were 
saved fi'om massacre by the coming of 
Nicostratus, the Athenian commander 
in Naupactus, v/ho mediated an agree- 
ment, on the terms that ten only who 
were named should be brought to trial, 
and the rest should live as citizens under 
a democracy. Even the ten excepted 
were suflfered to escape, and all seemed 
quieted without further bloodshed, when, 
as Nicostratus was depai-ting, the popu- 
lar leaders requested him to leave, for 



What was the situation of Platma ? — What part of the garrison escaped to Athens ? — How were the rest 
induced to surrender ? — Relate the manner of their trial ? — What was the fate of the men ? — Of the 
women and the town ? 

How did the Corinthians endeavour to gain Corcyra? — What did they obtain? — Who led the demo- 
cratical party at Corcyra? — Relate the occasion and manner of his death? — What did the nobles next do? 
Were they defeated ?— How did Nicostratus save them ?— What proposal did the people make to Nicoa- 
tratus ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



97 



greater security, five of his twelve tri- 
remes, taking instead as many Corcy- 
rsean. He consented, and they named 
their enemies to go in the vessels; but 
these refiised, fearing, in spite of the as- 
surances of Nicostratus, that they would 
be sent to Athens. Their obstinate mis- 
trust raised suspicion in the people, who 
rose and searched their houses for arms ; 
and, alarmed at this, four hundred of 
the nobles took sanctuary in the temple 
of Juno. 

Four or five days after came a Pelo- 
ponnesian fleet of fifty-three ships, un- 
der Alcidas. The Corcyrseans put forth 
sixty triremes, two of which deserted, 
and in some the crew went to blows 
among themselves. The Peloponnesians 
seeing their confusion, sent twenty ships 
against the CorcjTseans, and opposed 
with all the rest the Attic twelve. Ni- 
costratus nevertheless had sunk one ship, 
and was acting with advantage against 
the rest, when the other twenty came to 
aid them ; and he then retreated in order, 
covering the flight of the Corcja'seans, 
who had lost thirteen triremes. The 
Corcyraean people, now in fear lest the 
enemy should attack the city, endea- 
voured to accommodate mattei*s with 
their party opponents, and prevailed on 
some to serve in the fleet; but Alcidas 
wasted his time in indecisive measures, 
till finding that an Athenian fleet of 
sixty ships was approacliing, he hastily 
departed. 

The democratical Corcyrseans now 
prepared a horrid revenge for their ter- 
rors. The ships were ordered to sail 
round from one harbour to the other, 
and in the voyage all who were in them, 
of the oligarchical party, were thrown 
overboard ; and at the same time a mas- 
sacre was commenced in the city. The 
case of the suppliants of Juno gave 
more difiiculty; treachery and cruelty 
cost but little, but to violate a temple 
was a serious thing. About fifty were 
persuaded to come out and stand a trial. 
All these were condemned to death, and 
their fate completed the despair of those 
who had remained. Some stabbed 
themselves, some hung themselves on 
the trees; others mutually killed each 



other ; all perished in the temple. Un- 
like Nicosti'atus, Eiuymedon, the new 
Athenian admiral, lay a quiet spectator 
in the harbour, while the Corcyraeans, 
for seven days, were hunting out and 
murdering all whom they held their ene- 
mies. Under colour of treason to the 
democracy, many were slain by their 
private enemies, and many debtors 
wiped out their score with the blood of 
their creditors. In the words of Thu- 
cydides, whatever is wont to happen in 
such cases took place, and yet more. 
About five hundred of the persecuted 
party escaped to the continent, and after 
the departure of Euiymedon, seizing the 
forts there belonging to CorcjTa, kept 
up a predatoiy war so successfully as to 
cause a famine in the city. Afterwards, 
vnth a few auxiliaries, they passed into 
the island, bmiiing their vessels that their 
only hope might be in victory. They 
fortified themselves on Mount Istone, 
and thence commanded the countiy. 

Plague revives in Athens. Defeat of De- 
mosthenes in ^tolia. His success in Acar- 
nania. 

The pestilence in Athens, after raging 
two years unabated, had slackened for 
awhile ; but this winter it renewed its 
fiiry, and continued it for another year. 
In its whole course it cost Athens no 
less than 4400 heavy-armed soldiers, 
and 300 horsemen, and of the remaining 
multitude a number not to be reckoned. 

In the next summer the Peloponne- 
sians, preparing to invade Attica, were 
deten*ed by earthquakes, an ill omen 
according to the superstition of the age. 
Various actions took place with no 
decisive result. In the west Demos- 
thenes, the son of Alcisthenes, com- 
manding thirty Athenian ships, was joined 
by the Acamanians and other alhes, and 
marched against Leucas. He ravaged 
the territory unopposed, and the Acar- 
nanians wished him to wall in the town, 
thinking that when that was done they 
could reduce it by blockade, and be de- 
livered from a neighbour always hostile. 
The Messenians of Naupactus urged 
him to attack their constant enemies the 
iEtolians, whose reduction would make 



Did he consent? — What raised the suspicions of the people? — Where did four hundred of the nobles 
take refuge? — What force did Alcidas bring against Corcyra? — How many triremes did he take in the 
action? — What obliged him to depart? — How did the demonratical party revenge themselves? — 
What befell the nobles in Juno's temple ? — What part did Eurymedon take in these affairs? — How many 
of the oligarchical party escaped ? — Whither did they go? — Where did they finally settle? — Where is 
latone Mountain? 

How many soldiers did Athens lose by the pestilence? — What prevented the invasion of Attica next 
summer ? — Where is thr island of Leucas? — Which way from Acarnania? — In what part of the island is 
the town of Leucas ?—VVlio marched against it and with what force? — What did the Acarnanians wish 
him to do ? — The Messenians ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



easy the extension of Athenian influ- 
ence through all western Greece. De- 
mosthenes was led to adopt the sugges- 
tion of the Messenians both by the 
favour due to their zealous service, and 
by the hope that the conquest of iEtolia 
would open a way into Phocis, by which 
the force of the western alhes might be 
brought ag£iinst Boeotia. The Acarna- 
nians left the army in disgust, but with 
the rest he pursued his project. 

The ^tolians were a rude but nume- 
rous and w^arUke tribe, dispersed in un- 
walled villages, and too poor to use the 
arms or cultivate the discipline, of the 
phalanx, but formidable in their own 
rugged countiy from their skill in han- 
dling the dart, and activity in skirmish- 
ing. Some of the Ozolian Locrians, 
neighbours of the ^tolians, and trained 
in a like mode of fighting, being allied 
with Athens, were appointed to meet the 
army of Demosthenes; but they did not 
anive in time, and by their failure, and 
the defection of the Acamanians, whose 
light-armed troops were numerous and 
excellent, his men were few, and almost 
entirely heavy-armed. He advanced, 
meeting nothing that could stop his 
march ; but the iEtolians had assem- 
bled on the heights, and gave great 
annoyance, running down and throwing 
their darts, retiring when the enemy 
advanced, pursuing when he retired, and 
having in both, with their light armour, 
certain advantage. The few Athenian 
bowmen kept them off awhile, till, weary 
with long exertion, their arrows nearly 
spent, and their commander slain, they 
took to flight. The heavy-armed, left a 
prey to enemies whom they could not 
reach, were broken, and fled. Incum- 
bered with their armour, and pursued 
by active men, numbers were killed. 
Their guide fell early. Many strayed 
into impassable ravines, and a large 
body entering a wood, the ^Etolians fired 
it, and all were destroyed. Of 300 Athe- 
nians, heavy-armed, 120 were slain, the 
prime of all the Athenian youth who 
fell in the war. Of the allies a large 

Proportion perished. The fleet sailed 
ome, but Demosthenes remained at 
Naupactus, fearing to meet the people. 
The Lacedaemonians were now per- 



suaded by the ^Etolians to attempt the 
conquest of Naupactus, and 3000 heavy- 
armed of the allies were sent against 
it, under Eurylochus, a Spartan. ' The 
Ozolian Locrians were easily brought to 
submission, and through them the army 
passed into the territoiy of Naupactus. 
The town was in danger, being large, and 
the defenders few; but Demosthenes 
had gone to the Acamanians, and 
though ill received at fii-st on account of 
Leucas, had prevailed on them to send 
1000 heavj'-araied, whose entrance saved 
the place. Eurylochus retiring was in- 
vited by the Ambraciots to assist them 
in conquering the Amphilochiari Argos, 
as the first step towards the reduction of 
Acarnania: and till the time came, he 
quartered his army in ^itolia. 

Late in autumn 3000 heavy armed 
Ambraciots entering the Argian terri- 
tory seized the hill fort of Olpae. The 
Acamanians, feeling that then own citi- 
zens wanted large political and militaiy 
experience, oflfered Demosthenes the 
chief command, in spite of their late de- 
feat, and their variance with him. Eury- 
lochus having joined the Ambraciots, 
the combined army was decidedly supe- 
rior; but an ambush ably planned by 
Demosthenes gave him the victory. Two 
of the three Spartan generals being slain, 
Menedaeus the thu'd, unprovided for a 
siege, and without a way of escape, pro- 
posed on the next day to treat ; but all 
he could obtain w£is, that the Pelopon- 
nesians might depart with speed and 
secrecy, leaving the others to their fate. 
By this Demosthenes and the Acama- 
nians hoped to have the Ambraciots at 
their mercy, and to make the Pelopon- 
nesians odious for selfishness and treach- 
ery. The Peloponnesians went out in 
small parties as for herbs and firewood ; 
but when they were at a distance the 
others followed in alarm. Both were at 
first pursued by the Acamanians, some 
of whom, when the generals interfered, 
were on the point of killing them, think- 
ing the pubhc betrayed. When the 
matter was explained, they let pass the 
Peloponnesians, but killed the Ambra- 
ciots. About 200 were slain, the rest es- 
caped. The Ambracian people learning 
that their troops held Olpae, had followed 



Which did he favour ?—W^hat was the cousequence ?— Where is ^tolia?— Phocis?— Which way is 
each of them from Naupactus ? — Where is Locris ? — Which way from ^Etolia ? — What was the character 
of the iEtolians? — What was the fate of the expedition against them ? — Why did Demosthenes stay at 
Naupactus? — What force did the Lacedasmonians send against Naupactus? — Under whom? — How was 
the place saved ? — What conquest was he invited to attempt? — Which way from Ambracia is Argos Am- 
philochicum ? — Where did Eurylochus quarter his army ? — Where is Olpae ? — Who siezed it ? — Who 
commanded the Acamanians ? — How did he gain the victory ? — Relate the subsequent events of this ex- 
pedition ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



■with their whole remainmg strength. De- 
mosthenes surprised theh" camp at day- 
break, and but few returned to Ambrack. 
Could Demosthenes have led the aUies 
at once against Ambracia, it must have 
fallen: but they well knew that were 
there no western city connected with the 
Peloponnesians, their fiiendship woidd 
cease to be necessary to Athens, and 
they would be oppressed. Demosthenes 
now returned with confidence to Athens. 
After his departure the Acarnanians 
made peace and alhance with Ambracia 
for a hundred years, on the teiins that 
neither the Ambraciots should be re- 
quhed to act offensively against the Pelo- 
ponnesians, nor the Acarnanians against 
the Athenians; the Ambraciots should 
give up whatever they had taken fi'om the 
Amphilochians, and should not assist the 
Anactorians, who were hostile to Acarna- 
nia. This moderation established to the 
Acarnanians for a long time a degree of 
quiet unusual in Greece, and contributed 
to the character of benevolence and up- 
rightness which long distinguished them. 

Athenian fleet sent to Sicily. 

The greatest cities of Sicily were 
Dorian, and allied with Lacedsemon. 
In the fifth year of this war, the Ionian 
states, attacked by Syracuse and the 
Dorian league, had besought aid of 
Athens. The request was recommended 
by kindred and old alliance, and by the 
wish to employ the Sicilian Dorians at 
home, that they might not send supplies 
to Peloponnesus. Twenty ships were 
despatched, which at first commanded 
the sea ; but the Athenians hearing that 
Syracuse was raising a navy, sent forty 
more in the seventh spring. Euiymedon 
and Sophocles, the commanders, were 
directed on the way to succour Corcyra 
against the exiles, to whose aid a Pelo- 
ponnesian fleet was known to be going ; 
and Demosthenes, embarking without 
any regular command, was authorised 
by the people to employ the fleet as he 
might think best, as it coasted Pelopon- 
nesus. 

Affair of Pylos. 

Demosthenes required the generals 
to land at Pylos* in Messenia; but 



hearing that the Peloponnesian fleet 
was at Corcyra, they refused. A storm 
forced them into that port, and Demos- 
thenes bid them fortify the place, for 
this was the end of his commission. 
The harbour was excellent, though like 
all the neighbouring country it had been 
deserted since its conquest by Lace- 
dsemon ; and Demosthenes wished to 
garrison it with Messenians from Nau- 
pactus, who would zealously maintain it 
as by right their own, and whose Doric 
speech gave great advantage for in- 
cursions mto Laconia. The generals 
ridiculed the project, and he appealed to 
the soldiers ; but vainly, till, foul weather 
continuing, for amusement they took to 
building the fort. They had no tools, 
but they picked up stones and laid them 
together, using clay for mortar, which, 
for want of better means, they carried 
on their backs, stooping forward, and 
clasping their hands behind them. Much 
of the fort was strong by nature, and in 
six days they rudely walled the rest The 
generals now proceeding left five tri- 
remes with Demosthenes. 

The news was heard at first with 
scorn in Lacedaemon; but the army, 
which had invaded Attica, hastened 
home in alarm, having been but fifteen 
days in the enemy's country. On its 
return a force was sent against Pylos, 
the fleet was called from Corcyra, and 
Demosthenes was blockaded by land 
and sea, having just time to send to 
Eurymedon. The fort was attacked on 
both sides, but towards the land the 
gi'ound was strong, and, on the side to- 
wai'ds the sea, by skilfully using the 
difficulties of the shore, he was enabled 
with his handful of men to prevent 
a landing. On the third day the Athe- 
nian fleet came in sight. The har- 
bour was shut in by the woody is- 
land Sphacteria, which left a narrow 
entrance on each side. In this the 
Lacedaemonians had placed a body of 
ti'oops, proposing to block up both the 
inlets, and post troops in eveiy spot 
where the Athenians could land. After- 
wards they resolved to engage in the 
harbour, favoured by the narrow space 
and the surroimding army. But on the 



* Pylos. 
history. 



The modern Navarino, a scene of action equally remarkable in ancient and in very recent 



Why did not the allies take Ambracia? — After the return of Demosthenes to Athens what countriei 
made peace ? 

With whom were the greatest cities of Sicily allied ? — Whom had they attacked in the 5th year? — Did 
Athens assist the lonians? — Who were the commanders of the fleet? — What directions had Demostheneap 

What place did he fortify ? — Did he remain there? — Where is Pylos? — How was Pylos attacked .>*-« 
Who came to its relief? 

12 ' 



90 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



fourth day, while they were getting out 
their ships, the Athenians entering at 
both the mouths, attacked those under 
way, took five, and chased the rest to 
the shore. The Lacedaemonians dashed 
into the water, and, after hai*d fighting, 
the Athenians drew off with only 
the five first taken. Euiymedon now 
became master of the sea ; and occupy- 
ing the sti'ait, kept strict watch on those 
in the island, being four hundred and 
twenty Lacedsemonians with their atten- 
dant Helots. 

LacedtBmonians sue for peace. — Cleon. — 
Nicias. 

Alarm rose high in Lacedaemon ; for an 
extraordinaiy value was there attached to 
eveiy citizen of pure Spartan blood, and 
among the destined prisoners were men 
from most of the chief families. Rescue 
seeming impossible, it was determined 
to treat for peace: and a truce was 
made on these terms ; that the Lacedse- 
monians should give in pledge to the 
Athenians the ships which had fought 
in the late action, and aU ships of war 
lying in any Laconian port; that a 
stated measure of food should be sent 
in daily for each man on the island; 
that Lacedeemonian ambassadoi*s should 
be sent to Athens, and on their return 
the truce should end and the ships be 
restored; and that if any article were 
broken, the treaty should be void. The 
ambassadors went, expecting that the 
Athenians, who had asked peace, and 
been refused, would gladly embrace it 
when offered. But the Athenians were 
now not more disposed to moderation 
than their enemies had been before. The 
all-powerfijl Cleon persuaded them to 
require Nisgea, Pegse, Troezen, Achaia; 
and the negotiation was broken off. 

On the return of the ambassadors 
the Lacedsemonians re-demanded their 
ships. The Athenians withheld them, 
alleging some small breaches of the 
truce, which might, perhaps, on the 
strict letter of the convention, bear out 
the denial, but which could not justify 
it to an honourable mind, considering 
how much had been trusted to their 
good faith. Hostilities were renewed. 
The blockade was tedious and expensive ; 
it lasted into autumn, and the people 
began to fear its failure, and repent 
the rejection of peace. Cleon's credit 



was in danger. At first he imputed 
falsehood to the messengers ; but when 
appointed himself to go to Pylos and 
examine, he changed his tone, and at- 
tacked the board of generals, saying, that 
if they were men, they would quickly 
capture those in the island, and that if 
he held their oflfice he would do so. 

The leading person of the board of 
generals was Nicias, the son of Nice- 
ratus, a man of birth and fortune, in 
whom a generous temper, popular man- 
ners, and considerable political and mili- 
tary talent, were marred by unreasonable 
diffidence and excessive dread of respon- 
sibility. He professed himself wiUing 
to resign the business to Cleon; who 
accepted it, thinking the offer a feint, but, 
when he found it sincere, endeavoured 
to retract. The light-minded multitude 
were amused with his embarrassment, 
and thought the jest too good to be lost, 
though the public service should suffer. 
The more he declined it, the more they 
pressed it on him ; and when, seeing no 
escape, he began to boast that in twenty 
days he would bring the prisoners, they 
laughed at his presumption, but en- 
couraged him to go on. The wiser were 
comforted by the hope they would either 
gain the object desired, or failing of that, 
would be rid of Cleon. But Cleon had 
heard that Demosthenes was preparing 
an attack, and piiidently left to him the 
conduct of it, though he was ready to 
appropriate to himself the credit of suc- 
cess. He landed on the island with 
Demosthenes, vho by the skilfiil use of 
his numerous fight-armed troops, soon 
reduced the Lacedsemonians to distress. 
Surrounded by enemies, who fled at their 
approach, but turned on them when they 
desisted firom pursuit; pfied with mis- 
siles firom the right when they charged 
upon the left, and from the left as soon 
as they fi-onted the other way ; worn out 
with labour, stunned with noise, and 
half suffocated vrith dust, after many 
had fallen, the remnant made their way 
to a fort at the extremity of the island. 
Their rear and flanks were here pro- 
tected, so that th?y could better with- 
stand the enemy in front. But a body 
of archers and di\rtmen being silently 
led to occupy a height which commanded 
their rear, they were again surroimded, 
and exposed to sure destruction. De- 
mosthenes and Cleon now stopped the 



What happened on the fourth day ? — How many Lacedsemonians were blocfcided on the island? 

On what terms was a truce made ? — Who prevented a treaty ? — What breach of faith were the Athe- 
nians guilty of? — Who resipned his command to Cleon? — What boast did Cleon make? — To whom did 
Cleon leave the conduct of the attack ? — Relate the incidents of the battle on the island? 



4 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



91 



attack, and summoned them to suiTen- 
der. They asked leave to communicate 
with their countrymen on shore, and 
several messages passed, by the last of 
which they were permitted to consult 
for themselves, only doing nothing dis- 
graceful. On this waiTaut they surren- 
dered ; and they were brought to Athens 
within twenty days, as Cleon had pro- 
mised. This result surpiised the Greeks, 
who had thought that nothing could 
bring Lacedaemonians to sun'ender. A 
vote was passed by the Athenian people 
that the prisoners should be kept in 
bonds till peace were made, and if 
Attica were again invaded, should be 
put to death. In number they were two 
hundred and ninety-two, of whom one 
hmidred and twenty were Spartans. 
The original number of heavy-armed 
on the island had been four hundred 
and twenty, but the rest had fallen in 
the engagement. A Messenian garri- 
son was placed in Pylos, which much 
annoyed the Lacedaemonians, unused 
to the incursions of an enemy. The 
Helots, who were mostly Messenian 
by blood, deserted in gi-eat numbei*s; 
and their late masters, suffering by then- 
active enmit}'^, and yet more by the loss 
of their sei-vices, feaiing the increase of 
these evils, and looking fonvard to the 
revival of the Messenians as an inde- 
pendent and inveterately hostile power, 
were earnest for peace. Their over- 
tures, however, were repulsed by the 
Athenians, too much elated to gi'ant 
any moderate terms. 

End of Corcyraan sedition. 
The same summer Nicias, Avith a 
powerful fleet and armj', gained some 
successes against the Corinthians, but 
effected nothing decisive. Eurymedon 
and Sophocles making Corcyra in their 
way from Pylos to Sicily, reduced the 
exiles on Istone to sun*ender themselves 
to the discretion of the Athenian people. 
Till they could be sent to Athens, they 
were placed on an island, under condi- 
tion that, if any attempted to escape, the 
capitulation should be forfeit for all. The 
democratical leaders, fearing that their 
lives might be spared by the Athenians, 
now devised a plot of hoirible treachery 
and cruelty. Persons were suborned to 
persuade the exiles that the Athenian 



generals would deliver them to the Cor- 
cyrsean people, and to offer them a 
vessel for their escape. Some attempted 
flight, and were taken in the ship; the 
terms were now broken, and all were 
given up to the people. The prisoners 
were placed in a large building; and 
thej were led out thence in bonds by 
twenties, between tvvo lines of citizens 
in arms, who struck and stabbed them, 
each selectmg his particulai' enemies, 
while men with whips drove on any who 
hesitated to proceed. Sixty had been 
thus killed, when the rest fomid what 
was passing. CalUng then aloud to the 
Athenians to put them to death if such 
were their %vill, they declared they would 
neither go out nor suffer any to come 
in. The people, not attempting to force 
a free passage through the doors, un- 
tiled the roof and showered missiles on 
them. Defence was hopeless, and they 
resolved to end then suffering. Some 
stabbed themselves with the aiTOWS 
which had been shot at them, others 
strangled themselves, but in a day and 
night all perished. The corpses heaped 
on wagons were borne from the city 
and cast out unburied, m defiance of 
Grecian religion, which attached to the 
rite of bmial an extraordinaiy sanctity 
and importance. Euiymedon ha^^ing 
witnessed the completion of the tragedy, 
sailed on to Sicily. 

Next year the Athenians under Nicias 
conquered Cythera, an island on the 
Laconian coast, and allowing the inha- 
bitants to retain their possessions under 
a tribute of four talents, made the island 
a post for the annoyance of the Lacedae- 
monians. In their return they took and 
burnt Thyrea, and of the unhappy ^gi- 
netans there established, all who sur- 
vived were earned to Athens, and were 
there put to death. Thus was finished 
the long emnity of Athens and jEgina. 

Peace in Sicily. 
About the same time, by the exer- 
tions of Hermocrates, a distinguished 
Syracusan, the Sicilians were brought 
to agree among themselves, and the 
Athenian fleet sailed away. Elated by 
present success to think every thing with- 
in their power, the people would not 
believe but that their generals might have 
conquered Sicily, and that they had been 



Did Cleon make good his boast? — What vote was passed? — What t:nirison wn;* pl:»ce I at Pylos?— 
What was the consequence? — Did the Lacedaemonians sue for peace? — Did they (ibt;iiii it? 

Whom did Eurymedon and Sophocles capture ? — What plot was fonnid afiainst these prisoners ? — Re- 
late the manner in which it wasexecuted ? — Where is Cythera '—Thyrea? — ^Vho captured these for 
tbe Athenians ? 

Wbv did the Athenian fleet leave Sicily f 



«3 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



prevented by bribery. In this pei*suasion 
they fined Eurymedon, and banished two 
others. 

Struggles in Megara. 
Though 3Iegara was democratically 
governed, old hatred of Athens had bound 
it to the Lacedaemonians; who fearing 
to lose it, let the Megarians choose their 
constitution, while a Pelopennesian gar- 
rison held their port of Nisaea. The 
Athenians were wont twice a year to 
ravage the lands ; and the city was con- 
tinually harassed by its oUgarchical exiles 
holding PegOB, the other port. Distress 
excitmg discontent in the people, the 
fiiends of the exiles were emboldened to 
propose their recall; and the popular 
chiefs, foreseeing niin to themselves 
should their enemies be restored and 
backed by Lacedaemon, treated secretly 
^vith the Athenian generals Hippocrates 
and Demosthenes. To cut off fi-om Me- 
gara the Peloponnesians in Nisaea, the 
long walls were first betrayed to the 
Athenians. Measures were next taken 
for admitting them into the city, but these 
being fi-ustrated, the Athenian generals 
blockaded Nisaea, which was soon obhged 
to capitulate. 

Brasidas. — Chalcidians of Thrace ask aid 
of Lacedcemon. — Murder of Helots. 

The spirit of Lacedaemon was broken 
by continued ill-success; but one man 
still kept heart and hope, and now ob- 
tained an opportunity of partially retriev- 
ing her afFau-s. This was Brasidas, the 
only Spartan who had given proof of 
talent in the war. He was young, and 
youth in his country was a bar to emi- 
nence; but though never placed in the 
highest command, he had shown in sub- 
ordinate })osts such dai-ing activity, that 
the Chalcidians, on requesting a force 
from Lacedaemon to complete the revolt 
of the Tluacian subjects of Athens, asked 
Brasidas for the leader. Their suit was 
granted, but the Lacedaemonians, how- 
ever desiious to find work for Athens at 
a distance, feared to lessen the force at 
home, whore the Helots were more than 
ever objects of jealousy since Pylos was 
held by Messenians. The detestable 
precaution taken seems incredible, but 
is yet tine. Such Helots as thought 



they had done most service in wai* were 
invited to stand a scrutiny of then con- 
duct, and freedom was promised to the 
most deserving. Two thousand being 
chosen were croAvned with garlands as 
fireemen, and solemnly marched round 
the temples. Soon after, all disappeai'ed, 
and no one knew how each was mur- 
dered. Being rid of those who seemed 
most able to head an insurrection, the 
government was wilhng to send seven 
hundred Lacedaemonians with Brasidas. 
This leader was at Corinth preparing 
for his march, when he heard the danger 
of Megara. He summoned the neigh- 
bouring allies, and being joined by the 
Boeotians, his army outnumbered that 
of Athens. Both armies offered battle, 
but neither would make the attack; 
and the Athenians retiring to Nisaea, 
Brasidas was admitted into Megara. 
Havmg there confirmed the Lacedae- 
monian interest, he dismissed the allies 
and returned to Corinth. The most 
active favourers of Athens in Megara 
immediately fled, but the rest thought 
that they might safely make terms with 
the oligarchical party. The exiles were 
restored under an oath of universal 
amnesty. They took the oath ; but their 
chiefs being placed m the magistracies, 
an-ested one hundred of their principal 
enemies, accused them before the peo- 
ple, and by teiTor compelhng the assem- 
bly to condemn them, executed them all. 
After this foul peijury and murder, 
Megara was long governed by a very few. 

Battle of Delium. 
The successes of Athens had encour- 
aged the democratical Boeotians to plan 
a revolution. It was agreed that De- 
mosthenes, with the western allies, should 
land in the west of Boeotia, while, on 
the same day, Hippocrates, with the 
force of Athens, fortified Delium in the 
east. But the day was mistaken, and 
Demosthenes, arri^dng on the coast, 
found that the intended diversion had 
not been made, and that the Boeotian 
government, infonned of his purpose, 
had brought all its forces to oppose him, 
and talfen such measures that his friends 
in the town dared not stir. He accord- 
ingly retired; and afler his departure. 



Why did fbe people of Athens fine Eurymedon ? 

How \v;is .Megara governed?— With wlioin allied?— AVho offered to betray it to Athens? — How was 
Nisgea oblic(d to capitulate? — Which way from Megara is Nisa-a? — Pegae ? 

Who wa-j I'ri'sidas? — By whom were his services soufiht ?— Relate the account of the murder of the 
Helots ?—Wit/i what force was Brasidas about to be sent to (^halcidice? — Where is Chalcidice? — How 
was he prevented from going? — What did he effect at Megara? — Wliat act of perjury and murder waa 
done at Mi^-arn ? 

Who pJKii lied a revolution in BfEotia? — What Athenian generals were to cooperate with the rebels? 
Did they succeed ? — Where is Delium ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



98 



when Hippocrates came to Delium, the 
whole strength of Boeotia was at liberty 
to act against him. The annies were 
nearly equal, and the fight was long and 
bloody; but in the end the BoBotians 
prevailed. The defeated ai*my fled to 
Dehum, and, leaving there a ganison, 
went home by sea. Soon after Dehum 
was taken by the Boeotians. 

Brasidas in Thrace. 
Meanwhile Brasidas with 1700 heavy- 
armed troops had pursued his march 
to Thi'ace. The countiy was friendly 
as far as the border of Thessaly. Most 
of the Thessahan towns were nominally 
democratical, and the many were every 
where devoted to Athens; but in most 
places the interest of a few powerful 
men directed affairs. Having procured 
some distinguished Thessalians to ac- 
company liiin, he proceeded ; and partly 
preventing opposition by the influence 
of his guides, and by his own conciha- 
tory conduct, and partly avoiding it by 
the rapidity of his march, he passed 
through into Macedonia. Being joined 
by the Chalcidians he went to Acanthus. 
Some leading men favoured his pur- 
pose, and as the many, though attached 
to Athens, had fears for their harvest, it 
was agreed that Brasidas should be ad- 
mitted to address the assembly. He was 
eloquent in speech, and liberal in his 
pohcy, imcommon gifts in a Spartan; 
he promised independence, and impar- 
tial justice to men of all paities; and 
his arguments being seconded by his 
army at the gates. Acanthus joined the 
Lacedaemonian alhance. 

Brasidas gains Amphipolis and other places. 
Thucydides the historian. 

Amphipolis, on an island in the Stry- 
mon, was the most valuable of Athenian 
possessions in Tlu'ace, by its rich plain 
and noble river, forests of ship-timber, 
and mines of silver and gold. It was 
settled by Athens, during the adminis- 
tration of Pericles, after two former 
colonies had been cut off by the Thra- 
cians. Brasidas ha\*ing intelligence vnth 
some in the city, surprised the bridge 
and entered the island. Few of the Am- 
phipolitans were Athenians by origin; 
most were Chalcidians or connected with 



Perdiccas: and when Brasidas pro- 
claimed that both Amphipolitans and 
Athenians might take their choice, whe- 
ther to remain enjoying equal rights, or 
to depait with their effects ; his unusual 
moderation, with the wishes of many 
and the feai's of all, disposed the people 
to accept the terms and receive his amiy. 
Thucydides the son of Olorus, the his- 
torian, being stationed at Thasos, had 
brought up his squadron as soon as he 
heard that Amphipohs was attacked. 
Too late to save it, he secured Eion, at 
the mouth of the Stiymon, which was 
next attempted. The Athenians, vexed 
that a way was found to possessions 
which they had thought protected by 
their nav} , vented their rage on Thu- 
cydides for that loss which not all his 
activity could prevent. He was banished 
for twenty 3-ears, during which, by in- 
tercoui*se with the Pelopomiesians, he 
extended his knowledge of Greece and 
completed his fitness to write its liistory. 
Many other cities joined with Bra- 
sidas. He professed to fight for Gre- 
cian freedom, and his mUd and hberal 
conduct supported the claim. The gen- 
eral was taken as a sample of his coun- 
trymen, and an opmion rose of Lacedae- 
monian equity and moderation, from, 
which men were afterwards bitterly un- 
deceived. He projected creating a fleet 
at Amphipohs, and asked a reinforce- 
ment to his army fi'om Lacedaemon. But 
this was withheld, for his superiority of 
talent excited jealousy in the govern- 
ment, unaccustomed to recognise indi- 
vidual pre-eminence in persons not of 
royal race. 

TYuce for a year. — Disputes about towns in 
Thrace. 

The Athenians now repented their 
rejection of peace, and the Lacedaemo- 
nians, harassed fi'om Pylos and Cythera, 
and eager to recover their prisonere, still 
were anxious to treat. As a step to 
peace, a truce was concluded for a 
year, each party keeping what it held, 
but the use of ships of war being for 
the time forbidden to the Peloponnesians. 
Scione, in the peninsula of Pallene, had 
revolted to Brasidas; but the Athenian 
commissioners, who announced to liini 
the truce, declared that people excluded, 



Whither did Brasidas march ? — How did he gain Acanthus ? — In what part of Chalcidice is Acanthus ? — 
Between what gulfs? 

Which way from Acanthus is Amphipolis? — How did Brasidas gain it? — Where hnd Thucydides been 
stationed? — Which way from Amphipolis is Thasos' — What place did Thticydides occupy? — Which 
way is Eion from Amphipolis? — How was Thucydides punishe i for not saving Amphipolis? — How did 
Brasidas fjain other cities ? 

What step towards peace was taken ?— Where is Pallene ?— What bad happened at Scione and Mende ' 



94 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



the vote of alliance with Lacedoemon not 
having passed till after the aiticles were 
signed. Brasidas insisted that their revolt 
had taken place before, and refused to 
give them up. The Athenian people 
were highly enraged at finding even 
those almost in the situation of isl- 
andei-s revolt in reUance on the land 
force of Lacedaemon ; and they voted, at 
the instigation of Cleon, that Scione 
should be taken and its people put to 
death. Mende too revolted, and Brasi- 
das received it, denying that the treaty 
forbade him to accept an alhance spon- 
taneously offered. The Athenians thought 
differently, and supported their claim by 
a powerful armament under Nicias and 
Nicostratus. 

Quarrel between Brandos and Perdicccu. — 
Loss of Mende. 

Having provided for the defence of 
his new allies, Brasidas accompemied 
Perdiccas against the province of Lyn- 
cus. A large body of Illyrians, hu-ed by 
Perdiccas, turned their arms against 
him ; and the Macedonians retreated in 
sudden panic, leaving their allies in the 
utmost danger. Brasidas saved his anny 
by an able retreat ; but the soldiers, in 
their anger, committed violences which 
exasperated Perdiccas, already offended 
with the Spartan leader for his wish to 
return to Mede before Lyncus was 
subdued. From this time Perdiccas 
sought to join with Athens, which he 
soon did, and by his influence in Thes- 
saly, passage was denied to a reinforce- 
ment sent to Brasidas. 

Before the return of Brasidas, Mende 
was lost. The leading men had caused 
the revolt, but the people favoured 
Athens. When the Lacedaemonian go- 
vernor called out the Mendseans to 
battle, one of them declai'ed that he 
would not go out, and that there was 
no reason for war. The governor, as- 
suming the arbitrary authority which 
Lacedaemonians on foreign command 
were wont to exert, seized the speaker, 
and was dmgging him from the assem- 
bly; when the democratical party flew 
to arms, routed the Peloponnesians and 
theu' adherents, and admitted the Athe- 
nians. The Athenian generals directed 



the restoration of democracy, and de- 
clared that they would not inquire into 
the past, but would leave the Mendaeans 
to their o^vn measures with respect to 
the authors of the revolt. They neict 
laid siege to Scione. 

Thespi(B oppressed by Thebes. 
The Thespians having suffered gi'eatly 
at Delium, the Thebans, who had long 
wished, by razing their walls, to compel 
their unquahfied subserviency, now en- 
forced that humiliating measure. The 
pretence was imputed attachment to 
Athens ; the occasion, the weakness of 
the Thespians, crippled in supporting 
against Athens the alhes who oppressed 
them. Such are the justice and decency 
of the strong. 

Battle of Amphipolis. — Death of Brasidas 
and Cleon. 

Cleon's success at Pylos had raised 
his credit higher than ever. Aristo- 
phanes shook it for a moment, when, 
according to the practice of the Athe- 
nian stage, where living men were sa- 
tirized by name, and the politics of the 
day continually introduced, he brought 
out a comedy entirely levelled at the 
vices of Cleon, and the levity and folly 
of the people, his dupes.* The satire 
succeeded; Cleon was ridiculed and 
reviled, and being prosecuted for em- 
bezzling the pubhc money, he was 
heavily fined. But he soon recovered his 
ascendency; and having deluded him- 
self* into the behef that he could com- 
mand annies without the assistance of 
Demosthenes, in the tenth year of the 
war, when the truce expired, he per- 
suaded the Athenians to send him as ge- 
neral into Thrace. Through his rashness, 
ignorance, and cowardice, his army was 
routed under Amphipolis; but both he 
and Brasidas were kiUed — a double ad- 
vantage to Athens, which might nearly 
compensate for the loss of the battle. 

Peace between Athens and Lacedamon. 

The death of Cleon leaving Nicias 
without a rival in power, peace was 
soon made. Plataea was left to Thebes, 
Nisaea to Athens; all other conquests 
were mutually given up. Amphipolis, 



* This comedy is still in existence, 
centfy translated by Mr. Mitchell. 



Its title is The Knights. It is one of the plays of Aristophanes re- 



With whom did Brasidas march against Lyncus ? — How was Perdiccas alienated from the Peloponn©- 
Bian interest ? — How was Mende lost ? 
On what pretence did the Thebans raze the walls of Thespiee ? 
How was Cleon's credit impaired ? — V> here did he and Brasidas both fall? 
On what terms was peace made ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



95 



as an Athenian colony, was to be re- 
stored unconditionally ; the other Thra- 
cian to^vns were only to pay the tribute 
assessed by Aristeides. Scione was left 
at the mercy of Athens. All prisoners 
were to be mutually restored, and any 
dispute arising between the contracting 
parties was to be settled judicially. 
Should any alteration in the treaty seem 
desirable, it might be made by consent 
of Athens and Lacedaemon. The Bceo- 
tians, Coiinthians, Eleians, and Mega- 
rians, protested against the terms; but 
the majority of the allies consenting, the 
Lacedaemonians ratified them in the 
name of the whole confederacy. (B. C. 
421.) 

SECTION II. 
Alliance of Athens and LacedtBmon. 
In Greece a war was thought to be 
justified, if it promised advantage, and 
if no express treaty forbade it. Peace 
was seldom made except for a teim of 
years, and the expiration of the period 
was sufficient reason for hostiUty. The 
peace just made was for fifty years, and 
a pressing motive of Lacedaemon to con- 
clude it was the approachuig close of a 
thirty years' truce with Argos, wliich that 
state had refused to renew. In power 
the second among the Peloponnesian 
states, Ai'gos still looked back with pride 
to its ancient pre-eminence, and cherish- 
ed the hope of disputing mth Spaita the 
command of Peloponnesus. Its com- 
parative wealth and population were now 
unusually high, for during ten years of 
suiTOunding warfare it had thiiven in 
peace; and the Lacedaemonians, fear- 
ing to stand alone against Argos, united 
either with Athens, or with theii' o^vn 
offended allies, hastily formed a defen- 
sive alliance with Athens. Lacedaemon 
was to be first in the restitutions stipulat- 
ed in the peace ; but the only article yet 
executed was the Uberation of Athenian 
prisoners. The Athenians, however, on 
making the alliance, set free the prison- 
ers taken at Pylos. One article of the 
alliance is worthy of notice; that the 
Athenians should assist with all their 
strength in quelling any insurrection of 
the Helots. A like stipulation never was 
made by any other Grecian state ; but it 
was fit that the greatest guilt of Lacedae- 



mon should be the source of its peculiar 
and ever present terror. 

Counter alliance of Argos, Corinth and 
other states. 

This alliance completing the estrange- 
ment of Coiinth fi*om Lacedaemon, some 
leading men proposed to the Argians to 
league for the defence of Peloponnesus 
against the ambition of the new confeder- 
ates. The government of Argos being 
democratical, all proposals of treaty ^a ere 
regularly made to the popular assembly ; 
but in the present case, lest any who 
might endeavour to connect then cities 
vsdth Argos should be endangered by the 
publicity of the attempt if it failed, the 
Argian people empowered tv^^elve com- 
missioners to conclude alliance ^ith any 
Grecian state but Lacedaemon or Athens. 
From either of these the assembly alone 
could receive proposals. The alhance of 
Argos was soon embraced by Mantineia, 
Elis, and Corinth. The Megarians and 
Boeotians stood aloof. Dissatisfied ^vith 
Lacedaemon, and inveterately hostile to 
Athens, their oligarchical governments 
were yet unwilling to connect themselves 
with a powerful democracy like Ai'gos. 

Imperfect restitutions. — Intrigues in Pelo- 
ponnesus. 

As soon as the peace was made, the 
Lacedaemonians had ordered their gene- 
ral Clearidas to restore Amphipolis, and 
required the other Thracian towns to sub- 
mit to Athens on the terms prescribed. 
They all reftised, and Clearidas saying 
that he could not compel them, was di- 
rected to bring away all the Peloponne- 
sian troops. On the return of the anny, 
the Helots who had fought in it were re- 
warded with fi-eedom. About the same 
time a violent precaution was taken 
against the restored prisoners from Pylos, 
who found themselves held cheap on ac- 
count of their sun^ender, an act before un- 
known in Lacedaemon, but which, to save 
them from certain destruction, the govern- 
ment had authorised. Disturbance was 
feared fi*om then discontent, and the 
more as some were in high employment ; 
wherefore they were voted incapable of 
office, and, what seems more strange, in- 
capable of buying and selling. Some 



How was a war justified in Greece ? — What state of Peloponnesus was the greatest rival of LacedaB- 
mon ? — Were the prisoners taken at Pylos restored ? — What remarkable stipulation was made in the 
treaty of peace ? 

What states formed alliance with Argos : — Where is Mantineia? — Which way is Elis from Corinth? — 
Why did not the Megareans and Boeotians join the new league ? 

Did the Thracian towns submit to Athens ? — What precaution was taken by the Lacedemonians 
against the restored prisoners ? 



96 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



time after, the disqualification was remov- 
ed. In the course of the summer Scione 
was taken by the Athenians, and, accor- 
ding to the cruel decree proposed by Cle- 
on, the men were slaughtered, and the 
women and children made slaves. The 
land was given to the remnant of the 
Plataeans. 

The Athenians had begun to mistrust 
the Lacedaemonians, who, instead of re- 
storing Amphipohs, had left it in the hands 
of the anned citizens; and who, when re- 
quired, always promised, but had hither- 
to delayed, to join in compelling their 
edlies to perform their part in the treaty. 
The LacedfEmonians said that they had 
done what lay in them, and would use 
their endeavours to induce the others to 
concur ; in return they claimed the restor- 
ation of Pylos, or, at least, that it should be 
ganisoned with Athenians, and not vdth 
then* implacable foes the Messenians and 
Helots. After much dispute, the last pro- 
posal was gi'anted. The Lacedaemoni- 
ans then requested the Boeotians to give 
up to them the Athenian prisoners who 
were in Boeotia, and the border fortress 
of Panactum, which, according to treaty, 
was to be restored to Athens. In return 
for Panactum and the prisoners, they 
hoped to recover Pylos: but to obtain 
them they were obliged to fonn a separ- 
ate alhance with the Boeotians, though it 
was stipulated in then* alliance with Ath- 
ens, that neither party should make war 
or treaty vnthout the consent of the oth- 
er. This measure, therefore, di d not con- 
ciliate the Athenians, but rather gave 
them fresh offence, especially when it 
was found that the Boeotians, instead of 
restoiing Panactum, had demolished it. 
The Argians supposing Boeotia leagued 
with Athens and Lacedaemon, at first had 
wished to treat with Lacedaemon; but 
when they found that those two states 
were more at variance than before, they 
broke off the treaty, and sent ambassa- 
doi*s to Athens. Ambassadors were al- 
so sent by Lacedaemon to defend her con- 
duct, and demand the restoration of Py- 
los. This occasion introduces to us one 
of the most remarkable chai-acters of 
Greece. 

Alcibiades. 

Alcibiades, the son of Cleinias, a youth 
of the highest birth in Athens, became 
early master of a vast inheritance. His 
talents were brilliant, his ambition un- 



bounded; his wealth and high political 
connexions surroimded him with flatter- 
ers, by whom his confident temper was 
so far inflamed, that he meditated speak- 
ing in the assembly before his twentieth 
year. From this he was diverted by Soc- 
rates, the first and greatest Grecian teach- 
er of moral wisdom to mankind. He 
saw the powers of Alcibiades and the 
danger of their pervei-sion; he desired 
to curb his wild passions, and direct his 
love of praise to worthy objects. The 
young man had an inquiring mind, which 
led him to value the instructions of So- 
crates, and a disposition generous enough 
to venerate his character ; and an intimate 
fiiendship took place between them, 
which was confirmed by Socrates sa\Tng 
his pupil in a battle in Thrace, a ser\'ice 
repaid by Alcibiades in the rout of De- 
lium. But the influence of Socrates 
could not permanently overcome the 
temptations which beset his young disci- 
ple. His love of pleasure was excessive ; 
and his uncommon beauty of person 
made him the object of passion to many 
women of rank in Athens. He was cour- 
ted by niunbers who hoped to profit by 
his wealth, and by his means of arising 
to power. Greedy of pre-eminence in 
every thing, he gloried in a lavish mag- 
nificence before unknown in Athens, and 
offensive to many, as outraging the due 
equahty of citizens in a democracy. And 
in his political cai-eer we shall find him 
no less unable to separate true glory from 
mere distinction; admirable indeed for 
ingenuit}^ and boldness, but the slave of 
an ambition utterly estranged from pub- 
he spirit, and as selfish in its ends as un- 
scrupulous in its means. 

The family of Alcibiades had ancient- 
ly been hereditaiy pubhc guests of Lace- 
daemon ; by which coimexion they were 
bound to entertain and do good offices 
to all its envoys ; and in retura, if ever 
they went thither, were honourably re- 
ceived at the pubhc expense. Such pub- 
lic guests considered the state to which 
they were attached as a second country, 
took care of its interests, and laboured to 
preserve it in amity with their own ; and 
the favour they there enjoyed, being some- 
times usefiil to then- country, contributed 
to their influence at home. Indignant 
at the attempt to restore the Peisistratidae, 
an ancestor of Alcibiades had renounced 
the friendship of Lacedaemon, with all 



How were the Scioneans treated by the Athenians on their surrendering .'—Did the Lacedaemonians 
faithfully perforin the articles of the treaty ? — How did the Athenians change the garrison at Pylos ?— 
Was Panactum restored to tliem ? — What two states sent ambassadors to Athens ? 

What was the character of Alcibiades ? — Who was his teacher and friend ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



97 



the ceremonies prescribed by Grecian 
religion for the dissolution of a bond so 
sacred as wastliat of hospitality, whether 
pubhc or private. Alcibiades, wishing 
to renew the connexion, had shown 
kindness to the Spartan prisoners; but 
the Lacedaemonians, who liked neither 
his youth nor his habits, preferred to com- 
municate with Nicias on the subject of 
peace ; whence Alcibiades became hos- 
tile both to Nicias and Lacedsemon. 

Alliance of Athens with Argos. 
The ambassadors of Argos and Lace- 
daemon, met at Athens. The latter hav- 
ing told the council that they came with 
fiiU powers to conclude on all disputed 
points, Alcibiades pereuaded them that 
it would be for their advantage to profess 
their powers limited, and promised, if 
they did so, to support them. Accor- 
dingly, in the assembly, they declared 
themselves restricted; whereupon their 
treacherous adviser attacked them more 
violently than befbre, taxed them ^vith 
double dealing, and proposed an imme- 
diate junction with Argos. The offended 
people would have voted it, but the as- 
sembly was adjourned on account of an 
earthquake. Next day, their anger hav- 
ing cooled, they Ustened to Nicias, and 
contented themselves with sending to 
require that the Lacedaemonians should 
restore AmphipoUs, and renounce the al- 
liance of Bceotia, unless Boeotia would 
join the common league. The demand 
was rejected by Lacedaemon, and they 
concluded an alhance with Argos. In this 
Corinth did not concur, incluiing rather to 
rejoin Lacedaemon. 

Renewal of war. — Victory of the Lacedemo- 
nians. — Revolutions in Argos. 

Epidaurus, besieged by the Argians, 
was reinforced fi'om Laconia by sea. 
The Argians complained to Athens, 
that, by allowing this, it had broken the 
treaty, which provided that neither state 
should suffer enemies of the other to pass 
through its dominions. This strange 
remonstrance, acknowledging that the 
sea was the dominion of Athens, would 
seem to have been prompted by the in- 
fluence of Alcibiades ; who proposed and 



obtained the compliance of Athens with 
the no less strange demand, that, in rep- 
aration to Argos, and punishment for the 
imputed aggression of Lacedaemon, the 
Messenians and Helots should be re- 
estabhshed in Pylos, and thus Laconia 
should be exposed to plunder, though still 
nominally allied with Athens. 

In the next summer, the fourteenth 
fi'om the beginning of the war, the La- 
cedaemonians made an effort to succour 
their distressed allies of Epidaurus, 
and to recover their influence in Pelo- 
ponnesus. They marched out with all 
their force under king Agis, the son 
of Archidamus, and were joined by 
their remaining alhes, including the 
Corinthians. Agis manoeuvred so suc- 
cessfully that the Argian army was 
suiTOunded, and exposed at gi'eat dis- 
advantage to the attack of a superior 
force. Two Ai-gians saw the danger, 
ThrasyUus, one of the five generals of 
Argos, and Alciphron, a public guest of 
Lacedaemon. They went privately to 
Agis, and pledging themselves to recon- 
cile their state with Lacedaemon, pre- 
vailed on him to gi'ant a four months 
truce, on his own authority. The army 
of Agis heard with astonishment the or- 
der to retreat ; but so far were the Argian 
people fi'om rightly valuing their escape, 
that they ignorantly thought they had 
lost an opportunity of destroying the 
Lacedaemonians, and then* anger ran so 
high that ThrasyUus saved his life by 
flying to an altar. 

The Athenian force was not yet 
come; and when it came the Argian 
leaders were unwilling to break the 
truce. Alcibiades, however, arriving as 
an ambassador, persuaded the people 
that the truce was void, being made 
without authority; and the allied army 
being put in motion reduced Orchome- 
nus in Arcadia, and advanced on Tegea, 
an ancient, faithful, and most valuable 
ally of Lacedaemon. The Lacedaemo- 
nians from the first had disapproved 
the retreat of Agis, but hearing that the 
truce was renounced, and Orchomenus 
taken, they called him to account, ^vith 
a violence unusual in them. They were 
on the point of heavily fining him, and 



Was Alcibiades friendly to Lacedaemon ?— W^hat had made him hostile ? 

How did Alcibiades betray the Lacedtemonian ambassadors? — Why did Athens league with Argos? 

In what part of Argolis is Epidaurus ?— Which way from Argos ?— How did the reinforcing of it lead to 
an acknowledgment that Athens held dominion of tiie sea? — What reparation did Athens make to the 
Argians for allowing Epidaurus to be reinforced by sea?— Under whom did the Laccd;emonians attempt 
to succour epidaurus? — How did ThrasyUus and Alciphron save the Argian army ?— How was Thra- 
syUus rewarded? — To what did Alcibiades advise the Argians? — What place did they take ?— Which 
way is Orchomenus from Epidaurus?— On what place did they advance ? — Which way is Tegea from 
Orchomenus? — Whom did the Lacediemonians blame? 



13 



96 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



demolishing his house ; but he prevailed 
on them to tiy him further, and was suf- 
fered to resume the command, but under 
a restriction before unknown, ten coun- 
sellors being appointed, without whose 
concuiTence he might not lead the army 
beyond the borders. 

Tegea was secured by a hasty march 
of the Lacedaemonians, and being joined 
by the Arcadian alUes, they entered the 
territoiy of Mantineia. After some ma- 
noeu\Ting, the Lacedaemonians, when 
they least expected it, found themselves 
suddenly in front of the enemy, who 
were advancmg in good order. Their 
alarm was considerable, but their ex- 
cellent training enabled them rapidly to 
form for battle; and the day was won 
by their superior discipline and steadi- 
ness, notwithstanding some considerable 
eri'ors of their commanders. This battle 
restored the credit of Lacedsemon, and 
gave to the oligarchical Argians the 
hope of concluding a peace, and then 
an alUance, and finally by that means 
overthrowing the democracy. In spite 
of the great influence of Alcibiades, 
who was then present in Argos, the 
people consented first to peace, and 
then to alUance with Lacedaemon, — an 
example which the Mantineians were 
compelled to follow; and at the close 
of the year, by the aid of a force from 
Lacedaemon, oligarchy was established 
in Argos. 

This did not last long. The Many 
taking heart, attacked and overcame the 
ruling party. The Lacedaemonians pre- 
pared to march against them ; but de- 
lays took place, during which the Ar- 
gians renewed their alliance with Athens, 
and began to build long walls to their 
port. The unfinished walls were de- 
molished by the Lacedaemonians, but 
little further was gained. By the arbi- 
trary interference of Lacedaemon, the 
Argian people had been driven to throw 
themselves so entirely on Athens, that 
when Alcibiades came next year, with 
twenty ships, he was supported in arrest- 
ing, and imprisoning in different islands, 
three hundred persons suspected of 
wishing well to Lacedaemon. 

Siege of Melos. 
Melos, an island on the coast of Pe- 
loponnesus, was independent of Athens ; 



which could not endure that, when all 
the other islands were its subjects, one of 
the weakest should withhold obedience. 
"Tell us not," said its ambassadors, 
" that, though colonists of the Lacedae- 
monians, you have not joined them in 
their wars against us; tell us not that 
you have done us no wrong, but exa- 
mine our respective forces, knowing that 
equals only dispute about justice ; but 
the mighty do their pleasure, and the 
weak must submit." Such in all ages has 
been the principle acted on by powerful 
oppressors, though never, at least in 
modem times, so explicitly avowed, as 
both here and in some other speeches 
occuniug in Thucydides, which, if not 
always connect reports of what was ac- 
tually said, are yet specimens of the lan- 
guage which the public ear could endure. 
The Melians refusing submission were 
besieged; no effort was made for them 
by Lacedaemon; they were reduced to 
sun'ender at discretion, and, for defend- 
ing their independence against an un- 
provoked and most unjust attack, all 
the men were butchered, and the women 
and children sold as slaves. 

Athenian expedition into Sicily. 
Next spring, the Athenians, hoping to 
effect the conquest of Sicily, which was 
again torn by petty wars, prepared a fleet 
to aid the Egestans against Selinus, which 
was backed by Syracuse. Alcibiades, Ni- 
cias, and Lamachus, were chosen to com- 
mand. Nicias attempted to dissuade the 
people from wasting their resources in 
distant warfare, and multiplymg their ene- 
mies ; Alcibiades replied, enhancing the 
value of the conquest ; and the assembly 
approving it, voted one hundred triremes, 
and five thousand heavy-armed troops, 
with archers and slingei-s in due propor- 
tion, and whatever further the generals 
might think expedient. The citizens ea- 
gerly enlisted, from the love of enterprise, 
from curiosity, from the hope of enriching 
themselves by successful war, and in- 
creasing the public ti-easure, which fur- 
nished subsistence to the poor, and 
amusement to all. 

Mutilation of Mercuries. 
It was an ancient and venerated cus- 
tom in Athens to place at the entrance 
of temples and houses a block of square 



How did they restrict him?— How was Tegea secured ?— What other successes followed ?— What was 
the consequence to Argos ? — Was the alliance with Lacedaemon renounced ? — What severe measure did 
Alcibiades resort to next year ? 

Where is Melos or Milor — What state conqueied it? 

Who commanded the Athenian expedition to Sicily? — Was the expedition popular? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



99 



stone, crowned with a head of Mercurj'. 
Most of these one night had the faces 
mutilated. This incident, apparently so 
trifling, dismayed all Athens. It was 
thought ominous of ill to the intended 
expedition; it was thought to prove a 
design to overthrow the democracy; 
though how it could contribute to such 
an end is inconceivable. All efforts 
failed to discover the pei-petratoi*s ; but 
it was found that x\lcibiades had before, 
in a drunken froUc, been concerned in 
some sinrjilar irregularities, and his many 
enemies laboured to fix the charge on 
him. His guilt is most improbable, for 
the business was evidently concerted, and 
very injurious to the favourite project of 
ambition in which he was now embarked ; 
but his ostentatious extravagance had 
raised a suspicion that he looked far 
above democratical equahty; he had 
shown that he little regarded things 
esteemed most sacred; and many were 
easily persuaded that his oversveening 
disposition had led liim to insult the 
rehgion of his country, and to plot 
against its hberty. 

Alcibiades demanded an immediate 
trial. It would be unjust, he said, to 
receive accusations against him when 
absent, and imprudent to keep a man in 
high command, with such charges hang- 
ing over him. But his accusers dreaded 
his popularity in the army, and feared to 
alienate the Argian and Mantineian aux- 
iliaries procured by him. When he was 
gone they might work on the passions 
of the people, aggravating ever}' unfa- 
vourable circumstance, while the ac- 
cused was not present to contradict 
them. They procured a vote that Alci- 
biades should proceed on the expedition. 
The preparations were completed, and 
the fleet set sail under the anxious gaze 
of all Athens, assembled to Avitness the 
departure of the most splendid arma- 
ment ever sent by a Grecian state on 
distant service. 

The Ionian interest in Sicily had been 
quite overborne, and none were ready to 
join with Athens, except the Egestans, 
who were on the brink of ruin, and the 
remnant of the Leontines expelled from 
then* city by Syracuse, and now occupy- 
ing two fortresses in their ancient ter- 
ritory. The generals differed how to 
proceed. Nicias proposed to reUeve 



Egesta, and then return home, unless 
the Egestans should fulfil their promise 
to furnish pay for the fleet, or some 
readier means should occur than now 
appeared of restoring the Leontines. Al- 
cibiades was for negotiating with all the 
cities but Syracuse and Selinus, begin- 
ning with Messene, as the most conve- 
nient harbour and station w'hence their 
army might commence its operations, 
and when they knew what cities would 
be with them, then attacking S5Tacuse. 
Lamachus, who appears to have been a 
mere soldier, full of spuit and entei-prise, 
but little versed in intricate political 
speculations, wished to fall on Sjnracuse, 
while unprepared ; but being oveiTuled, 
he concurred ^vith Alcibiades, and Nicias 
was obliged to yield. Alcibiades per- 
suaded the Messenians, not indeed to 
join in the war, but to furnish a market 
to his army. He obtained the alUance 
of Naxos and Catana, and sent ten 
triremes to the port of Symcuse, to 
proclaim that the Athenians were come 
to restore the Leontines, their kinsmen 
and allies, and that any Leontines would 
be received in the annament as fi-iends. 

Alcibiades condemned in his absence. 
Meanwhile, as ofi:en happens when the 
popular mind is possessed with unrea- 
sonable terror, the Athenian people had 
overleaped all bounds of justice, hu- 
manity, and common sense. From the 
affair of the Mercuries, a plot w^as in- 
ferred for the estabUshment of oligarchy 
or tyranny, and the irritation was che- 
rished by continual discourses of what 
Athens had suffered through the Peisis- 
tratidfe. On the slightest suspicion — on 
the most discreditable evidence — men, 
the most respected, were imprisoned; 
alarm increased \vith the number of ac- 
cusations, and each found easier credit 
than the last. At length Andocides, 
one of the imprisoned, seeing no other 
hope of escape, and hoping by the sacri- 
fice of a few to save the rest, and to 
tranquillize the city, confessed the crime, 
and accused some others — whether truly 
or falsely, is not known. The people 
received the information with joy, and 
setting free the informer and those whom 
he had cleared, tried and executed the 
others. The proof was very inadequate, 
and the condemnation most unjust ; but 



What event dismayed all Atliens? — To whom was it attributed ? — Did he receive a trial before sailing? 
—On the arrival of the Athenian expedition in Sicily what did Alcibiades advise? — Was his advic« 
adopted r — What message did lie send to Syracuse? 

What was inferred from the affair of the Mercuries at Athens ? — Who confessed the sacrilege ? — What 
was the result ? 



100 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



the panic was in great measure abated. 
Though Alcibiades was not included in 
the infonnation, the people, in their pre- 
sent temper, were easily stiiTed to in- 
quire into his former impieties. He was 
proved to have profaned the mysteries 
of Ceres, by celebrating them in mock- 
ery in a private house; and this was 
easily connected by the mahce of his 
enemies, and the excited suspicions 
of the people, with a charge of con- 
spiring against the democracy. The 
accident of a small body of Lacedsemo- 
nians approaching the Isthmus, raised 
suspicion so high that the people passed 
a night under arms. In Argos, also, the 
Many became jealous of the fiiends of 
Alcibiades ; and though Alcibiades him- 
self had placed in custody the oligarchi- 
cal Argian chiefs, these unhappy men 
were given up by Athens, to be put to 
death by the Argian people, as if conspi- 
rator with Alcibiades. The death of 
Alcibiades was resolved, but it was 
thought unsafe to arrest him in the ar- 
my. He was simply summoned home ; 
but suspecting his danger, he fled to 
Peloponnesus, and was capitally con- 
demned in his absence. 

The plans of Alcibiades were given 
up, no man remaining capable of exe- 
cuting them ; nor was any decided course 
of action substituted. The araiament 
went to Egesta, and, retm*ning thence, 
lay at Catana; while the Syracusans, 
who had lately been in dismay, gi*ew 
so coniident, that they obhged their 
leaders to conduct them to that city. Of 
this the Athenian generals took advan- 
tage, and sailing by night for Syracuse, 
took up a strong position under the 
walls. The Syracusans hastened home, 
and lost a battle; but the Athenians 
returned on the mon-ow to Catana, 
without pursuing their success. The 
Syracusans, alarmed at their defeat, 
were now willing to be dii-ected by 
Hermocrates, their ablest commander. 
They made him the first of their gene- 
rals, and reduced the number fi-om fif- 
teen to three ; they passed the winter in 
disciplining their forces, strengthening 
their city, and confirming their allies; 
and sent to ask the aid of Corinth, their 
mother city, and of Lacedoemon. 



Alcibiades offers his services to Lacedamon. 
The prayer of Syracuse was supported 
in Lacedaemon by Coiinthian ministers, 
as well as by Alcibiades, who had gone 
thither mth the unworthy purpose of tak- 
ing revenge upon his country by foreign 
arms. He declared that the Athenians 
hoped to conquer, not only Sicily, but 
Grecian Italy, and Carthage; to obtain 
fi'om Italy ship-timber in abundance, 
and fi:om Spain numbers of excellent 
mercenary soldiers; and then, with re- 
sources thus increased, making war on 
Peloponnesus, to become lords of all 
the Grecian race. He therefore advis- 
ed the Lacedaemonians, both to send 
a Spartan general, with troops, into 
Sicily, and to make a diversion at home ; 
and for the latter purpose, he recom- 
mended ganisoning Deceleia, in Attica. 
The assembly approved his plans; Gy- 
hppus, a Spartan of royal blood, was 
appointed to command in Sicily, and 
directed to consult with the Corinthians 
and Syracusans how best to carry thither 
troops; but these were to be gathered 
as they might fi-om the allies, Lacedse- 
mon fiirnishing none. 

Siege of Syracuse. 

In the spring the Athenians, after 
some unimportant movements, formed 
the siege of Syracuse. Their operations 
were ably conducted ; they were superior 
in eveiy sldrmish, and the circumvalla- 
tion (walling roimd) was rapidly all but 
completed. Hermocrates seems to have 
acted judiciously; but the Syracusans, 
undisciplined, and fi*equently insubordi- 
nate, could not resist the skill and expe- 
rience of their enemies. The fiiendship 
of Athens was generally courted; sup- 
plies came in both fi'om Sicily and Italy ; 
the Syracusans themselves began to talk 
of capitulation, and even sent proposals to 
Nicias, who was now alone in command, 
since Lamachus had fallen in a skirmish. 
Suspicion arose of the treachery of par- 
ties, the common dread of Grecian cities 
when besieged; and the people vented 
their discontent in cashiering their ge- 
nerals. 

Gyhppus, arriving in Sicily with seven 
hundred heavy armed infantry, by his own 
activity and the reputation of Lacedsemon 



What charges were brought against Alcibiades ? — What was resolved at Athens ? — How did he escape ? 
— What events took place at Syracuse after the departure of Alcibiades ? — What commander did the 
Syracusans choose ? — Of whom did they ask aid ? 

Who supported the prayer of Syracuse ? — What did Alcibiades declare ? — What place in Attica did he 
propose to the Lacedcemonians to garrison ? — In what part of Attica is Deceleia? — Who was sent to aid 
the Syracusans ? 

Who conducted the siege of Syracuse .'—What was Gylippus'a force ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



101 



increased his numbers to above three 
thousand in all. He passed the Athe- 
nian hues unopposed, and joined the 
Syracusans ; and to the astonishment of 
the besiegers, who were busied in a dif- 
ferent part of the works, the combined 
forces appeared as offering battle. Gy- 
Hppus halted while retreat was in his 
power, and sent a herald to the Athe- 
nians, to say, that if they would quit 
Sicily in five days he would make a truce 
for the purpose. The messenger was 
received with scorn, and sent away un- 
answered. Gyhppus observed that the 
Syracusans could not keep their order 
on difficult ground ; but Nicias, not at- 
tempting to profit by this, let them retire 
at leisure. The next day Nicias conti- 
nued inactive, while GyUppus took the 
fort where the Athenian magazines were 
chiefly deposited, and which commanded 
the heights of Epipolce, on the inland 
side of the town. 

The Athenians, though still superior in 
the field, had lost all hope of taking the 
city, and were daily suffeiiug by the 
swampy natm*e of their gi"ound. GyMppus 
carried out a wall from Epipolse, so as to 
intersect the lines of the besiegers and 
secure a communication mth the country 
beyond. Twelve ships arrived fi*om Co- 
rinth and its allies, and the Syi'acusans, 
strengthened both by land and sea, pre- 
pared to act offensively. Ministers were 
sent to Corinth and Lacedaemon: Gy- 
lippus went round the Sicilian cities to 
gather reinforcements, rouse the luke- 
warm, and win the neutral or adverse. 

Nicias communicated to Athens his 
danger. His men were wasting by sick- 
ness, desertion, and the sword ; his ships 
perishing for want of repairs, since all 
were continually needed to keep open the 
sea, by which alone he could get supplies. 
He declared it necessary to recall the 
army, or else to double its force; re- 
quested that he might be superseded, as 
disquaUfied by ill-health for command; 
and that former honourable services 
might excuse his present ill-success. 
The people would neither give up their 
plans of conquest nor accept the resigna- 
tion of their general ; and Demosthenes 
and Eurymedon were appointed to lead 
a powerful reinforcement. 

The Lacedaemonians, attributing their 
previous ill-success to their own injustice 
in supporting the aggression of Thebes 



on Platasa, and in refusing the arbitra- 
tion proposed by Athens, now considered 
that . the Athenians had placed them- 
selves in the wrong, by refusing in their 
turn a judicial settlement of the dif- 
ferences which had arisen since the truce. 
They therefore renewed the war in the 
nineteenth spring fi-om its beginning, (B. 
C. 413,) ti'usting now that the gods would 
be on their side. They entered Attica 
and fortified Deceleia, a town not fifteen 
miles fi-om Athens, and commanding its 
richest lands. The works proceeded 
without an attempt at opposition ; yet the 
Athenians persisted in their plans of dis- 
tant conquest, and Demosthenes sailed 
for Sicily with most of then* dispos- 
able force. 

Meantime Gyfippus and Hermocrates 
prevailed on the Syracusans, disregard- 
ing the skiU and fame of theu' opponents, 
to make an effort for maritune supe- 
riority. A combined attack was planned 
by land and sea. By sea the SjTacusaus 
were defeated, though superior in the 
number of ships; but while the Athe- 
nians were watching the battle, their 
forts on the headland closing in the 
harbour were attacked and taken, with 
most of their provisions and stores. 
Triremes were stationed under protec- 
tion of the forts, and no Athenian con- 
voy could now come in without fighting. 
But however successful in straitening 
the enemy, the S\Tacusan generals were 
anxious to strike a decisive blow before 
the reinforcement anived. The port 
gi\'ing little scope for the manceuvring 
of the Athenians, enabled the Syracusans 
to meet them bow to bow, instead of suf- 
fering their transvei-se stroke. Gylippus 
strengthened the bows of his ships to give 
them the advantage in the shock. He 
gained first a slight advantage, next a vic- 
tory, but before he could further pursue 
it, the force under Demosthenes arrived. 

Defeat of the Athenians. — Death of Nicias 
and Demosthenes. 

The natural indecision of Nicias, in- 
creased by ill-health and dislike of his 
command, had been a principal cause of 
failure. Demosthenes, desirous to avoid 
a similar error, resolved to act while liis 
force was unimpaired; to make •ome 
attempt which might determine the 
probability of success ; and either to pur- 
sue the war with vigour or abandon it 



Did he join the Syracusans .'—What offer did he make to the Athenians ? — How was the messenger 
treated ? — What happened next day ? — What advantages did the Syracusans gain ? — What request did 
Nicias make? — Instead of granting it what did the Athenians do? — What place did the Lacsdasmo- 
nians fortify ? — What advantages did the Syracusans and tlieir allies gain by sea ? 



103 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



without delay. He attacked the heights 
of Epipolee, the possession of which 
would give the means of renewing the 
blockade; but failing, he proposed to 
withdraw while retreat was open. The 
safety of the ai-my was more hnportant 
than any conquest it could now achieve, 
and it was better to hazard the popu- 
lar displeasure than to waste the best 
strength of the state when most wanted 
at home. But Nicias would not risk an 
unauthorised return, and he had secret 
gi'ounds of hope arising from commu- 
nication with Syracusan malcontents. 
The opportunity was lost, mattei*s daily 
gi*ew worse, sea-fights took place to the 
advantage of the Syracusans, in the 
last of which their naval superiority was 
completely estabhshed. To remain was 
now impossible, and the Athenians be- 
gan then* retreat, leaving their wounded 
to the mercy of the enemy. They were 
yet strong in regidar foot, and able to 
overbear all direct opposition, but the 
march was long, and the enemy far 
superior in horse and light troops. 
Fatigue and want, and constant hai-ass- 
ing, thinned their ranks and broke their 
spirit, and the mass of the army was 
either killed or reduced to sm-render m- 
di\'idually or in bodies. 

Nicias had shown thi-oughout the re- 
treat a fortitude and energy strongly 
contrasted with tlie feebleness of his pre- 
ceding conduct. Both he and Demos- 
thenes were taken by the Syracusans, 
and both put to death by order of the 
people. The humbler captives were im- 
prisoned m the stone quaiTies, where 
numbei-s miserably perished through want 
and hardships of every kind. The deliver- 
ance of Syracuse must be gratifying to 
all who rejoice in the failure of unprin- 
cipled ambition ; but our sympathy with 
that people cannot but receive a check 
when we view the deliberate cnielty 
with which they abused then* triumph. 

The Athenians were long before they 
would believe the complete destruction 
of an aiTnament containing all the flower 
of theii' citizens and the greatest part of 
their na^^^. When con\dnced, they vent- 
ed their anger on the orators who had 
advised the expedition, as if themselves, 
who so readily voted it, were not equally 
to blame. Their situation seemed almost 
desperate. There was little money in 



the treasuiy, and few ships in the har- 
bour; then' enemies were superior by 
land and sea, and would probably be 
joined by the navy of the Sicilians, and 
further strengthened by extensive revolt 
among the alUes of Athens. The reme- 
dial measures of the Athenians were, 
however, energetic and judicious. The 
spirit of the people still was high, and 
they were schooled by misfortune into 
compliance Avith their vnser counsellors. 
They set themselves vigorously to the 
building of ships and the raising of 
money ; retrenched the expenses of feasts 
and shows, and took measures to secure 
the obedience of the alHes, particularly 
of Euboea, the most important. It was, 
nevertheless, the opinion prevalent in 
Greece, that the Athenian power coidd 
not outlast another summer. The allies 
of Lacedsemon were confidently looking 
to relief from a long and difficult war, 
and those of Athens mostly to deliverance 
fiom a hard subjection ; while Lacedse- 
mon itself, which had lately been war- 
ring against an enemy decidedly superior, 
now enjoyed the prospect of undisputed 
ascendency in Greece. 

SECTION III 
Alliance of Lacedtzmon with Persic—Revolt 
of Athenian dependencies in Asia. — Samoa 
continues faithful. 

The Persian kings, instead of aspiring 
as formerly to the conquest of Greece, 
now lived in fear and jealousy of the 
single state of Athens; so far superior 
are courage and intelligence to mere ex- 
tent of tenitory and amount of subject 
population. 3Iany allies of Athens were 
contending which should fii-st be enabled 
by Lacedsemon to revolt ; and vvdth their 
ministei"s came ambassadors fi-om two 
great Persian officers, the powerful sa- 
traps of Lydia and of the Hellespont, 
each of whom solicited affiance, and ur- 
ged the Lacedaemonians to make his gov- 
ernment the scene of their earliest opera- 
tions. It was detennined to assist the 
mtended revolt of Chios and Er}^tlu:«, 
according to the wish of the Lydian 
satrap Tissaphernes. The Chians had 
sixty ships of war, and foity were voted 
to support them ; but wliile the saiUng 
of the squadron was delayed by the 
wonted tardiness of Lacedsemon, the 
Athenians, suspecting its destination, sent 



What place did Demosthenes attack? — On failing wJiat did he propose? — Did Nicias agree to it ?— 
What was the result ? — What was the fate of Nicias and Demosthenes ? — Of the other captives ? — What 
was now the condition of Athens ? — What remedisil measures did they take ? — What was tlie prevailing 
opinion in Greece ? 

What had lately been the disposition of the Persian kings? — What revolt did the Lacedtemonians and 
Tissaphernes resolve to assist ? — What did the Athenians do when the design was suspected ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



103 



to charge the Chians with theh' purpose. 
The design was that of the oligarchical 
party, and had not been communicated 
to the assembly nor to any favourer of 
democmcy; the leaders, taken unpre- 
pai-sd, denied the wish to revolt, and the 
requisition of seven ships to join tlie 
Athenian fleet was obeyed. 

Summer came, and a Peloponuesian 
squadi'on sailed for Chios, but it was 
attacked, chased to the shore, and there 
blockaded by the Athenians. So much 
were the Lacedaemonians discouraged, 
that they actually meditated giving up 
the splendid prospects opening m Asia. 
Alcibiades, however, prevailed on them 
to send five ships to Chios, and to allow 
hhn to accompany them; and arriving 
before the news of the Athenian success, 
he persuaded the Chians to join the 
Peloponuesian league. The example 
soon was foUowed by Eiythife, Clazo- 
menae, and Miletus. An aUiauce was 
formed with Tissaphemes, on terms httle 
honourable to Lacedaemon; for it was 
stated that all should belong to the king 
which had been possessed by his pre- 
decessors; which, strictly intei-jireted, 
would mclude all the Grecian cities of 
Asia, Avith the islands. 

On hearing the revolt of theh most 
powerful ally, the Athenians brought 
into use the thousand talents set aside 
in the beginning of the war as a reserve 
for extremit3^ Through the vigour of 
their own, and the feebleness of the 
Lacedaemonian administration, they were 
soon again advancing to maritime su- 
periority. The Samian commonalty rose 
upon the nobles, who were probably ar- 
ranging a plan of revolt ; and banishing 
four hundred they reduced the rest to 
complete depression. The Athenians, 
now sure of the fidelity of Samos, voted 
its independence, it having since the 
fonner rebeUion been held under strict 
control. Lesbos revolted, but was soon 
reduced; Clazomenae returned to obe- 
dience, and the Athenians, now masters 
of the sea laid siege to Chios, and re- 
duced it in the course of the winter to 
great distress. 

Intri^es of Alcibiades. 
Alcibiades, far from wishing Lacedae- 
mon completely triumphant, had princi- 



pally sought to gain an influence over 
Tissaphemes, by which he might detach 
Mm from the Peloponnesians when he 
should see cause. About this time the 
adverse party, gaining the lead in Lace- 
daemon, refused to ratify the treaty made 
with Tissaphemes. Suspecting the Ln- 
smcerity of Alcibiades, and fearing his 
genius, they sent private orders to as- 
sassmate him, which he prevented by 
quitting the araiy. He now successfully 
laboured to put the satrap at variance 
with Lacedaemon, and dispose him to 
connexion with Athens ; and he secredy 
negotiated vnth some of the Athenian 
leaders at Samos, where the amiy had 
its head-quarters, for his own recall. 
The exertions of Athens had of late been 
prodigious, but in its exhausted state 
they could not long hold out against an 
enemy supphed by the wealth of Pei-sia ; 
yet if those supplies could be transfeiTed 
to Athens, it might still be victorious. 
Alcibiades well knew that if he should 
be restored there could be httle esteem 
for his character, and that, when the 
immediate need of him was past, he 
might fall by the first breath of suspi- 
cion: he saw that his surest support 
would be a party who owed their su- 
periority entirely to him, and he knew 
that the fate of the commonwealth was 
so completely in his hands, that he could 
attach to his services what condition he 
would. The price he set on them was 
the establishment of oligai'chy. On this 
condition, coupled with the return of 
Alcibiades, it was declared in the army 
that the king would furnish money for 
the war ; and such was the general sense 
of the public danger, that a majority 
decided to accept the terms. 

Delegates were sent to Athens to pro- 
pose the change ; and the people, though 
unwillingly, were yet induced by their 
desperate situation to acquiesce. Pei- 
sander, the chief of the deputation, was 
sent with ten others to treat with Tissa- 
phemes, and empowered to conclude 
whatever should seem best. Having 
organised a faction Peisander sailed, but 
his mission was fmsti-ated by unexpect- 
ed difficulties. The Satrap was unwil- 
ling quite to break with Lacedaemon; 
and Alcibiades fearing that his influence 
might appear to fail, desired to make 



What ensued ? — What befell the Peloponnesian squadron ? — Who brought Chios into the Peloponne- 
sian league? — What other places followed the example? — Where is Chios or Scio? — Miletus? — On what 
terms was an alliance formed with Tis-j;iphcrne^ ? — What resource did the Athenians now apply to? — 
What transpired at Samos? — At Lesbos ' — At ClazomeniE ? — At Chios? 

What had been the wish of Alcibiades? — How was be treated by the LacedaBmonians ? — What was 
his next intrigue ? — What price did he set on the services which he offered to Athens ?--Were his termi 
accepted by the army ? — Did the people acquiesce? — Who was sent to Tissaphemes? 



104 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



the Athenians the refusers, by asking 
extravagant concessions to Persia. The 
negotiation was broken off, and Tissa- 
phernes concluded a treaty with the 
Lacedaemonian admiral on teniis more 
moderate than before. Ohgarchies were 
set up by Athenian commissioners in 
several subject towns, and most of these 
in consequence revolted to Lacedsemon. 

Revolution in Athens, and government of the 
Four Hundred. 

Peisander, returning to Athens, found 
the revolution much advanced. Many 
of its chief opposers had been murdered, 
no one dared to ask by whom ; the pop- 
ular party were dismayed and disunited, 
and mutually suspicious through re- 
peated desertions. All opposition being 
silenced by the fear of assassination, the 
oligarclii(!al leaders swayed the assem- 
bly to their will. But though certain to 
cany at the moment whatever it pleased 
them to propose, they felt that some 
degree of moderation was necessary to 
secure the continued obedience of the 
people, and particularly the acquiescence 
of the annament in Samos, which they 
could less intimidate or coerce. The 
scheme adopted was, that the sovereignty 
should be placed in an assembly of five 
thousand citizens, chosen for their pro- 
perty and bodily ability : but while this 
body was nominally supreme, the whole 
direction of the state was effectively 
vested in a council of four hundred, and 
it was only when summoned by them 
that the larger assembly was to meet. 
The people ratified the new consti- 
tution, and the existing authorities gave 
way to it without a struggle. The 
change was brought to pass with sin- 
gular ability, and with a quietness and 
freedom fi-om extensive bloodshed al- 
most unparalleled among Grecian rev- 
olutions; but though not accompanied 
with battle or massacre, it was deeply 
stained with the baser practice of secret 
assassination. In the measures which 
led to it the chief actor was Peisander : 
but the contriving and directing mind 
was that of Antiphon, a man of the 
highest character both for capacity and 
virtue ; who, both by his advice and by 
his talent for composition, had assisted 
many who had occasion to appear in 
the courts and in the assemblies; but 



had kept himself as far as possible aloof 
from both, through fear of the jealousy 
which often attended the reputation of 
ability, especially when the fortune, hab- 
its, and temper of the possessor appear- 
ed to connect him with the favourers of 
aristocracy. 

Counterrevolution in the Athenian armament 
at Samos. — Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus. 

Peisander had left the oligarchical 
interest predominant among the Athe- 
nians at Samos, and approachmg to su- 
periority among the Samians. But the 
Athenian generals with most of the 
soldiers favoured democracy, and had 
only renounced it as the price of Per- 
sian aid, which seemed not likely to 
be given. The oligarchical Samians 
meditating an attack upon the Many, the 
latter craved the support of the generals, 
and of Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus, two 
distinguished Athenians of the popular 
party. These canvassed the soldiers 
with so much effect, that nearly all de- 
clared for democracy, and agreed in the 
resolution not to suffer the Samian peo- 
ple to be oppressed. The attack was made, 
but the Samian Many being supported 
by the Athenians easDy prevailed. The 
victory was used with uncommon mode- 
ration. About thirty of the conspirators 
were killed in the tumult, but not a man 
was put to death by way of punishment; 
only three were banished, and the rest 
were pardoned and admitted to live in 
perfect equahty under the democracy. 

A ship was sent to Athens with these 
tidings, which it was supposed would be 
well received there, for the Athenian 
revolution was yet unknown at Samos. 
On aiTiving, some of the crew were 
thrown mto prison; while the com- 
mander escaping to Samos reported the 
change, and passionately exaggerated the 
violences of the new rulei-s. In the 
debates ensuing in the army, Thrasybu- 
lus and Thrasyllus took the lead. An 
oath was imposed on all that they would 
be faithful to democracy, zealous in the 
war, and perseveringly hostile to the Four 
Hundred. The Samians also took the 
oath, and were admitted to the Athenian 
councils, as men embarked in the same 
cause. The soldiers now assumed to 
their assemblies the authority of the 
general assembly of the people, consider- 



Did he succeed ? — With whom did Tissaphernes conclude a treaty ? 

What was the state of things on Peisander's return to Athens? — Who swayed the assembly? — What 
Bcheine was adopted ? — Who was the chief actor in the revolution ? — W^hose was the contriving and di- 
recting mind ? 

Who favoured the democratical party ;<t Samos? — Which party prevailed? — How were the bearers of 
the tidings treated at Athens ? — What effect did the news of this have on the army ? — What oath was taken. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



105 



ing the commonwealth as overthrown 
in the city, and only existing in the camp. 
Their first act of power was to supersede 
all suspected officers, appointmg Thrasy- 
bulus and Thrasyllus to the chief com- 
mand. Alike at war with the Pelopon- 
nesians and the Athenians of the city, 
they encouraged themselves with the con- 
sidei'ations that they were the strength 
of the commonwealth, and the new rulers 
comparatively weak; that having the 
fleet, the subject states were theirs, with 
the revenues thence arising ; that Samos 
was no contemptible home; and that 
far fi*om looking to Athens for subsis- 
tence, they had both larger resources 
than those in the city, and the command 
of the sea, which placed at their mercy 
the supplies of their opponents. They 
trusted to the goodness of their cause, 
which was the vindication of their ancient 
constitution ; they hoped for Persian aid 
in bringing the war to a happy issue ; 
and in the worst event, with the force 
which they possessed they could gain 
both lands and cities to inhabit. 

Alcibiades commander in chief. 
The Peloponnesians, being disunited 
and ill commanded, did not move against 
the Athenians till their differences were 
settled. On approaching Samos they 
found all quiet and orderly, and with- 
drew, avoiding offered battle. It was 
necessaiy to find some means of sup- 
portkig the expenses of the fleet, which 
were scantily supphed by Tissaph ernes, 
always sparing of his treasm-e, and now 
uncertain wMch part}^ to support. They 
listened therefore to Phamabazus, the 
satrap of the Hellespont, who offered to 
maintain them if they would come to 
his province. But as they would not 
move with then* whole force at the haz- 
ard of fighting the Athenians, a small 
squadron only arrived in the Hellespont, 
avoiding observation by a circuitous route. 
Meantime an assembly being held of the 
Athenians in Samos, Thrasybulus ob- 
tained the recall of Alcibiades, and went 
himself to invite him to the island. Al- 
cibiades aiTiving, harangued the assem- 
bled army, lamenting his exile, and mag- 
nifying the benefit to be expected fi-om 
his return ; which he represented as cer- 
tainly bringing with it the support of 



Tissaphemes. He was immediately cho- 
sen commander-in-chief. Hope and 
confidence rose so high that the sol- 
dier}^ were eager to sail to the Peirseeus, 
and put doAVTi the Four Hundred. Al- 
cibiades checked the rash design. The 
nearer enemy, he said, must not be lefl 
at hberty to seize unopposed on the 
richest possessions of the state; and it 
was necessar}' for himself, since he was 
chosen general, to communicate person- 
ally with the satrap on the necessary 
aiTangements of the war. The assembly 
being dissolved he went hnmediately to 
Tissaphemes, anxious at once to impress 
upon the Athenians his close connexion 
with the satrap, and to confirm his in- 
fluence over the latter by displaying his 
power among the Athenians; and thus 
he obtained fi-om both what his Aiews 
required, by alarming alternately the 
Athenians with Tissaphemes, and Tis- 
saphemes with the Athenians. 

Ambassadors from the Four Hundred 
arri\Tng at Samos, the popular fury rose 
so high that the multitude were agaui 
on the point of voting to go straight to 
Athens. The influence of Alcibiades 
again prevented a measm-e which would 
have been certain ruia to both parties, 
but which only he was capable of liin- 
dering. He framed a moderate answer 
to the ambassadors, encouraging those 
in the cit\' to hold out against the com- 
mon enemy ; for while, he said, the city 
was safe, there was hope of accommo- 
dating the dissensions of the citizens ; 
but were either paity cut off*, whether 
those in Athens or in Samos, there would 
soon be no commonwealth with which the 
enemy could treat. 

Theramenes. — Fall of the government of the 
Four Hundred. 

Already divisions had arisen among 
the rulers at Athens. Peisander and the 
thorough-going oligarchists were bent on 
confining all real power to the Four Hun- 
dred ; and rather than compromise with 
their countrymen at Samos, or admit 
into the government any leaven of demo- 
cracy, they were ready to lay their country 
at the feet of Lacedaemon. They would 
make peace if possible as an independent 
state ; but peace must be made on any 
terms : and they would rather, if it were 



Who were appointed to the chief command ? — With whom was the army at wtir ? 

What error did the Peloponnesians commit? — Why did they decline a battle at Samos? — With whom 
did they form alliance ?— Who was recalled and placed in thechief command in Samos?— What rash at- 
tempt did he prevent? — To whom did lie go when the assembly was dissolved? — What did bis intlueDce 
at Samos again prevent? — What answer did he send to Athens by the ambassadors ? 

What did Peisander's party at Athens wish ? 



14 



106 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



necessary, govern Athens like so many 
other oligarchies as the lieutenants of 
Lacedaemon, than permit the return of 
their feared and hated opponents, and 
sink into private citizens under a govern- 
ment to which they could not but be 
objects of suspicion. But there was 
also a paity headed by Theramenes, 
which upheld the authority of the Five 
Thousand, and opposed undue submis- 
sion to Lacedaemon. This consisted of 
those whose zeal for ohgarchy was less 
than their desire of union and national 
independence ; of the friends to a mixed 
government; and of the democratical 
party, who, not as yet daring to avow 
themselves, threw their weight into the 
scale of those whose principles were 
least opposite to their own. The answer 
of Alcibiades breathed a spirit of com- 
promise and mutual accommodation, 
which gave new hope to the moderate 
party; while Peisander's party, fearing 
more and more, pressed on the negotia- 
tion with Lacedsemon, and instructed 
their commissioners to lower their de- 
mands, and conclude the peace in haste 
on any tolerable terms. At the same 
time they built a fort which commanded 
the entrance of the Peiraeeus. Its pm-- 
pose, they said, was the defence of the 
harbour in case of attack by the fleet 
from Samos; but their adversaries 
maintained that its real object was to 
enable them to admit the fleet of the 
Peloponnesians. The approach of the 
latter so near as ^gina strengthened 
the suspicion, and the people rose in tu- 
mult to destroy the fort. Theramenes 
went as one of the generals apparently 
to suppress the tumult; but as soon as 
he had ascertained that he would be 
supported he assumed the direction of 
the insurgents. The cry was to uphold 
against the Four Hundred the govern- 
ment of the Five Thousand ; and thus 
the punishment of treason, which would 
have been incun'ed by appealing in 
terms to the entire people, was avoided 
by calling on a body acknowledged as 
sovereign by the existing constitution. 

Next day the armed people held an 
assembly, and marched into the city. 
The Four Hundred sent a committee to 
confer with them. They said that the Five 
Thousand, who had not yet been nomi- 
nated, should be immediately declared ; 



that the Four Hundred now in office 
should resign their authority in due time ; 
that the Five Thousand should settle the 
manner of appointing their successors ; 
and that on a stated day the people should 
meet to consider the means of a perma- 
nent reconciliation. On the appointed 
day the people were assembling, when 
news came that a Peloponnesian fleet 
was at Salamis. All ran to the harbour, 
and, without waiting for orders, each 
did what seemed to him to be required. 
Ships were launched and manned, and 
all prepared for defence ; but the enemy 
passed by towards Euboea. Fresh alarm 
arose ; for the people being deprived of 
the produce of Attica by the garrison of 
Deceleia, the loss of Eubcea would 
leave them scarcely the means of sub- 
sistence. A squadron was sent to the 
protection of the island, but it was sur- 
prised and defeated ; and Eubcea, which 
had before been inclined to revolt, im- 
mediately declared itself. 

If the Peloponnesians had now sailed 
to Peiraeeus, they might have entered 
unopposed, and the city could only have 
been saved by the return of the fleet 
from Samos, whereby its foreign domi- 
nion must have been lost. But the op- 
portunity being neglected, the Athenians 
had time to settle their internal govern- 
ment, and an-ange their measures of 
defence. It was decreed that the council 
of four hundred should be immediately 
dissolved, and the supreme authority 
vested m five thousand, who should be 
taken from those citizens now in Athens, 
who were em'olled for service among 
the heavy-amied troops. Thucydides 
declares that the constitution was esta- 
blished on a better footing than at any 
time within his memoiy, with a moderate 
and beneficial distribution of powers 
between the Many and the Few. Im- 
mediately on the change most of the 
oligarchical leaders fled to Deceleia. A 
vote was passed for the recall of Al- 
cibiades, and information of the late 
transactions was sent to the armament 
at Samos, with an exhortation vigorous- 
ly to continue the war. 

Victories of Alcibiades and return to 
Athens. 

The Lacedaemonians had now begun 
a course of operations in concert with 



What were the designs ofTheramenes's party ? — Which party were encouraged by the answer of Alci 
blades? — What did Peisander's party do? — What suspicions did this lead to? — What did the people 
do? — How did Theramenes conduct ? — What did the armed people do next day ? — What did they require 
of the Four Hundred? — Wha', new alarm took pla^e? — Whither did the Peloponnesians sail? — How 
was Knboua lost? — What advantage did the Peloponnesians now neglect? — What was decreed by tbe 
Athenians ? — What does Thucydides declare ? — What vote was passed ' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



107 



Phamabazus, who supplied their force 
with a hberality, and supported them with 
a decision, which present a strong con- 
trast to the cunning, tiinid, and avaricious 
conduct of Tissaphemes. But the Athe- 
nians, under the able conduct of Alcibia- 
des, vigorously seconded by Thrasybulus 
and Tlirasyllus, were entering on a course 
of victories,* which contmued till they 
had completely destroyed the hostile 
fleet, recovered much of their lost domi- 
nion, and without intrigue or solicitation, 
by the mere force of their successes, in- 
duced Pharnabazus to make peace, and 
stopped those inexhaustible supphes on 
which the enemy had depended. Havmg 
done all this, in the twenty-fourth year 
of the war, and the sixth fi-om his ba- 
nishment, Alcibiades deteraiined to re- 
visit his country; and as winter Avas 
approaching, he proposed to gi'atify the 
greater part of his forces wdth the oppor- 
tunity of seeing their friends, and attend- 
ing to their domestic concerns. He 
returned, and was received vdth the 
greatest favour, being immediately ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief with gi'eater 
powers than had ever been intrusted to 
any such officer. He had soon an op- 
portunity both of gratifying the people, 
and increasing his reputation in Greece. 
Since the garrisoning of Deceleia, the 
Athenians had never ventured to con- 
duct by land the customaiy procession 
to Eleusis in honour of Ceres. Alcibia- 
des, with the forces from Asia, added to 
the former strength of the city, now 
undertook to protect them in the full 
performance of everj' rite; and the train 
went and returned escorted by the army, 
without an attempt at disturbance. 

Weakness of the Persian monarchy, and in- 
dependence of the Satraps. 

No nation is recorded to have long 
preserved an efficient control over large 
and distant provinces, unless by a deci- 
ded superiority in character, institutions, 
and civilisation. Such, at least in a po- 
litical and military view, was the case 
with the Romans ; and such is yet more 
strikingly the case with the English gov- 
ernment in India: for as the extent of 
the empire is here yet more dispropor- 



tionate to the foreign controlling force; 
so the disadvantage is balanced by a 
more universal superiority, not more in 
the arts of peace and war, than in the 
tone of pubhc morals ; and, in spite of 
many errors and many crimes, in the gen- 
eral honesty of intention toward the gov- 
erned, which, to the Romans, as to former 
Indian governments, was a piinciple un- 
known. In the numerous empires which 
have risen and fallen in Asia, the ruling 
race has seldom been of a character to 
attach its subjects by beneficence, or to 
awe them by preeminent courage and 
skill. They have generally been created 
by an able leader rising in a warlil?;e tribe. 
They have rapidly increased ; for among 
nations that saw in the sovereignty not a 
trust for the good of the people, but a 
prize for the boldest ruffian or the craf- 
tiest betrayer, there could be neither pub- 
lic spirit nor deteraiined attachment to 
ancient institutions, to stand up against the 
thii-st of conquest and plunder, in a suc- 
cessful army, under a popular comman- 
der. But as emphe was acquired by 
force, so by force only it could be pre- 
served. When the first career of vic- 
tory was over, and the influence of per- 
sonal character in the founder of a dynas- 
ty was gone, his feebler successors grad- 
ually lost all hold on the obedience of 
their officei*s; while the soldiery in the 
provinces became devoted to their imme- 
diate commander, and careless of the 
distant head of the empire. Accordingly, 
in the Persian monarchy, since the time 
of Xerxes, the provincial governors had 
gi-adually assumed a considerable degree 
of independence. They paid tribute in- 
deed to the king, and ov^Tied a nominal 
allegiance ; but they made separate trea- 
ties with foreign states, as we have seen 
in the cases of Pharnabazus and Tissaph- 
ernes; sometimes they made wai- on 
each other, each professing to remain in 
obedience to the sovereign; and occa- 
sionally, when visited with the royal dis- 
pleasure, a refi-actory satrap would retain 
his government by anns. 

Cyrus. — Lysander. 
Darius, the present king, appears to 
have felt that his empire was weakened 



* In one of these battles the Spartan commander, Mindarus, was slain, and nearly every ship of his 
squadron taken. The despatch, in which these tidings were announced to the Lacedaemonian govern- 
ment, has been preserved entire by Xenophon. It runs thus : " The luck is gone : Mindarus is dead ; 
the men hunger ; we know not what to do." 



Who now aided the Lncedfernonians ?— How and by whom was he compelled to make peace? — How 
was Alcibiades received at Athens ? — How did he gratify the people ? 

What is requisite for an efficient control over large and distant provinces ?— Were the provinces of 
Persia under such control ? — What was the consequence •* 



108 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



by its unwieldy extent, and to have con- 
templated detaching from it the provin- 
ces bordering on the Grecian seas, to 
form a separate kingdom for Cyrus, his 
younger son, a youth of spirit and abil- 
ity. The prince was sent into those 
provinces as his father's lieutenant, and 
both Pharnabazus and Tissaphenies were 
subjected to his command. Lysander, 
who had recently been appointed the 
Spaitan admii*al, on healing that Cyrus 
was aiTived in Sardis, where his court 
was to be held, immediately hastened 
thither. Unlike his countiymen in gen- 
eral, Lysander was a supple courtier and 
a dexterous politician. The prince's 
favour had ah-eady been won by an em- 
bassy fi-om Lacedsemon, and it was rais- 
ed to the highest pitch by the insinuating 
mannei-s of the Spaitan commander. He 
now joined unreservedly in the war, and 
supplied fiill pay to aU the sailors of the 
Peloponnesian fleet. 

Banishment of Alcibiades. 
This turn of things lowered the credit 
of Alcibiades, whose restoration had 
chiefly been procured by the promise of 
Persian assistance. His fleet was stiU 
the stronger, but with his hmited re- 
sources and the inexhaustible supplies 
at the command of Lysander, it could 
not long continue so without decisive 
action. Accordmgly, he led his fleet to 
a station in \iew of the enemy. But 
during a short absence of the general, 
by the folly of one of his heutenants, a 
battle was provoked against orders, and 
lost. The defeat in itself was little im- 
portant, but the news set all Athens in 
a flame. The enemies of Alcibiades took 
advantage of the popular rage — he was 
accused of haughtiness, negligence, and 
indiflerence to the welfare of the people ; 
and the only man who seemed capable 
of extricating the commonwealth fi'om 
its dangers was dismissed flrom his com- 
mand, without inquuy or defence. The 
popular fury once excited, spent itself in 
vague charges of disaffection, and many 
who had supported the Four Hundred 
were variously punished vnth death, con- 
fiscation, exile, or disfranchisement. Al- 
cibiades did not venture to return to give 
an account, according to custom, of his 
conduct in office, but retired to a lord- 
ship he possessed in the Thracian Cher- 
sonese. 



The history of Alcibiades is a striking 
instance how httle true merit can be meas- 
ured by temporary popularity. When he 
had wilfully inflicted on his country deep- 
er wounds than had been given by the 
ablest sei-vants of its enemy, he was re- 
called, received with unexampled joy and 
favour, and appointed to a station of un- 
usual power and splendour. When by 
able and faithful semce he had nearly 
retrieved the injuries he had done, he was 
for a trifling en-or, and that not his own, 
ignominiously displaced and driven into 
banishment. Yet let not his life aflTord 
a lesson of encouragement to unprinci- 
pled politicians. Though popular opin- 
ion in a free state be ofi;en ill-judging in 
a moment of excitement, it commonly 
settles into justice as the passion cools and 
the fennent subsides. Pericles was fined 
and Cimon banished; but both these 
gieat men ended their days the most be- 
loved and trusted favourites of the people. 
The present charges against Alcibiades 
were trivial and unjust ; but his previous 
character gave them weight, and deprived 
him of the confidence to challenge inqui- 
ry, and trust to the calmer judgment of 
his countiymen. It is fi*equently a part 
of the punishment of guilt to be shut out 
fi'om the opportunity of atonement. The 
gloiy of saving his country was too great 
for the man who had so profligately 
brought it near desti-uction ; but in the 
circumstances his condemnation was 
unjust as well as ruinous ; and it should 
seem as if the injustice and folly of the 
Athenians had been made at once the 
mstrument to punish the treasons of Al- 
cibiades, and the cause of not unmerited 
niin to themselves. 

Conon. — Callicratidas. 
In place of Alcibiades, ten generals 
were appointed, of whom the first was 
Conon, a man of great ability. Lysan- 
der was soon after superseded by Calli- 
cratidas, according to the custom of 
Lacedaemon, which suffered no man to 
be admiral for more than a year. The 
new commander was a man of decision, 
plain good sense, and honesty, and a 
rigid disciple of Lycurgus. He first 
collected reinforcements, which made 
his fleet decidedly superior. But find- 
ing that the fiiends of Lysander were 
caballing against him, and exciting dis- 
content at so frequent changes of com- 



To whom did Darius commit the western portion of his empire? — Who were subjected to him? — What 
did Lysander do? — What was his character? — What did he gain of Cyrus? 

What occasioned the disgrace of Alcibiades? — Whither did he retire ? — What lesson is drawn from 
the liistory of Alcibiades ? 

Who succeeded Alcibiades ? — Who succeeded Lysander ?— How was he treated ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



109 



mand, he called together the Lacedae- 
monians of the armament and spoke 
thus. " I could be weU content to stay 
at home, and if Lysander or any other 
pretends to be a better seaman, he may 
be so for me. Being, however, ap- 
pointed admiral, I must do my best in 
that capacity. Will you support me, or 
shall I sail home, to tell how things stand 
here ?" The cabal was silenced. Calli- 
cratidas then went to the court of Cyrus 
to ask a supply ; but he was not a cour- 
tier, and it did not occur to him to smooth 
his way by compliments, or to guard 
against any ill offices which might have 
been done him by Lysander. He was 
coldly received, and put off from day to 
day ; till, disgusted at his treatment and 
at all he saAV, he departed, exclaiming 
that the Greeks were most wi-etched 
who would so truckle to barbarians for 
money, and that if he returned he would 
do his utmost to end the necessity of 
doing so, by reconcihng Athens and 
Laceda3mon. He obtained a loan from 
the jMilesians and Chians, and saUing 
to Lesbos, took Methymne by assault. 
All goods were given up to pillage, but 
the slaves were collected and sold. 
Calhcratidas was urged by the allies 
to sell the Methymnaean citizens also, 
but he declared that, under his com- 
mand, no Greek should be made a 
slave. We have here a noble example 
of the power with which, in moral ques- 
tions, a sincere, upright, and benevolent 
nature, can enlighten the judgment and 
clear it from the prejudices of an illibei-al 
education. Callicratidas was a plain 
straightforward man, of moderate capa- 
city, and not likely to seek for maxims 
of policy more refined than those of his 
country ; he was a zealous and even 
bigoted adherent of the institutions in 
which he had been bom and bred, which, 
beyond all others, produced in men con- 
tempt of human suffering, and indiffer- 
ence to the welfare of all communities 
but then- own. Yet his heart was right, 
and he was led by native integrity to 
avow and act on a principle of generous 
humanity, which, though fitted to benefit 
all Greece by diminishing the miseries 
of war, was never proclaimed before or 
after by the most enlightened and Hberal 
of Grecian statesmen. 



Battle of ArginustB. 
Callicratidas obtained an opportunity 
of attacking Conon with superior force, 
defeated him, and having taken thirty 
triremes, besieged the rest in Mitylene. 
The Athenians, on hearing Conon's dan 
ger, manned a powerful fleet, on which 
all embarked who were bound to naval 
service, and many even of the cavalry, 
who were generally exempt. This was 
not enough, and the deficiency was made 
up with slaves, who were rewarded with 
then' fi'eedom. Eight of the ten generals 
were on board. The hostile armaments 
engaged near Arginusse, a knot of small 
islands between Lesbos and the main- 
land. The Athenians were so far supe- 
rior in force that Calhcratidas was ad- 
vised to decline an action : he answered 
that his death would be a small loss to* 
Sparta, but that flight would be dis- 
graceful. The reply was spirited, but 
singularly injudicious, since he hazarded 
not his hfe alone but the fleet which he 
commanded, and perhaps the issue of 
the war. Yet the superstitious rigour 
of his obedience to the precepts of 
Lycurgus, sets in a stronger light the 
virtue which could lead a mind so httle 
distinguishing to depart fi-om the habits 
of his country where they were un- 
generous and inhuman. The battle wa» 
long, but it ended in the complete de- 
feat of the Peloponneaans. Callicratidas 
perished and seventy ships were taken. 

Condemnation of the six Athenian generals. 
The generals proceeded to the rehef of 
Conon,, leaving a squadron under Thera- 
menes and Thrasybulus, who were then 
captains of triremes, to collect the dead 
and save the men who were floating on 
the wrecks. This was prevented by a 
storai, and the crews of twelve Athenian 
ships^ that had been wrecked in the battle, 
periled. Six of the generals returned to 
Athens, leaving the other two vrith Conon 
at Samos. On arriving, they were im- 
prisoned by the council of five hundred, 
and being brought before the general 
assembly, they found themselves accused 
by Theramenes, of having neglected 
those wrecked in the battle. Their death 
was evidently predetermined by a poAver- 
ful faction, for they were not allowed to 
conduct their defence in the usual form. 



What remarkable offer did Callicratidas make? — What was its eflect? — Why did he not succeed at 
Cyrus's court? — What place did he take? — What was he urged to do? — What answer did he make? — 
What was his character ? 

What success did Callicratidas obtain ? — How did the Athenians man a new fleet? — ^Where did the 
second battle take place ? — Where is Arginusoi ? — What was the result ? 

What did the generals leave to Theramenes and Thrasybulus to do? — On their return to Athens hofw 
were six of them treated ? 



110 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



but each was permitted only to make a 
short speech. They had left the care of 
the WTecked, they said, to Theramenes 
and Thrasybulus, men confessedly suf- 
ficient for the charge. If the duty had 
been neglected, those who now accused 
them were to blame ; but the fact was 
that the weather had made it impossible, 
and this they brought many wimesses 
to prove. It was plain that if the ques- 
tion were now put, the generals would 
be acquitted; but the accusers having 
on their side the presidents and the 
majorit}^ of the council, the fbmier 
declai-ed that there was not Ught to 
judge of the show of hands : the decision 
was referred to the next assembly, and 
it was resolved that the council should 
deteiTnine the manner of judgment. 
Meantime persons were procm-ed to 
show themselves in deep mourning, as for 
relations lost after the battle ; and a man 
was suborned to state to the assembly 
that he had saved himself on a flour 
barrel, and had been conjured by his 
drowning comrades to teU the Athenians 
how the generals had abandoned those 
who had deserved so well of their country. 
The council resolved that the people 
should decide by ballot, whether or not 
the generals were criminal in suffering 
those to perish who had conquered in 
the battle. This mode of proceeding was 
as illegal as unfair ; and on this ground 
it was opposed by Eurjptolemus, who 
threatened to impeach CaUixenus, the 
author of the resolution. But the mul- 
titude cried out, that it was intolerable if 
the people were not allowed to do its 
pleasure; and one of Theramenes's faction 
was emboldened to declare, that whoever 
should presume to check the assembly, 
he would move that his fete should be 
decided by the same ballot with that of 
the generals. Eur}'ptolemus was obHged 
to reti^act his threat; but the prjtanes 
refused to put the question on the Ulegal 
decree. Callixenus accused them of 
contumacy, and the multimde indignantly 
called for those who resisted the orders 
of the people. One yet stood firm, and 
this was Socrates the philosopher, who 
persisted that he would not act otherwise 
than according to law: the other pry- 
tanes consented to propose the resolution 
of the coun '^il. Euryptolemus, compelled 



to withdraw his opposition to the decree, 
as one which could not regularly be even 
taken into consideration, still resisted it 
as unjust and inexpedient, and proposed 
to tr}' the generals separately, according 
to established law. The question was put, 
and the motion of Emyptolemus declared 
to be earned ; but the show of hands being 
repeated at the demand of one of the 
faction, was now declared to be for that 
of Callixenus. The people proceeded 
to ballot, according to the decree ; the 
eight generals were condemned by one 
vote, and the six present executed. 
Such was the gratitude and justice of 
Athens to those who had won for it the 
greatest victory obtained in the war. 

The measure of this people's iniquity 
now was full, and the victory of Argi- 
nusae, which ought to have saved the 
commonwealth, proved the prelude to its 
ruin. The government did not recover 
its steadiness after the late violent over- 
beaiing of law and justice. The people 
repenting their fiiry, bound five of the 
instigators to answer for their conduct. 
These escaped before trial, and Callix- 
enus, who was one of them, made his 
peace in an after revolution; but he 
lived, hated and avoided, and perished 
by hunger in a time of scarcity. The 
banished were recalled, the disfianchised 
restored to their political rights, and 
oaths of concord taken by the people; 
but nothing could bring back union or 
energj . Yet a powerful fleet was in- 
trusted to Conon, and five others ; while 
Lysander again commanded for Lace- 
daemon, and by his able, active, and con- 
ciliator}'^ conduct, retrieved her affairs. 

Battle of ^gospot-ami. 
At length the hostile fleets were 
watching each other, — ^the Peloponne- 
sians in the harbour of Lampsacus, on 
the Asiatic side of the Hellespont, a 
defensible station, with a market close 
at hand; the Athenians, on the open 
beach of ^gospotami, precisely opposite, 
the nearest market being that of Sestos, 
two miles off". It is pleasing to find in 
a character, which we have fi^quently 
had reason strongly to condemn, one 
instance of disinterested patriotism at 
a time when he had recently been ill 
treated by his country. Alcibiades was 



What defence did they make ? — What injustice did they suffer with respect to a decision ? — How did 
their enemies inflame the popular mind ? — What unfair proceeding was resorted to ? — Who opposed it ? — 
How was he silenced? — How did the prytanes behave? — Who accused them of contumacy? — Which of 
them stood firm ? — What was finally decreed ? — What was the subsequent effect of this injustice on the 
government ? — On the people ? — What became of Callixenus ? — To whom did Athens commit her fleet ? 
—To whom did Lacedaemon ? 

How were the fleets situated ? — What patriotic action did AJcibiades perform i 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Ill 



Kving at his castle in the Chersonese, 
and saw the disadvantageous position of 
bis coimtrymen. He went to the gene- 
rals, and suggested the expediency of 
removing their forces to Sestos, where 
they would, equally with the enemy, have 
the advantage of a town and harboiu", 
and would be able to choose when to 
fight. The admonition was treated by 
some of the generals with unmannerly 
disdain, but its wisdom was soon made 
manifest. For fom* days the Athenians 
had offered battle daily, which Lys€mder 
declined ; and aftersvards the sailoi-s had 
wandered to Sestos, and about the 
country, to seek provisions. Every day's 
inaction on the part of Lysander in- 
creased their confidence, and consequent 
disorder. But on the fifth day Lysander, 
waiting till the Athenians were dispersed 
according to their custom, suddenly 
pushed his fleet across the bay, and 
^ surprised their ships before the seamen 
could be collected. Nine vessels, all- 
belonging to the division of Conon, had 
their complete crews aboard, and these 
escaped; but all the rest were taken, 
in number one hundred and seventy. 
Conon sent one ship to Athens, to carry 
the news of the defeat; and thinking 
that the war was now desperate carried 
the rest to Salamis in Cyprus. 

The greater part of the Athenians, 
with five of the generals, were made 
prisoners, and Lysander assembled the 
aUies to dehberate what was to be done 
with them. The Athenians were accused 
of many flagrant violations of the laws 
of war. Among other charges it was 
said that they had determined, should 
they win the battle, to cut off the right 
hands of all their prisoners; and Phi- 
locles, one of the generals, was particu- 
larly accused of having thrown down a 
precipice the entire crews of two cap- 
tured triremes. It was voted that all 
the Athenian prisoners should be put to 
death, excepting Adeimantus, one of the 
generals, who it was said had opposed 
the inhuman decree respecting the pris- 
oners. Lysander, asking Philocles what 
he deserved, who had been first to 
violate the laws of Grecian warfare, 
began the execution by killing him with 
his own hand ; and all the Athenian citi- 
zens were put to death, to the number 
of three thousand. The retaliation of 



cruelty for cruelty is a measure of very 
pernicious example, and to be justified, 
if ever, only by the most pressing ne- 
cessity of self-defence. That plea would 
in the present case be absurd. The inten- 
tion imputed to the Athenians, with their 
former conduct on many occasions, was 
a fit object of abhorrence, not of imita- 
tion ; but to justify their massacre on 
the gi'ound that they had set the first 
example of lawless cruelty to Greece, 
required surely more than ordinar}^ ef- 
frontery in the officer of a power, which 
in the beginning of this very war, while 
yet unprovoked by any barbarities of 
the enemy, had continued for many 
years habitual mUitary execution, not 
on enemies taken in arms, but on peace- 
fill merchants and unoffending neutrals. 
The navy of Athens being totally 
destroyed, Lysander could take posses- 
sion, unopposed, of its dependencies. 
From each he aUowed the Athenian 
garrisons to depart to Athens, but thi- 
ther only. He knew that against the 
uncommon strength of that city famine 
only could avail, and therefore the more 
numerous the persons in it, the surer 
and speedier would be its reduction. 
He soon blockaded Athens with his 
fleet, while by land it was besieged by 
both the kings of Lacedsemon, vvith the 
whole strength of the Peloponnesian 
allies. 

Siege and surrender of Athens. — Death of 
Alcibiades. 
The news of the defeat at iEgospo- 
tami carried dismay to Athens. The 
people remembered the fate of the mi- 
serable Scionaeans, the iEginetans, and 
many others; but, above all, of the 
Melians, the colonists of Lacedaemon, 
whom they had slaughtered without a 
shadow of just provocation m die mere 
wantonness of power. Expecting such 
mercy as they had showm, they prepai-ed 
to endure to the utmost, blocked up all 
the ports but one, and made all ready 
for defence. No assault was made, but 
famine soon began to be felt, and many 
died of hunger before capitulation was 
proposed. To the necessary evils of 
defeat and blockade, there were added 
those of internal dissension. The go- 
vernment had been long unhinged by 
factious struggles, which were now em- 
bittered by the irritation of suffei-ing,and 



Was his advice regarded ? — Relate the consequences ?— How many ships were taken ? — Who were 
made prisoners ? — With what were they charged by the Peloponnesian allies ? How were they treated ? 
What was their number? — Why was this conduct particularly inconsistent in the allies? — Why did 
Lysander send the garrisons to Athens ? — How was Athens situated ? 

Why did the people prepare to endure the utmost ? — What evils were added to tboae of defeat and 
blockade ? 



112 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



the sulleimess of pride contending with 
despair. Long resistance was impos- 
sible; concession only could save the 
city, and it was doubtfUl whether the 
most abject concessions would be ac- 
cepted — ^yet, the Athenians, doggedly 
revising to acknowledge what they in- 
wardly felt to be true, passed votes 
of punishment on any who should pro- 
pose such sacrifices. The popular fa- 
vourite of the day was Cleophon, a 
warm opposer of all concession; and 
his power being commensurate to the 
violence of the passions by which he 
was supported, he was enabled to sur- 
pass all fonner demagogues in insolence 
and arbiti'aiy conduct; till, in a subse- 
quent fluctuation of the popular mind, 
he was accused, and put to death. At 
length ambassadors were sent with the 
offer, that the Athenians would be sub- 
ordinate alhes of Lacedfemon, retaining 
the Peiraeeus, and all the fortifications. 
On the border of Laconia the ambassa- 
dors were met by a message from the 
Ephori, informmg them that the terms 
they brought were known at Lacedaemon, 
and that, if they wished for peace, they 
must come better instructed. This re- 
pulse raised the consternation to the 
liighest pitch, the Many now expect- 
ing nothing less than to be sold into 
slaveiy. The ferment was increased by 
the not unreasonable suspicion that the 
oligarchical party would willingly make 
terms for their own exclusive advantage. 
It was understood that a principal de- 
mand of Lacedsemon would be, the 
demolisliing ten furlongs of the long 
walls. This was a tender point with the 
Athenians, and a vote was passed for- 
bidding even the proposal of such a 
concession. In this state of hopeless 
and aimless agitation, Theramenes de- 
clared that, if he were sent to Lysander, 
he would ascertain whether the pui-pose 
of the Lacedaemonians, in requiring the 
demolition of the walls, was to make 
slaves of the people, or merely to insure 
their political subjection as a subordi- 
nate state. Being sent to Lysander, he 
abode with him more than three months, 
awaiting the time when the increasing 
pressure of famine might have so far 
broken the spirit of the Athenians, as to 
induce them to entrust the business un- 



reservedly to him. At length returning, 
he said, that Lysander had hitherto de- 
tained him, and now referred him to 
Lacedaemon ; and the assembly was per- 
suaded to send him with nine others 
to Laceda3mon, fully empowered to act 
according to their discretion. 

The Lacedaemonians, heaiing that the 
ambassadors now came with um'estricted 
powers, held a congress of the allies, 
to detemiine the fate of Athens. The 
Coiinthian and Theban deputies vehe- 
mently urged its total destruction; but 
the Lacedaemonians adopted a wiser as 
well as more generous policy. Peace 
was made on the conditions that the 
long walls and the walls of the Peiraeeus 
should be demolished; all ships of 
war, but twelve, given up; the exiles 
restored ; and that the Athenians should 
follow, by land and sea, wherever the 
Lacedaemonians might lead. Thus de- 
pressed and oligarchically governed, Ath- 
ens, it was thought, might be a valu- 
able dependency of Lacedaemon, and 
perhaps an useful counterpoise to the 
ambition of Thebes or Argos. The 
terms were unwillingly but unavoidably 
accepted by the Athenians; Lysander 
entered the harbour ; the exiles returned, 
and the demolition of the walls was be- 
gun to the sound of festive music : for 
that day, says the Athenian historian, 
Xenophon, was thought the beginning of 
fi-eedom to Greece. We shall find that 
the general opinion was erroneous, and 
that the weaker states gained little by 
the change of masters. The war had 
lasted nearly twentv-seven years. (From 
B.C. 431 to B.C. 403.) 

Alcibiades was not among the exiles 
restored. He remained on his Thraciaii 
lordship, an object of jealousy both to 
Lacedaemon and to the new government 
of Athens. At last, to escape the per- 
secution of Lacedaemon, he went into 
Asia. When residing there, his house 
was attacked by a tumultuous assem- 
blage of people, at whose instigation is 
uncertain. The house was set on fu-e. 
Alcibiades salUed with his seiTants, and 
none dai-ed to meet him hand to hand ; 
but he was overwhelmed from a distance 
with darts and arrows, and thus slain, 
before he had reached his fortieth year. 



Who was the popular favourite? — What offer was made to Laceilff'mon? — What reception did it 
meet.'' — What was it understood would be the principal demand of Lacedaemon? — What vote waa 
passed in consequence of this? — What did Theramenes propose? — What answer did he bring from Ly- 
sander ? — What did the assembly then do ? — On what condition was peace made ? — Why was the demo- 
lition of the walls attended with festive music ? — How long had the war lasted? — Whither c^id Alcibia- 
dea retire ? — Relate the manner of his death ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



113 



CHAPTER VII. 



OF GREECE, FROM THE TERSIINATION OF THE PELOPON>'ESIAN WAR, TO THE PEACE 
WHICH FOLLOWED THE BATTLE OF 5LANTIXEIA ! AND OF ITS COLONIES IN SICILY, 
FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF THE INVADING ATHENIAN ARMY, TO THE DEATH OF 
TIMOLEON. 



SECTION I. 
Tyranny of the Thirty. 
Before the Peloponnesian army quitted 
Athens, the chief power was vested in 
thuty persons nominally elected by the 
people, though at this moment there 
could be little freedom of choice. The 
pretended object of their appointment 
was to reform the laws and remodel the 
government on its ancient principles: 
but the new constitution being still kept 
back, while they disposed of the existing 
magistracies according to their pleasure, 
it grew manifest that they aimed at 
perpetuating their own dominion. At 
first their acts were popular, and contin- 
ued so while confined to the prosecution 
of those who had been mahcious inform- 
ers under the democracy. For their 
further projects foreign support was need- 
ed : communicating, therefore, with Ly- 
sander, they obtained through him a 
Lacedaemonian guard. The pretext for 
sending it was to protect them in clearing 
the city of disreputable pei-sons, and in 
settling the state ; but when strengthened 
by it, the thirty proceeded without scruple 
to the arrest of every citizen of credit 
who seemed likely to oppose their usm-- 
pations. 

Critias. — Theramenes. — Quarrels among the 

Thirty. 
' The most eminent of the Thirty were 
Critias and Theramenes. Critias had 
great abihties, high rank, and ample 
fortime, -with a haughty and violent 
temper, embittered by a banishment in- 
flicted on him by the people. He now 
proposed to secure to the Thirt)', and to 
himself as their chief, the despotic rule 
of x\thens under Lacedaemonian protec- 
tion. By extensive executions he thought 
at once to gratify his revenge, and 
remove all suspected opponents; and 
diminishing the number of citizens 
signified hltle, for all necessary labours 
might be done by slaves, and foreign at- 
tack was prevented by the power of Lace- 
daemon. The views of Theramenes 



were ver}^ different. That bold and dex- 
terous intriguer, though selfish, tiimming, 
and unscrupulous, was not tyi'annical 
like Critias. He was naturally mild and 
moderate, a lover of populaiity, and 
avei*se fi'om needless bloodshed : though 
in the prosecution of the generals, after 
the battle of Arginusse, he had shown 
that no crime would stop him in the pur- 
suit of his ends. He had successively 
assisted in raising and oveithio^Aing 
eveiT party which had lately risen in 
Athens; and fi-om his fi'equent change 
of sides he was popularly known by a 
name denoting a sort of shoe, that might 
be drawn on either foot indifferently. 
The most remarkable features of Ins 
chai-acter were the acuteness ^^ith which 
he judged when the predominant faction 
was about to fall, and the decision ^\^th 
which he changed his side, before to 
common eyes the change seemed pru- 
dent. The measures which alaimed him 
as impoUtic had commonly disgusted 
him by then" violence, and enabled him 
to justif}' on pubUc grounds his abandon- 
ment of the falling party ; and this, Avith 
his boldness in taking his part while it 
seemed yet hazardous, had preserved to 
him in all his turnings some degi-ee of 
populai- esteem. 

He now vainly remonstrated with his 
colleagues. Without a part}', he said, 
no oligarchy could stand ; and by these 
proceedings all parties were offended and 
alaiTned. But Critias, havmg secured 
most of the Tliuty m Ms interest, was 
eager to rid himself of his only rival in 
abihty and influence ; of a man whose 
views were inconsistent with liis OAvn, 
and who, finding hhnself powerless 
among the Thirty, would probably be 
ready, able, and bold to work their over- 
throw. The danger most feared was a 
rallj-ing of the people round Thei-amenes, 
such as had already taken place against 
the Four Hundred. To ob\-iate this, a 
catalogue was formed of three thousand 
citizens, to whom only the sovereign 



In whom was the chief power vested at Athens ? — From whence did they obtain a guard ? — On what 
pretext ? — How was it used ? 

Vl'ho were the most eminent of the Thirty ? — What was Critias's character? — What did he propose? 
What were the views of Theramenes ? — What was his character? — VVere his remonstrances successful ? 
To whom was the sovereign power in assembly given ? 

15 



114 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



power in assembly, with exclusive eligi- 
bility to magistracies, was given. AU 
other citizens were to be mider the abso- 
lute dominion, not of the Three Thou- 
sand only, but of the Thirty. A review 
of arms was ordered, of the Three Thou- 
sand in the market-place, of the other 
citizens in smaller divisions in different 
places of the city. The Thirty then 
sending their own confidential adherents, 
supported by the Lacedaemonian troops, 
disarmed in detail all the citizens except 
those of the Three Thousand ; and the 
arms being earned to the temple of Mi- 
nerva, in the Acropolis, were placed in 
the keeping of the Lacedaemonian garri- 
son. 

Having thus prevented all effectual 
opposition, the Thiity did their pleasure. 
Mauy were put to death through person- 
al enmity, and many for their wealth: 
and it was actually voted that each of 
the Thirty should select one man, ac- 
cording to his pleasure, fi'om the foreign 
sojom'ners in Athens; and that all, so 
chosen, should be put to death, and theh 
property carried into the treasury. With 
the produce of confiscation they funiish- 
ed pay for the Lacedaemonian troops, and 
rewards for the most forward of their 
own adherents ; but as means were want- 
ing to attach by favours a number suffi- 
cient to support them against the just 
hatred of the rest, they adopted the 
abominable expedient of compelling men 
to execute their most tyrannical orders, 
that, being involved in the same guilt, 
and habJe to the same resentment, they 
might support the present government 
as their only chance of protection. 
Among those on whom this policy was 
practised, Socrates is a solitaiy instance 
of determmed resistance. He was com- 
manded with four others to apprehend 
and bring to Athens Leon of Salamis, a 
man whose fife had been blameless, but 
whose wealth was a tempting prey. 
This order Socrates disobeyed as illegal ; 
the other four perfoiTned it, and Leon 
was executed. The life of the philoso- 
pher was saved by his poverty, and by 
the speedy downfal of the tyrants whom 
he had offended. We have already seen 
the conduct of Socrates at the impeach- 
ment of the six generals ; and it is re- 
markable that the only occasions, on 
which his name appears in the political 



history of Athens, should both be in- 
stances of bold resistance to the injustice 
of powers which none other dared with- 
stand ; both proofs that his actions were 
governed by the favourite principle of 
his ethics, that no outward violence could 
make the virtuous man either criminal 
or unhappy. 

Death of Theramenes. 

Thus far the council had been readily 
subservient to the Thirty, but the next 
attempt was harder. Theramenes had 
grown more decided in opposition to his 
colleagues as their tyranny grew more 
violent : his destruction was resolved on, 
but the council was not yet prepared to 
concur in it. Persuasion was used with 
some of the members, menace "with oth- 
ers. Matters were an'anged with those 
whom the tyrants most trusted — the 
council was summoned — ^young men 
with hidden daggers surrounded the haU 
— the Thhty attended, and Theramenes 
among them, when Critias rose and 
accused him of treason against the exist- 
ing government. Theramenes defended 
himself with readiness, eloquence, and 
skill, and so showed the expediency of 
the measures he had recommended, and 
the iniquity and danger of those pursued 
by Critias, that he disposed a majority 
of the council in his favour. But Critias 
knew that now either he or Theramenes 
must fall, and after short conference with 
the Thirty, he went out and directed his 
armed attendants to show themselves. 
Then returning, he addressed the coimcil 
thus : — " I hold it my duty as president 
of the Thirty to prevent my associates 
in the goveniment fi-om being misled. 
These men before you, say, that they 
will not endure the acquittal of one who 
is known to be undermining the ohgai- 
chy. In the new constitution it is 
enacted, that the Three Thousand of the 
catalogue shall be liable to death only 
by the judgment of the council ; but all 
othei*s by that of the Thirty. I then, 
with your unanimous approval, strike 
out this man fi-om the catalogue, and 
we, the Thirty, condemn him to death." 
Theramenes sprang to the altar, and 
thence appealed to the sacredness of the 
place, as well as to the protection of the 
laws, reminding the counsellors that if 
they did not protect him their names 



Under whose dominion were the citizens .' — IIow were they disarmed ^ 

What acts of tyranny did the Thirty then perform ? — Who resisted their orders ? — Whose destruction 
was resolved on ? — What preparations were made for his trial? — Who accused him?— What did Critias 
do when he found the council in favour of Theramenes ? — How did Theramenes endeavour to escape f 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



115 



might be erased fk)m the catalogue with 
as Uttle ceremony as his own. He was, 
however, dragged from the altar to pris- 
on, and compelled to drink the fatal cup 
of hemlock, the common punishment for 
state criminals at Athens. His courage 
did not fail. He calmly drank the poison, 
and, dashing the remainder on the floor, 
as was the custom of revellers, " Be this," 
he said, " for Critias !" 

Thrasyhulus seizes Phyle. 

The Thirty now t}Trannised without 
restraint. Lands and comitiy-houses 
were seized for themselves and theu" ad- 
herents, and the owners executed. All 
citizens not of the catalogue were com- 
manded to quit Athens, and most took 
refuge in Peirseeus; but as many con- 
tinued to be taken thence and executed, 
they fled, chiefly to Megara and Thebes. 
Thrasybulus, who was then residing in 
Boeotia, was encouraged by the multitude 
of exiles to strike a blow against the 
despots. It was mid-winter, about six 
months after their establishment, when, 
with seventy companions, he occupied 
Phyle, a border-fortress of Attica. The 
Thlity led their forces against the place, 
and assaulted it without success; and 
when they thought of blockading it, a 
heavy fall of snow obhged them to retreat. 
To prevent, however, the plundering of 
their lands, they sent the greater part of 
the Lacedaemonian auxiharies with a 
body of their own horse to a station near 
the place ; but Thrasybulus having now 
collected seven hundred heavy-armed 
soldiei-s, surprised their camp, and de- 
feated them. 

The tyrants now resolved to secure a 
refuge in Eleusis, in case they should be 
driven from Athens. The cavahy, being 
composed of the wealtliiest families, was 
generally favoiu*able to oUgarchy, and the 
Thirty had laboured to attach it to them 
by favoui"S, and considered it as the trusti- 
est part of their force. They went with 
it to Eleusis, and aiTesting all the towns- 
men who were suspected of disaffection, 
brought them to Athens. The citizens 
of the catalogue, both horse and foot, 
were assembled to pass sentence on the 
prisoners, and the Lacedaemonian troops 
were present in arms to discourage oppo- 
sitien. Critias then addressed the assem- 
bly thus : — " The government which we 



are estabhshing is formed for you no less 
than for om*selves. It is fit that as you 
share its advantages you should also 
share its dangers. You must, therefore, 
condemn the arrested Eleusinians, that 
your fears and hopes may be the same 
with ours." The votes were secretly 
given, not openly as was usual in Athe- 
nian criminal proceedings, and three 
hundred prisoners mere condemned at 
once. 

Thrasybulus enters Peiraeus. — Expulsion 
of the Thirty. 

Not long after, Thrasybulus, with 
about one thousand heaAy-armed troops, 
entered Peirseeus unopposed, by night. 
In the morning the Thirty attacked them 
with veiy superior numbers, but were, 
nevertheless, defeated, and Critias slain. 
A truce was obtained accordmg to cus- 
tom, by the defeated, for the burial of 
the dead, and while it contuiued many 
fi'om both sides assembled in conversa- 
tion. The party of Thi-asybulus pro- 
fessed all willingness to be reconciled to 
the Three Thousand, and imputed the 
evils suffered to the Thiitj" only, "who, 
for theu* private interests, had destroyed 
as many Athenians in eight months, as 
the Peloponnesians in ten yeai*s, and 
had forced on this most hateffil and 
unholy civil war." It was manifest that 
the Athenians from the city were im- 
pressed by what they heard, and their 
leaders anxiously hurried them away. 
Next day the Thirty met to deliberate 
what was to be done, while the Three 
Thousand were in altercation in vaiious 
parts of the to\\Ti. Those who had been 
forward in the late violences urged resist- 
ance to the utmost; while others, who 
thought they had not sinned beyond for- 
giveness, >vished for accommodation. In 
the end the tyrants were deposed, and a 
committee of ten appointed to negotiate 
peace with the party in Pekaeeus. Two of 
the Thirty were placed in the committee, 
the rest retired to Eleusis. But the Ten, 
instead of treating with Thrasybulus, 
endeavom'ed to secure to themselves die 
power from which the Thirty had fallen. 
Many of the Three Thousand were on 
their side, and nearly all the cavalry, and 
they looked for aid to Lacedaemon. 
Meantime the late exiles becomuig supe- 
rior, as well in number as in zeal and 



Relate the manner of his death ? 

What new acts of tyranny did the Thirty next perform ? — Where did the fugitives from Peiraeeus 
take refuge? — What measures did Thrasyhulus take? — What ensued? — Where is Phyle? — Where did 
the tyrants resolve to secure a refuge ? — Mow did they treat the three hundred suspected persons at Eleusis? 

Wiiat success did Thrasybulus have afiainst the Thirty ? — Who was slain ? — What transpired during 
the truce ? — In the end what was done ? — What did the Ten do ? 



116 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



union, commanded the country, and pre- 
pared to blockade the city. 

Lysander now being appointed to 
command for Lacedaemon in Attica, 
made ready to besiege Peiraeeus. No 
prudence or bravery in Thrasybulus 
and his followers could withstand the 
power of Lacedaemon; but the state 
of parties in that city gave them hope. 
Many, among whom was Pausanias, 
one of the kings, were jealous of Ly- 
sander, and, above all, of the com- 
manding influence which he seemed 
likely to gain in Attica. The assembly 
was persuaded to decree that the busi- 
ness of Athens required the presence of 
a complete Lacedaemonian army; and 
such an army being sent thither under 
Pausanias, the appointment of Lysan- 
der sunk into a subordinate command. 
One smart but indecisive skirmish took 
place, but the real purpose of the Spar- 
tan king was to settle matters by nego- 
tiation, not by battle. A treaty was 
arranged, by which all Athenians, the 
Thirty excepted, and some few others 
of the most guilty, were restored to their 
rights, under an oath of universal am- 
nesty. Eleusis was given as a residence 
to the excepted, and to all who might 
fear to live in Athens. Pausanias then 
led away the Peloponnesians ; and Thra- 
sybulus, with his followers, marched in 
procession into the city, and offered a 
thanksgiving sacrifice to Minerva. A 
general assembly then was held, in which, 
by the advice of Thi'asybulus, the old 
constitution was entkely re-established. 
The people soon after, being alarmed 
with the news that those in Eleusis were 
hiring mercenaiy troops, marched out 
against them with their whole force. 
The leadei-s in Eleusis were murdered 
in a conference ; a gi'eat ciime, but the 
only one which disgraced the restoration 
of liberty to Athens. Peace and am- 
nesty were offered and accepted; the 
refugees returned ; the people kept their 
oaths, and the government was carried 
on with concord. Thus the Athenian 
commonwealth was completely restored, 
and Attica reunited. 

State of Athens. 
The vices have already been remarked 
which were produced in the Athenian 
people, by so large a portion of them hving 



as pensioners on the state. This evil was 
necessarily increased by the recent series 
of revolutions, which had completely 
interrupted the course of peaceful labour, 
made many poor who had formerly been 
rich, and many idle who had been indus- 
trious. At the same time the poorer 
citizens had been increased in number 
by the admission of slaves and foreigners, 
in reward for services against the Lace- 
daemonians, and against the Thirty. The 
number of pensioners being, therefore, 
increased, while the foreign sources of 
revenue were cut off, the extortions, 
which had formerly been practised on 
the subject-states, were now directed 
against wealthy men at home. It is 
probable, however, that the total amount 
of wealth thus levied was not immode- 
rate; for, with the foreign command, 
the expenses of fleets and armies had 
passed away, and it was far less easy to 
bear hard on those who were present 
and possessed of extensive influence, 
than to plunder the defenceless tributa- 
ries. But cases occuiTed of great indi- 
vidual hardship ; and there is reason to 
fear that the public indigence sometimes 
appeared in a shape peculiarly odious, 
and that the judges might be biassed 
against a state defendant, by the magni- 
tude of the confiscation. Other evils 
arose : so many violent revolutions had 
necessarily created numerous personal 
enmities, and confirmed a tendency, al- 
ways too strong, in the Athenians, to 
suspect in the most tiivial occurrences a 
plot against the government. But none 
of these evils can fairly be traced to the 
conduct of Thrasybulus and his foUow- 
ei-s, which was singularly prudent and 
moderate. They were the natural result 
of the previous history of Athens, of the 
wai*s it had waged, the dominion it had 
held, and the revolutions it had under- 
gone ; and, though in some degree they 
may justly be regarded as a testimony 
against its unbalanced democracy, it is 
probable that no other government known 
to Greece would have stood so fearful a 
trial without yet greater miscliiefs. 

Progress of Grecian Philosophy. — Pythago- 
ras. — Skeptics and Sophists. 

About three yeare after the restoration 
of democracy, Atliens was disgraced by 
the condemnation of the most excellent 



Who was placed over Lysander by the Lacedasmonians ? — What were the terms of the treaty ? — 
What followed its conclusion ? — What was done by the general assembly? — What great crime was com- 
mitted? — What followed the restoration of peace and amnesty ? 

What evil was increased by the recent revolutions in Athens ? — Where were extortions for the support 
of pensioners now directed ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



117 



man she ever produced, the philosopher 
Socrates. But before relating his death, 
we will look to the state of moral science 
before his time, and the revolution he 
worked in it. The early Grecian philo- 
sophers fall into two great classes, the 
physical speculators, and the ethical and 
theological. Of the former the most 
eminent was Democritus, the author of 
the atomic philosophy ; which considers 
the world to be made up of atoms, or 
indivisible particles of matter similar to 
each other, and all natural appearances 
to be results of their different posi- 
tions and motions. In explaining sen- 
sible phenomena, Democritus showed 
perhaps more knowledge and acute- 
ness than any other Greek: but not 
content with this, he pushed his atoms 
into subjects where they had no place ; 
represented thought and sensation as 
modifications of matter and motion; 
declared that there was no God nor 
spiritual being ; and that the order and 
harmony of the world were produced by 
blind chance, amidst the infinite com- 
binations of moving atoms. He had 
many followers, as well in his atheism 
and materiahsm, as in his physical 
principles. For a specimen of the ethical 
and theological philosophers we may 
take Pythagoras, a Samian, but the 
founder of a sect very p/evalent in Gre- 
cian Italy. His moraUty and religion 
were purer than those current in Greece. 
He had travelled into Egypt, and brought 
apparently from thence some rernnants 
of primitive tradition; but he had also 
brought a fondness for the arts of Egyp- 
tian priestcraft. He aimed at enlighten- 
ing, not the many, but a privileged few ; 
who, by superior intelhgence, becoming 
rulers in their several cities, were to go- 
vern them with humanity and justice. 
Accordingly, admission into his sect was 
made difficult, and his doctrines were 
veiled with a mystical language, calcu- 
lated to foster a bUnd reverence in the 
disciples towards their master, and, in 
the vulgar, towards the disciples. Some 
practical conclusions were published to 
all, but the principles were accessible 
only to the most instructed. Here, then, 
we have two principal classes of philo- 
sophei's, — those busied in physical spe- 
culations, which were often tainted with 
atheism and materialism; and those 
who chiefly studied morals and theologj^. 



in many instances not unsuccessfijlly, 
but always studiously veiling their re- 
searches from the many. After these 
arose the skeptics (doubters) and so- 
phists — the last, a name not marking any 
particular doctrines, but describing a 
class of men whose profession was to 
cultivate the talents of youth. It will 
readily be supposed that ^vith common 
minds the object of such cultivation was 
not the highest absolute moral and in- 
tellectual excellence, but the best training 
for the pursuit of wealth and power. In 
Grecian communities eloquence was the 
talent most available to the aspiiing; 
and, accordingly, it was what the sophists 
chiefly undertook to teach. They pro- 
fessed to possess and impart the power 
of recommending successfiilly any side 
of any question : from habitual indiffer- 
ence to truth in discoui*se, the passage 
to mental doubt was easy ; and most of 
the sophists became skeptics in philoso- 
phy. Of this Protagoras was an exam- 
ple, perhaps the most eminent among 
them, who held that Imowledge was no 
more than sense or opinion; that to 
every man what he felt or believed was 
true ; and what he disbelieved, false ; that 
there was no absolute truth, but the same 
thing might be true to one man, and false 
to another. Skepticism naturally leads 
to looseness of morals ; for no man who 
doubts the existence of certain princi- 
ples, will sacrifice his present incUnations 
to the supposition of their truth. Accord- 
ingly, the practical precepts of most of 
the sophists were highly favourable to 
the corrupt propensities of their pupils. 
As opinion was the measure of truth, so 
mclination was the measure of good; 
and that man was the happiest, who had 
power and will to gratify his desires with- 
out restraint or regard of others. Justice 
was sometimes a name for the interest 
of the strongest, sometimes a mere crea- 
ture of law without foundation in nature ; 
a scarecrow set up by the weak to deter 
the sti'ong from taking those advantages 
to which they were naturally entitled. 

Socrates. — Plato. 
Socrates attended but little, except in 
early years, to physical science ; but he 
turned all the powers of his mind 
against the atheists and materialists, 
the skeptics, and those who set up j)lea- 
sure as the only good. Against the first 



What were the two classes of Grecian Philosnpliers ? — Of what system was Democritus the founder ? 
— ^Describe his philosophy ?— Give an account of Pythaiioras ' — Of his philosophy ?— After these two 
classes what new sects arose .'—What did the sophists ctiiefly teach ? — What did most of them become? 
— What was the doctrine of Protagoras?— What did skepticism generally lead to? 



118 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



he maintained most ably the being 
of a God, the incorporeal nature and 
immortality of the soul. In his disputes 
with the sophists and skeptics, he availed 
himself of a readiness and dexterity in 
argument superior to their own; and 
drawing them by an artful series of 
questions into inconsistencies and absur- 
dities, at once exposed their arrogance 
and the falsehood of their views. He 
delighted in humbling insolent pretenders 
to superior knowledge, and he confessed 
and dwelt on the imperfections of the 
human understanding, as an instrument 
for the investigation of truth : yet he did 
not, like most of the sophists, make 
that imperfection a reason for denying 
existence to the truth which he was un- 
able completely to fathom ; but rather a 
motive to gi-eater humihty and candour 
in the search, and to a modest rehance 
on divine assistance, to guide man's 
judgment on points important to his 
welSire, where his own unassisted facul- 
ties were madequate to the task. He 
stated and enforced a system of morality 
and religion, purer and loftier than that 
of the Pythagoreans ; but, unlike them, 
he was accessible to all, always clear in 
his statements as far as possible, and 
ready to explain whatever was not un- 
derstood. Hence, he was said to have 
brought down philosophy from the 
clouds, and made her converse with 
men. Ever earnest in recommending 
temperance, benevolence, piety, jus- 
tice, and showing that man's happiness 
and dignity are detennined by his 
mind, and not his fortunes, by virtue 
and wisdom, not by rank and wealth, 
his own life was the best example of his 
precepts. We have seen his unbending 
uprightness when forced into pubUc 
office, and his private conduct was no 
less exemplary. Barefooted and poorly 
clad, he associated with the rich and 
gay as with the needy, in the same spirit 
of cheerful good- will: his advice and 
instmctions were given to all without fee 
or reward, for his spirit was rigidly inde- 
pendent, and, if he possessed little, he 
wanted less. 

This excellent man was impeached 
before the popular court of reviling the 
gods which Athens acknowledged, of 



preaching other gods, and of corrupting 
the youth. The latter charge was princi- 
pally supported by the conduct of Alcibi- 
ades and Critias, both of whom had been 
his pupils. He triumphantly repelled 
the accusations; but his accusers were 
powerfiil, his judges prejudiced, and his 
danger was increased by the manner of 
his defence. It was usual for accused 
persons to supplicate favour with tears, 
and endeavour to move pity, by exhibit- 
ing their children. By this the pride of 
the judges was gratified, when they saw 
sometimes the most considerable persons 
obliged to descend to supplication. But 
Socrates considered this as equally un- 
worthy of himself, and disrespectfiil to 
the tribunal, which ought to be directed 
by justice, not by favour ; and the judges 
were offended at his denying them the 
accustomed homage. He was con- 
demned to death. He again addressed 
the court, declaring his innocence, and 
observing that the charges against him, 
even if proved, did not amount to a ca- 
pital crime. " But," he said, in conclu- 
sion, "it is time to depart; I to die, you 
to live ; but which for the greatest good, 
God only knows." The condemnation 
took place on the eve of the day when 
the sacred ship of Theseus* was sent 
with offerings of thanksgiving to Apollo 
at Delos. All executions were forbidden 
till its return, and thus the death of So- 
crates was respited for thirty days, during 
which his fiiends had free access to him 
in prison. Means were concerted for his 
escape; the jailor was bribed, a vessel 
prepared, a retreat in Thessaly provided. 
But Socrates had always taught the 
duty of obedience to the laws, and he 
would not set an example of breaking 
them. He waited the return of the ship, 
spent his last morning in calmly rea- 
soning with his friends on the immortality 
of the soul, and the happiness derived 
fi'om virtue, took the fatal cup of hem- 
lock, and died. 

The philosophy of Socrates was wholly 
promulgated in conversation, not in 
vniting ; but his doctrines and character 
have been handed dowTi to us by two of 
his most gifted pupils. Plato, the greater 
of them by far, possessed a mind almost 
unrivalled for its completeness at all 



* See page 19 



Whom did Socrates attack ? — What did he maintain against the Atheists? — How did he confute the 
sophists and skeptics? — What were the principal doctrines of Socrates? — Why was he said to have 
brought philosophy down from the clouds? — What the character of his private conduct? — What charges 
were brought against him? — By whom ? — How did he conduct at his trial ? — What was his sentence? — 
How did he conduct after it? — How was the philosophy of Socrates promulgated ? — By whom was it 
lianded down ? — What is the character of Plato as a writer ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



119 



points; and uniting the greatest acute- 
ness, vigour, and comprehension of un- 
derstanding, with a most glowing and 
poetical imagination, and matchless dig- 
nity, power, and beauty of style. But 
his genius was too original and peculiar 
to fit him for the mere reporter of ano- 
ther's opinions, and much of what he 
has written under the name of Socrates, 
must be considered as his own. The 
bias of his mind was to abstract specu- 
lation ; to the discovery of the piiuciples 
of morality, rather than the application 
of its precepts to particular cases. In 
his fondness for lofty contemplations, he 
sometimes slides into mysticism and 
obscurity, — a tendency which is not ob- 
servable in the discources of Socrates, 
as dehvered by his other celebrated 
disciple, Xenophon. The acuteness of 
Plato's Socrates in confounding the ar- 
rogant falsehood of the sophists, and his 
skill and patience in developing the rea- 
soning powers of his younger associates, 
ai'e probably faithful copies from the 
great original: but his deep and subtle 
speculations on the nature of moral 
beauty and goodness, however admi- 
rable in themselves, appear to be char- 
acteristic of the vmter, rather than his 
master; whose turn of thought seems 
more ti'uly expressed by the sobriety of 
mind and practical good sense which are 
every where visible in the Socrates of 
Xenophon. 

SECTION II. 
Rebellion of Cyrus. — Battle of Cunaxa. — 
Returnofthe Ten Thousand. — Xenophon. 

About the end of the Peloponnesian 
war, the death of Darius had left the 
throne of Persia to his son Artaxerxes. 
Mutual jealousy and quarrels ensued 
between the new king and Cyrus, which 
ended in the latter leading an army to 
dethrone his brother about four years 
after his accession. The principal trust 
of Cyrus was in a body of above 10,000 
Grecian mercenaries, who did their part 
so well, that in a great battle at Cunaxa, 
near Babylon, they defeated all opposed 
to them. But Cyrus, being roused to 
fury at the sight of his brother, made a 
violent charge on the body in which he 
was posted, wounded Artaxerxes vnth 
his own hand, and was himself killed in 
the encounter. All the Asiatic followers 
of Cyrus now submitted to the king. The 



Grecian leaders were invited to a con- 
ference, and treacherously murdered ; and 
the army was left without commanders 
in the heart of Asia, separated fi*om 
Greece by vast tracts of hostile territory, 
and obhged to begin its march through 
extensive plains, in the face of innumer- 
able light cavalry. An assembly was 
held to choose new leaders, and among 
those who came forward was Xenophon, 
a young Athenian, who has just been 
mentioned as the biographer of Socrates. 
Xenophon was elected one of the gene- 
rals, and it was in a great measure by his 
superior abihty that the army overcame 
all the obstacles which beset it. He has 
given an account of the expedition, 
equally interesting as a narrative, and 
admirable as a specimen of composition. 
He has also written the most authentic 
history of the times now in question. 
Few persons have been equally remark- 
able for the union of literary and warlike 
ability ; but though the course of his Hfe 
was free fi-om blame in the eye of his 
contemporaries, it is much to be regret- 
ted by better taught moralists, that the 
friend and biographer of Socrates should 
have gathered his laiu-els in so vile a 
trade as that of a mere hireling military 
adventurer. 

War of Lacedamon with Persia. — DercyU 
lidas. 
A war broke out between Lacedsemon 
and Persia. The Lacedaemonian army in 
Ionia was at first ill commanded, and 
proved alike oppressive to its allies, and 
inefficient against its enemies. But Der- 
cyllidas succeeding to the command, 
exercised it with great ability. He re- 
stored good order to the army, and 
prosperity to the country, and conciliated 
the affections of all who were under his 
administration. He was no less bold 
and skilful in mihtary enterprise than 
judicious in civil regulation; and he 
obtained peace from Phamabazus and 
Tissaphemes, on the terms that all Gre- 
cian cities should be independent. The 
complete ratification, however, of the 
ti'eaty depended on the king and the 
Lacedaemonian government. 

Character of Lacedamonian dominion. 

Since the end of the Peloponnesian vrar, 
Lacedaemon had been little less than all- 
powerful in Greece. The change was in 



Who succeeded Darius king of Persia?— Who led an army to dethrone Artaxerxes ?— What was his 
principal trust ?— What was their success at Cunaxa?— What was Cyrus's fate and that of the Greek 
leaders ?— What was the situation of the Greeks after the death of their leaders ? — Who was chosen to 
lead them ? — Give an account of him and his writings? 

What new war broke out? — What officer conducted the war successfully in Ionia? 

What state prevailed in Greece after the Peloponnesian war ? 



120 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



some respects a happy one, but not upon 
the whole. The smaller states were in- 
deed released fi'om the grinding tributes, 
which had been wrung from them to sup- 
port the na\y of Athens, and to feed and 
amuse its idle and luxurious people. 
But the democratical governments were 
generally changed into ohgarchies of the 
narrowest kmd, dependent for existence, 
not on the "willing acquiescence of the 
people, but on Lacedsemon; and we 
have already seen, in the conduct of the 
Athenian Thirty, the abuses to which 
such a power was Uable. Many states 
were made the residence of Spartan 
governors, who were generally oppres- 
sive and arbitrary. Bred up in con- 
tempt for all mankind, except their own 
fellow-citizens, they considered as rebel- 
Uon all opposition to the will of a 
Spartan officer. Their tempers were 
harsh, their mannei-s rude. Their no- 
tions of law were enthely derived fi'om 
the institutions of Lacedaemon ; and as 
populai' complaint was never there al- 
lowed against any measures of persons 
in authority, they would put down all 
remonstrance, however moderate and 
lawful, by the most violent means. 
Athenian officers were commonly men 
of milder temper and more poHsh6d 
manners, and more accustomed to re- 
spect the feelings of the persons under 
their conmiand. A proverb was cun*ent 
in Greece, that the Athenians were bet- 
ter as individuals, the Lacedaemonians 
as a goveniment; and it illustrates the 
conduct of the two states towards their 
subjects. The Athenian goveniment 
was an expensive, the Lacedaemonian, 
a frugal one; and therefore the former 
oppressed its subjects with extortions, 
from which those of the latter were ex- 
empt. In case of revolt, the passionate 
revenge of the Athenian people was 
frequently more bloody than the un- 
feeling, but deUberate policy of its rival. 
The occasional sufferings of the allies 
of Athens were, therefore, greater; but 
they had more freedom of speech and 
of remonstrance, were less exposed to 
daily vexatious interference with their 
domestic government, and less given up, 
individually and collectively, to the self- 
willed tyranny of officers in command ; 
and the authority of the Athenian go- 
vernors, such as it was, was commonly 
exercised with more forbearance. 



Democracy established in Thebes and Cor- 
inth. 

It was usual, as we have seen, in the 
different provinces of Greece, for the lead- 
ing city to claim an authority, which the 
smaller towns were unwilling to allow. 
This pretension was usually discouraged 
by the imperial states, which wished to 
depress the larger cities, and to bring 
the smaller into dependence on them- 
selves. To make the Bceotian towns 
independent of Thebes had always been 
a favourite object with Athens; a hne 
of conduct which had ensured to that 
state the determined enmity of Thebes. 
While Athens was poweiiul, the Lace- 
daemonians were glad to maintain the 
claim of Thebes to the dominion of 
Boeotia, and thus to favour a valuable 
ally, and to keep in friendly hands a 
power which would otherwise have fallen 
to Athens. But when Athens was de- 
pressed, the case was altered, and Lace- 
daemon be-gan to favour the indepen- 
dence of the towns. The Thebans were 
offended, and the enemies of Lacedae- 
mon in that state gained strength ; and as 
these were always the party friendly to 
democracy, the Theban oligarchy was 
changed into a popular government. 
Democracy also gamed ascendancy in 
Corinth — so that the two principal allies 
of Lacedaemon were alienated. These 
changes appear to have taken place very 
soon afler the Peloponnesian war: how- 
ever no actual quarrel ensued ; but during 
the Asiatic command of Dercylhdas, the 
Lacedaemonians put down by arms the 
pretensions of Ehs to command over the 
neighbouring towns. 

Sedition of Cinadon at Sparta. 
King Agis died, (B. C. 398,) and was 
succeeded by his brother Agesilaus, 
whose first year was signalized by the 
discovery of a plot to effect a change of 
government. Lycurgus had allowed no 
distinction of rank among his people, 
except such as arose from age or merit ; 
but in the course of ages all the powers 
of government had been engrossed by 
certain families pecuharly distinguished 
as Spartans. The origin and nature of 
this distinction are not ascertained: but 
the most probable opinion seems to be 
that of a very acute and searching his- 
torian (Niebuhr), that the Spartans 
were those legitimately descended from 



What was the effect of this change on the smaller states ? — Who were their governors r — What was 
the character of the Spartan governors? — What proverb was current in Greece respecting the Athenians 
and LacediPinonians ? — What were the characters of the two governments? 

What had been a favourite object of Aliens? — Had it lately become that of Lacedaemon? — To what 
was the Theban oligarchy changed ? — What other city had become democratical ? 

Who succeeded king Agis ? — Who claimed the highest honours at Lacedaemon ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. ' 



121 



the original citizens ; whereas, the com- 
mon Lacedaemonians had insensibly 
grown up, till they formed the most nu- 
merous portion of the people, from mar- 
riages contracted by Spartans vnth 
aliens, and from the association of stran- 
gers and vassals as membei-s of the 
community, but upon an inferior footing. 
At the battle of Plataea, the Spartans were 
five thousand, each of whom was attend- 
ed by seven Helots ; while the other Lace- 
daemonians, who were also five thousand, 
had each only one attendant. But the 
Spartans, never admitting new associ- 
ates, had lessened in number, till they 
formed, even in Spaita itself, only a 
small part of the population. Their 
pride and privileges had increased as 
their number lessened: the ephori, the 
senate, and all the higher officers, civil 
and military, were taken from their body, 
and they were now scarcely ever sent on 
foreign service, except in some com- 
mand. These privileges were haughtily 
exercised, and naturally gave great 
offence to the excluded classes; and 
Cinadon, a young man in spirit and 
abihties inferior to few among the Spar- 
tans themselves, conceived the project 
of exciting a revolt against their sway. 
To engage others in his vie\vs, he was 
wont to bid them count the Spartans in 
the full market-place. There might be, 
besides the king, the ephori, and the 
senate, about forty. "These," he would 
sa}'', " are your enemies — but all the rest 
your fiiends. Again, in each to^vn and 
village of Laconia, you will find one 
enemy and many aUies; the first, the 
Spartan magistrate ; the second, the un- 
privileged Laconians. All the Helots," 
lie proceeded, "all the newly admitted 
citizens, the lower people in the capital, 
and the inhabitants of the other towns, 
universally are of our party ; for, when- 
ever any mention is made of the Spartans, 
all these are unable to conceal that they 
would gladly eat them raw." When 
such were the feelings on which it rest- 
ed, the revolution planned by Cinadon 
would probably have been a bloody one ; 
and thus it is that excessive misgovem- 
ment begets a bitterness of feeUng in the 
people, which vents itself at the moment 
of liberation in cruelty and outrage. 
Such acts may justly raise abhorrence 
for the perpetrators, and compassion for 



the individual victims: but to be influ- 
enced by them, so as to think the more 
favourably of the old government, is a 
great, though common en-or; for the 
violence of the people's resentment is 
generally a testimony that their oppres- 
sions have been intolerable. In the 
present case the conspiracy was discover- 
ed in time ; Cinadon was executed ^vith 
tortures ; and the Spartans retained their 
exclusive privileges. 

Agesilaus sent into Asia. 
Soon after this the news arrived that 
the Persian court refiised to ratify the 
treaty of DercyUidas, and the united force 
of the empire would be turned against 
the Asiatic cities, which were under the 
protection of Lacedsemon. Agesilaus 
was sent to command in Asia. He had 
much of the moderation and vidsdom of 
his father, Archidamus, with far greater 
activity, enterprise, and military talents. 
By prudence and HberaUty he concihated 
the cities, and having found them torn 
with fections, he restored quiet and 
union ; while, by his warlike abihty, he 
not only repelled the apprehended attack, 
but found himself in a condition to look 
for further successes. His project was 
not to conquer, and annex to Lacedaemon 
any provuices of the Persian empire, but 
to favour their erection into independent 
kingdoms, which would form a barrier to 
the Grecian states against the dangerous 
neighbourhood of Persia. The success 
of the scheme would probably have been 
beneficial to LacedsRmon, to Greece, and 
to the revolting provinces ; which would 
have been better and more vigorously 
governed as separate kingdoms than as 
portions of the vast Persian empire. The 
design was favom*ed by the increasing 
disunion of that monarchy. Many of 
the satraps had been implicated in the 
rebellion of Cyi-us, and most of those 
who remained faithful were inclined to 
hold then- governments as a matter of 
right, and to renounce their allegiance, 
if deposed or treated imworthily : while 
the return of the ten thousand had sho^vn 
how small a body of Greeks could brave 
the power of Persia, even in the heart of 
its dominions. But before his design 
could be executed, Agesilaus was recall- 
ed by troubles in Greece. 



What was their character ? — Who formed a conspiracy against the Spartans ? — What the fate of Cina- 
don and his plot? 

What news was received from Persia? — Who was sent to command in Asia? — What was his cbarac>- 
lej? — What was his project ? — Why was he recalled ? 

16 



122 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Alliance of Athens, Argot, Thebes and Co- 
rinth against Lacedcemon. 

We have seen the rise of enmity to 
Lacedsemon in some of the most power- 
ful Grecian states. The manifestation 
of that spirit appears to have been has- 
tened by Persian gold in Argos, Thebes, 
and Corinth ; but in Thebes the feeling 
was strongest, and it was between The- 
bes and Lacedsemon that war fii*st rose. 
The Thebans alone could not hope to 
stand against the enemy they had pro- 
voked ; but they knew that the Athenians 
bore impatiently their present depression ; 
and that the same pretence of zeal for 
Grecian hberty, which had sei'ved the 
Lacedaemonians so well against Athens, 
might now be no less available to those 
who withstood the dominion of Lacedse- 
mon. The Thebans asked and obtained 
the alliance of Athens. Lysander was 
sent with an army into Boeotia ; he pro- 
fessed to vindicate the independence of 
the towns, and the gates of Orchomenus 
were opened to receive him : but, soon 
aftei'wards, he was killed in battle, and, 
by the feeble conduct of Idng Pausanias, 
who replaced him, the army was obliged 
to quit Boeotia, without further action, 
under a dishonourable truce. 

Athens led Argos into alhance with 
Thebes, and Argos Corinth, now demo- 
cratically governed, and closely con- 
nected with Argos. The league was 
joined by most of the northern states. 
Instead of allowing the supremacy of 
any commonwealth, it was agreed that 
a congi'ess of deputies from each should 
meet at Cormth, to direct the conduct of 
the confederacy. The Lacedaemonians 
now resolved to recall Agesilaus; and, 
in the meantime, the allies sent an anny 
avowedly against Laconia. " The Lace- 
daemonian state," said the Corinthian 
deputy, " resembles a river ; which, near 
its source, is easily forded, but the far- 
ther it flows, the more it is swollen with 
tributary streams. Thus, the Lacedae- 
monians march from home with their 
own troops only ; but, as they proceed, 
their army grows formidable vnth rein- 
forcements from the cities. I hold it, 
therefore, best to attack them as near as 
possible to Lacedaemon." The confe- 



derates were met near Corinth by the 
Lacedaemonians and their alhes. Though 
greatly superior in number, they were 
disunited and ill-commanded, as often 
happens in such bodies; the Bceotian 
generals, in particular, showing a strong 
inclination to throw upon their associ- 
ates all the peril of the day. By these 
eiTors, and their own superior discipUne, 
the Lacedaemonians were victorious. 

Recall of Agesilaus, and victory at Coroneia. 
Agesilaus was enjoying, in Asia, hon- 
ours and power such as had never fallen 
to the lot of any Greek. His popularity 
was universal ; his hopes of success and 
glory briUiant; and nothing could be 
more mortifying than the summons to 
quit his present splendid situation, and 
to hve at home under the harsh control 
of the ephori. When about to depart 
he assembled the allies, stated the ne- 
cessities of his country, and assured his 
audience that he would never forget 
them, but would return as soon as pos- 
sible to do his utmost for their welfare. 
The assembly burst into tears, and 
unanimously voted powerful succours 
to accompany Agesilaus; who divided 
all his care between measures for the 
security of the Asiatic Greeks, and the 
providing a numerous and well-appoint- 
ed army to lead into Greece. He cross- 
ed the Hellespont, and marching through 
northern Greece, he entered Bceotia, and 
met the forces of the hostile league near 
Coroneia. The numbers were nearly 
equal ; but the Asiatic troops, who form- 
ed a large part of the army under Agefei- 
laus, were reckoned very inferior to the 
European. Their behaviour, however, 
did great credit to Agesilaus, who had 
trained them, and his victory was com- 
plete. Little further was attempted be- 
fore the aiTny went into winter quarters. 
(B. C. 394.) 

Lacedcemonians defeated at sea by Conon 
and Phamabazus. 

It has been mentioned that Conon, 
after the battle of ^Egospotami, fled to 
Salamis in Cyprus. The Cyprian cities 
were, for the most part, governed by their 
several princes or tyrants, under tlie par- 



Between what states did war first arise ? — With whom was Thebes allied ? — What Lacedsmonian 
general was sent into BoBotia ? — What city received him? — What was his fate? — What transpired after 
his death ? — What other states came into the league against Lacedaemon ? — Where was their congress to 
meet? — Against what state did the allies send an army? — What gave the Lacedtemonians the victory? 

What was the situation of Agesilaus? — By what route did he invade Greece? — Where did he meet the 
allies ? — What was the result ? 

Whither had Conon fled after the battle of ^Egospotami ? — Why did the Cyprian cities seek the friend 
ship of Athens ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



133 



amount sovereignty of Persia; but as 
that feeble government did little to pro- 
tect its distant dependencies, or to restrain 
their mutual dissensions, the defence of 
these cities chiefly rested on the vigour 
of their several administrations, and the 
connexions which they formed either 
with independent powers or with the 
satraps of the continent. In this view, 
no alliance could be more desirable than 
that of the first maritime power of the 
age; and accordingly Euagoras, the 
present ruler of Salamis, an able, just, 
and popular prince, had anxiously and 
successfully cultivated the fiiendship of 
the Athenians, insomuch that he was, as . 
an honorary distinction, made a citizen 
of Athens. Conon was honourably re- 
ceived by Euagoras, and soon became 
his most confidential minister. The 
eight triremes which he brought with 
him were a valuable addition to the naval 
strength of Salamis ; and he had mili- 
tary and political ability, and experience 
in communication with Persian officers, 
all which made him highly useful to 
Euagoras. Conon negotiated with Phar- 
nabazus, and won his fiiendship for the 
prince of Salamis ; who, being counte- 
nanced by the satrap, added several towns 
of the island to his dominion, without of- 
fending the court. But when Agesilaus 
was warring in Asia, Conon suggested 
to Phamabazus to make a diversion by 
sea. A Phoenician fleet was at the 
satrap's orders; it might be joined by 
that of Euagoras : the Athenian interest 
was yet considerable in the cities of Asia 
and the islands, and the pei'sonal credit 
of Conon was high, especially among 
the seamen. Phamabazus adopted the 
suggestion, equipped a powerfiil fleet, 
and commanded it in person, leaving, 
probably, the effective direction to the 
more skilful Conon. The result was 
complete defeat to the Lacedaemonians ; 
of which the news was brought to Age- 
silaus shortly before his victory at Coro- 
neia. 

Bloody revolution in Corinth. — Union with 
Argos. 
The command of the isthmus was an 
important object both to the Lacedae- 
monians and their enemies, and, in con- 
tending for it, the Corinthian territory 
necessarily became the habitual seat of 
war. The Corinthians, of course, were 



the principal suflTerers among the allies ; 
the war became unpopular, and the oli- 
garchical party seemed likely to regain 
the ascendant. To prevent this, the 
democratical leaders planned tlie mas- 
sacre of their opponents, and the Athe- 
nian, Boeotian, and Argian administra- 
tions are accused of having been privy 
to the plot. The time chosen was a 
religious festival, .when, all the people 
being assembled, the business might be 
more readily and completely perfonned ; 
but the part of the whole design most 
shocking to the Greeks was the profaning 
with a series of murdei-s a season at 
which not even the execution of con- 
victed criminals was held allowable. 
Many were slain before they knew their 
danger, some while engaged in conver- 
sation, some at the theatre, some even 
sitting as judges. Those who fled to 
the altars were murdered there without 
scruple ; " so that some pious men," says 
Xenophon, "even of those who were 
not stricken, died of horror at seeing such 
impiety." Those who fell were mostly 
elders of the principal families, the youth 
of which had been assembled in another 
place by Pasimelus, one of their number, 
who suspected the plot. On hearing the 
outcry, Pasunelus and his companions 
immediately seized the Acrocorinthus, 
or citadel of Corinth; but they were 
induced to leave it by the fall of a capital 
fi-om a pillar, which, to their superstitipus 
minds, seemed an omen of ill. They 
had fled beyond the border, when they 
were induced to return by the persua- 
sions of their fiiends, the lamentations 
of their mothers, and the assurances 
given on oath by some of the rulers, that 
they should suffer no harm. 

The democratical leaders had adopted 
a measure unprecedented in Greece: 
they had united their city with Argos, 
removed the boundary stones, abolished 
the Corinthian assemblies, and declared 
by law solemnly enacted, that the two 
peoples should henceforth be all Argians. 
The returned fugitives could not endure 
the change: they found the power of 
their opponents completely estabhshed 
by union with the democratical people 
of Argos, while themselves, who had 
formerly been important in Corinth, 
were now of little consideration in the 
united commonwealths. They had, in- 



Who entertained Conon ? — How was Conon useful to Euagoras ? — What important object did he 
accomplish in connexion with Phamabazus ? 

What rendered the war unpopular at Corinth ? — What enormity was perpetrated at Corinth ?—VMiat is 
related of Pasimelus and his companions? — What had the democratical leaders at Corinth done?— Who 
were dissatisfied with this change ? 



.m 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



deed, the rights of Argian citizens, which 
they did not desire ; but any change was 
usually unpopular which, increasing the 
number of citizens in a state, diminished 
each man's share of the sovereignty; 
and here, not only was the number of 
citizens more than doubled, but the name 
of their country was abohshed, and the 
seat of government removed. On a 
smaller scale, the same feelings were at 
work which made the union with Eng- 
land at first unpopular in Scotleind ; and 
their violence was exasperated by resent- 
ment at the bloody means used to effect 
the change. The minds of many were 
thus inflamed, till they thought that life 
was not worth having on such terms. 
In the words of Xenophon, " They re- 
solved to make their countiy Corinth, as 
it had been fi-om the first ; to establish it 
in independence and good government ; 
to purify it fi-om murderers ; and thus to 
become its saviours, or, if they should 
fail, at least to meet the most glorious 
death in pursuit of the greatest blessings." 
Pasimelus and another negotiated with 
Praxitas, the Lacedsemonian commander 
in Sicyon, and promised to introduce his 
troops within the long walls between 
Corinth and its port, Lechseum. The 
scheme prospered, and the ai'my of 
Praxitas being admitted, and joined by 
the Corinthians hostile to the government, 
defeated the Corinthian and Argian forces 
which attacked it. Lechaeum was next 
taken, and a breach was made in the 
long walls, so as to leave an open pas- 
sage for Lacedaemonian troops along the 
isthmus. 

Athenian long walls rebuilt by Conon and 
Pharnabazus. 
During the winter, Pharnabazus had 
diligently augmented his fleet ; and em- 
barking in the spring, with Conon as his 
vice-admiral, he sailed among the islands 
of the ^gean. Following Conon's ad- 
vice, he did not attempt their subjection 
to Persia, but contented himself with 
expelling the Lacedaemonian governors, 
and making them independent. On 
these terms, all readily received him. 
The following year he sailed again, and 
landing in Laconia, ravaged the countiy, 
then overran Cythera, and placed there 
a gamson under an Athenian ofiicer. 
He next sailed to the Corinthian isthmus, 



where the congress of the league was 
assembled, and exhorting the leaders 
there to carry on the war with vigour, 
left a sum of money for its support. The 
satrap was provoked to these exertions 
by ravages which his territory had sus- 
tained from the arms of Lacedaemon; 
but the expense pressing heavily on his 
treasury, he gladly adopted the proposal 
of Conon to reUeve him from the burden, 
and at the same time to strike the most 
effective blow against his enemy. The 
Athenian commonwealth, Conon said, 
would be willing to undertake the sup- 
port of the war ; but, for this, it must be 
enabled to maintain its navy by the trib- 
utes fi*om the islands. If Pharnabazus 
would allow his fleet to be used in en- 
forcing those tributes, and would assist 
in rebuilding the long walls and the walls 
of Peiraeeus, he might trust the rest to 
Athens. The satrap consented; he 
placed his fleet at Conon's disposal, and 
assisted Uberally with money and work- 
men in rebuilding the walls. The neigh- 
bouring democratical states cooperated 
zealously, particularly the Bceotians, so 
lately the remorseless enemies of Athens. 
Thus Conon, after thirteen years' absence, 
returned to Athens with the present of a 
fleet and fortifications ; wdth the means, 
in short, of re-estabhshing for his country 
little less than its former importance. 

Iphicrates. 
The Spartan government, though vic- 
torious by land, carried on the war with 
httle vigour, being cramped by the loss 
of its foreign revenues, and by the 
necessity of watching the disaffected 
Laconians. The war was waged, not 
by battles, but by incursions and sudden 
expeditions, and it was with a view 
to these that Iphicrates, an Athenian 
officer, raised and disciplined a body 
of troops, of a kind before unknown 
in Grecian warfare. Light troops, in 
Grecian armies, and especially in Pelo- 
ponnesian, were little valued, and com- 
monly made up of untrained slaves; 
though it had appeared in the iEtolian 
expedition of Demosthenes, and on many 
other occasions, how fatal the want of 
them might be to the cumbrous, though 
irresistible phalanx. Athens had good 
bowmen, and had often profited by them ; 



What did they resolve ? — Who negotiated with Praxitas, and admitted the Lacedaemonian troops ? — 
What was the result ?— What gulf is Lechaeum on ? — Which way is it from Corinth ? 

What did Pharnabazus and Conon accomplish in the winter? — What did Pharnabazus do the follow- 
ing year ? — Where did he place a garrison ? — Where is Cythera ? — What did Pharnabazus then do ? — What 
proposition did Conon prevail on him to accept in favour of Athens ? — What states cooperated with Athens ? 
— What did Conon thus accomplish? 

What weakened the efforts of the Spartan government ?— What sort of troops did Iphicrates raise and 
equip ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



125 



and Iphicrates raised a body of light 
troops, regularly armed and disciplined, 
and trained to act in the Thracian manner, 
with target and dart, instead of shield 
and spear, whence they were called 
Peltastae, or targeteers. To the undis- 
ciplined skirmishers of the Peloponne- 
sians, the targeteers were more to be 
dreaded than the phalanx; for they 
were equally formidable to them in 
attack, and far more so in pursuit ; and 
even against the phalanx itself they 
might be employed with advantage, for, 
though quite unable to support its charge, 
they were trained to harass it in flank 
and rear, — to retreat, when pursued, 
and instantly to rally, and again attack 
the pursuers as they retreated. Thus 
Iphicrates defeated several bodies of 
heavy-armed foot, belonging to the al- 
lies of Laced^emon, and, at length, a con- 
siderable detachment of the Lacedaemo- 
nians themselves. The last blow, being 
received from a kind of troops which 
they affected to despise, contributed more 
than any other reverse to humble the 
pride and damp the hopes of Lacedsemon. 

Death of Thrasybulus. 
The war went on in Greece with great 
distress to all the parties, and wdth no 
important result; but Thrasybulus, be- 
ing sent with an Athenian fleet to the 
coast of Asia, gained some considerable 
advantages. A revolution had taken 
place in Rhodes, in favour of demo- 
cracy ; but the refugees, being succoured 
by a Lacedaemonian fleet under Teleu- 
tias the brother of Agesilaus, disputed 
with their adversaries the command of 
the island. Thrasybulus on his arrival 
secured the superiority of the Rhodians 
in the city, after which he sailed for the 
Hellespont. He succeeded in restoring 
democracy and alliance with Athens in 
the important city of Byzantium, in Mi- 
tylene, and the greater part of Lesbos, 
and in most of the cities on the Asiatic 
coast, which yet favoured Lacedsemon. 
The Byzantine people, in their joy at the 
re-establishment of democracy, made no 
objection to the restoration of the toll 
which Athens had formerly imposed on 



all vessels passing the Bosphorus, on 
which Byzantium stood. Thrasybulus 
then proceeded to the collection of tri- 
bute from the towns ; in the course of 
which the people of Aspendus were so 
exasperated by some irregularity of his 
soldiers, that they attacked his camp by 
night, and he was killed in his tent. 
Thus fell a man of tried honesty and 
patriotism, who had shown uncommon 
abihty in very trying situations, and had 
been the chief instrument of restoring 
freedom and happiness to his country. 
The only cloud that rests upon his me- 
mory is an appearance of his having 
concurred with Theramenes in the ac- 
cusation of the six generals, if not 
actively, at least by withholdmg the 
testimony which might have saved them : 
but the evidence we have is not sufficient, 
to warrant us in decidedly fixing so dark 
a stain on a character otherwise so pure. 

Peace of Antalcidas 
It was in the eighth year of this war, 
and the nineteenth after the taking of 
Athens (B. C. 387,) that Lacedsemon ob- 
tained the intervention of Persia in its be- 
half, and thereby a peace highly favour- 
able to itself. Antalcidas, who was chosen 
to command in Asia, and to negotiate 
with Persia, had before been sent to Tiri- 
bazus, the present satrap of Lydia, and 
had gained his favour; insomuch that 
he arrested Conon, who had come to 
him as ambassador fi-om Athens, and 
it is uncertain whether Conon ever es- 
caped fi'om the , confinement into which 
he had so faithlessly been thrown. An- 
talcidas was successful in war against 
the Athenians, and recovered the com- 
mand of the sea; but he still adhered 
to his purpose of making peace. The 
first proposal came in the form of a 
requisition from Tiribazus, for a con- 
gress of ministers from all the states 
which were willing to receive the terms 
of peace that the king should dictate. 
The congress met, and Tiribazus showed 
the order from the king, which ran thus : 
" Artaxerxes, the king, holds it just, 
that all the cities of Asia should be his, 
and the islands of Clazomenae * and Cy- 



* Thus the passage stands in Xenophon, but its correctness has been disputed, on the ground that Cla- 
zomenae was a city on the continent of Asia. It seems, however, that although the city was originally 
built there, the inhabitants afterwards moved over to the island, from fear of the Persians, At a later 
period than that now treated of, Alexander the Macedonian united the island to the mainland by a mole, 
which was still visible when Chandler visited the place. See Schneider^s note on Xenophon, Hellen. 
V. 1. 31. 

What were they called? — How did they operate? — What victories did Iphicrates gain with them? 

Where did Thrasybulus gain some advantages? — What hart taken place at Rhodes ?— Whom did 
Thrasybulus assist? — What cities did he bring into alliance with Athens? — What led to his death? — 
What was his character? 

Who obtained the favour of Persia for Laced semen ?— Whom did he arrest?— What requisition did 
Tiribazus make? — What order did he communicate to the congress ? 



126 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



prus : that all other Grecian cities, small 
and great, should be independent, ex- 
cept the islands Lemnos, Imbros, and 
Scyros, which may be subject to Ath- 
ens, as of old. Whoever shall not 
receive these terms, against such I will 
join in war with those who accept them, 
by land and sea, with ships and money." 

B<£otian towns declared independent, and 
Corinth separated from Argos. 

The belligerents consented to the 
terms proposed. The Thebans, how- 
ever, required that the oath of their 
ministers should be taken as the repre- 
sentatives of Boeotia. Agesilaus de- 
clared that he would not accept their 
oath, unless made in strict conformity to 
the king's order, which required the inde- 
pendence of every city, small and great 
The Theban ministers said that they had 
not authority to make any such conces- 
sion. Agesilaus bid them go and ask 
their employers, warning them that if 
they did not comply, they would be ex- 
cluded from the peace. They went; 
but Agesilaus, in his enmity to the The- 
bans, who had on a former occasion 
personally insulted him, persuaded the 
ephori to resort at once to coercion. 
Preparations were hastily made, but be- 
fore the army marched, the Theban 
ministers returning announced the ac- 
quiescence of their city: the oath of 
Thebes was taken for itself alone, and 
the Bceotian towns became independent. 

The Corinthians and Argians were 
still for preserving their union ; which 
could not be done, so powerful was the 
adverse party in Corinth, without keep- 
ing Ai'gian troops there. This Agesi- 
laus held a breach of the treaty, and he 
threatened immediate hostility, unless 
the troops were withdrawn . The demand 
was reluctantly complied with, and on 
the departure of the Argians the opposite 
party became superior: the exiles re- 
turned ; the principal promotei-s of the 
late revolution emigrated, particularly 
those concerned in the massacre; and 
Corinth and Argos became, as for- 
merly, distinct repubhcs. Their separa- 
tion, and the independence of the Bceo- 
tian towns, which broke the power of 
Thebes, were the objects most to be 
desired by Lacedaemon. Accordingly, 
the influence of Lacedaemon was more 
effectually established by the peace of 



Antalcidas, than by that which ended 
the Peloponnesian war; though in the 
latter it had been completely trium- 
phant, and in the former had suffered 
not less of evil than it had inflicted. 
In ' both, however, that state incurred 
no shght discredit by giving up the 
Greeks of Asia to the Persian dominion. 

Mantineians attacked by Lacedeemon. — Their 
dispersion. 

The Lacedaemonians did not delay to 
abuse their power. Some of their alUes, 
it was said, had wished success to their 
enemies, and these must be chastised. 
They first required the demohtion of the 
walls of Mantineia, declaring that they 
could not tnist the fidelity of that peo- 
ple. " For we know " they said, " that 
when we were at war with Argos, the 
Mantineians sent com thither; that they 
have sometimes pretended a truce, to 
excuse them fi-om joining the army; 
that when they have joined it, they have 
served grudgingly; that they repine at 
our successes, and rejoice at our de- 
feats." The Lacedaemonians appear to 
have trusted little to the justice of these 
pretences, for they added that the thirty 
years' truce was just expiring. We 
have seen that the Greeks acknow- 
ledged no duties to those who were 
without the pale of existing covenants ; 
and, accordingly, the expiration of a 
truce between Argos and Lacedaemon, 
in the Peloponnesian war, had been held 
to justify the renewal of hostihties with- 
out fresh provocation, afler thirty years 
of peace. But even this would not have 
prepared us for the present conduct of 
Lacedaemon, in threatening war to Man- 
tineia after a similar period, not of sus- 
pended hostility, as in the case of Argos, 
but of actual friendship and alliance. 
It is true, the Lacedaemonians com- 
plained that the Mantineians had failed 
in their duty as alhes ; but had the vague 
pretences alleged been sufficient to jus- 
tify hostihty, they would have justified it, 
independently of the expiration of the 
truce. 

It is probable that one motive of the 
Lacedaemonians, in thus oppressing 
Mantineia, was their dislike of her 
democratical government, which they 
had unwillingly permitted, while diey 
feared to drive her fi-om their own 
alliance into that of their enemies. 



Where is Lemnos ? — Imbros ? — Scyros or Skyros ? 

Were the terms accepted.'' — Wliat diffirulty occurred between Agesilaus and the Thebans? — How 
was it settled f — How was the separuion of Corinth and Argos brought about? — What two desirable ob- 
jects had Lacedsmon attained ? 

Where is Mantineia ? — Why did the Lacedaemonians require the demolition of its walls ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



127 



Agesnlaus, disapproving the expeditioD, 
excused liimself from leading, by alleg- 
ing some obligation of his father to the 
Mantineians. Agesipolis, the other king, 
sat down before the city : he flooded it 
by damming the river which ran through 
iti and the fortifications being bmlt with 
unburnt bricks soon began to give way. 
The Mantineians now capitulated, and 
the only terms allowed them were, that 
they should abandon their city, and 
settie themselves in Tillages. The po- 
pular leaders, fearing the vengeance 
of their opponents, obtained from Age- 
sipolis a safe conduct to depart. The 
street was lined with Lacedaemonian 
troops, while sixty of the most ob- 
noxious passed out; "and though hat- 
ing them," says Xenophon, " they were 
kept from harming them more easily 
tlian the best of the Mantineians," mean- 
ing the oligarchical leaders; "a great 
instance of subordination." This pas- 
sage exemplifies the bitterness of Gre- 
cian part}' and national enmit}^, while 
its language shows the oUgarchical bias 
of the historian. He proceeds : " After 
this the Mantineians were distributed 
into four villages, as they had anciently 
lived. At first they disliked it, as they 
had new houses to build ; but the men 
of property soon became pleased with 
the change, as they Uved near their es- 
tates, and directed the government aris- 
tocratically without being thwarted by 
troublesome demagogues. The Lace- 
daemonians sent an officer to each vil- 
lage, and the people served in their 
armies much more readily than under 
the democracy." That is, Lacedsemon 
governed by means of the nobility, who, 
depending on its support, were zealous 
in its service ; while the disimited and 
enfeebled people, as has happened in all 
ages, submitted, without remonstrance, 
to waste their blood in quarrels wherein 
they had no interest. 

Olynthian league. — Attacked by Lacedetmon. 
Three years followed of unusual tran- 
quillity; and when it was interrupted, 
the alarm came from a new quarter. 
Olynthus, the most powerfid among 
the Chalcidian cities of Thrace, had 
adopted the unusual pohcy of associat- 
ing, m all the civil and political rights 



of its people, the citizens of some small 
neighbouring towns. This was very 
adverse to the common temper of the 
Greeks, who generally guarded their 
separate governments with so much 
jealousy as not even to suffer intermar- 
riage. The system prospered, and some 
of the larger towns joined the associa- 
tion. Among these was Pella, the 
largest to^^^l of Macedonia. The rising 
power had attracted the attention of 
xVthens and Thebes as a valuable ally; 
and overtures of fiiendship had already 
taken place between those states and 
Ohnthus. 

The OhTithians had invited the neigh- 
boiuing towns of Apollonia and Acan- 
thus to join their confederacy, and had 
added a threat of war in case of refiisaL 
The rulers of those states sent ambas- 
sadors to Lacedaemon, who represented 
this OhTithiau system of association as 
an ill boding novelt}". They declared 
that negotiation was already commenced 
with Athens and Thebes, and advised 
the Lacedaemonians to take care lest 
they should no longer find that part of 
Greece easy to manage. "You are 
ver}" anxious," the ambassadors conti- 
nued, " to prevent the union ot' Boeotia : 
how, then, can you suffer to rise a 
greater power than Bceotia, and that not 
by land only, but also by sea." They 
went on to state the great resources 
now possessed by the Olynthians, and 
the far greater which they expected to 
attain: and finished by saying, that 
many of the towns were yet unwilling 
associates, and the confederacy might 
now be easily dissolved ; but if the union 
were once confirmed by intermarriages 
and intermixture of possessions, it would 
be very ditficult to break it. Their argu- 
ments prevailed. Eudamidas was sent 
with two thousand Laconians, while his 
brother Phoebidas remained to collect 
the troops which were to follow. Though 
Eudamidas could not face the enemy in 
the field, his small force and the fame 
of Lacedaemon preserved several towns 
which were on the point of joining 
Olynthus; and the important c\\y of 
Porid£ea, the key of the peninsula of 
Pallene, opened its gates to him, though 
it was aheady a member of the OIjti- 
thian league. 



How did Agesipolis take Mantineia? — On what terms did the Mantineians capitulate? — How did 
Lacedaemon afterwards govern them r 

Where is Olynthus?— Near what Gnlf?— What policy had it adopted ? — What town of Macedonia bad 
joined the association ? — Where is Pella?— Who sought the alliance of Olynthus? — Where is A(K>llonia? — 
Acanthus? — What course did their rulers take? — Did they prevail ? — Who was sent by Lacedsmon t« 
Chalcidice and with what forte?— What city received him r— Which way is Totidsa from Olynthus? 



186 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Seizure of the Cadmeia. 

PhcEbidas arrived at Thebes on his 
way to join his brother. Parties there 
were so nearly balanced, that Isme- 
nias and Leontiades, contending chiefs, 
were together in the office of pole- 
march, the chief magistracy. Isme- 
nias, a warm opposer of Lacedosmon, 
avoided Phoebidas ; but Leontiades 
courted him. The party of Ismenias 
prevailed so far £is to cany a vote, 
which forbade that any Theban should 
join the army under Phcebidas; on 
which Leontiades offered to introduce 
a Lacedaemonian garrison into the ci- 
tadel, whereby his paity would be 
enabled to overbear their opponents, 
and Phoebidas might caiTy with him 
a powerful Theban force into Thrace. 
Phoebidas caught at the ti'eacherous 
proposal; the troops were introduced, 
and Leontiades going to the council, 
declared that the Lacedaemonians were 
in possession of the citadel, but that 
there was no need for alarm, for they dis- 
avowed all hostility. Being authorised, 
however, as polemarch, to apprehend 
all persons suspected of treason, he 
commanded the guards to seize Isme- 
nias. Many of the friends of Leontiades 
were present, and forewarned: the op- 
posite party were completely surprised. 
Some fled immediately, some went home 
to prepai-e for departure; but, as soon 
as it was known that Ismenias was 
lodged in the Cadmeia (the citadel of 
Thebes) four hundred persons fled to 
Athens. A new polemarch was chosen 
from the party of Leontiades, and he 
himself then hastened to Lacedaemon. 
(B. C. 382.) 

On most occasions, the conduct of 
Agesilaus had been just and hberal 
beyond the wont of Lacedaemon; but 
we have once already seen him hurried 
into precipitate violence by his hatred 
of the then ruling Thebans; and the 
same feeling now induced him to exert 
his influence in favour of the perfidious 
measure which had effected their dowTi- 
fal. The way had been smoothed by 
him, when Leontiades addi-essed the 
Lacedaemonian assembly. He enlarged 
on the enmity which the democratical 
Thebans had often shown to Lacedaemon, 



and especially in their recent alliance 
with Olynthus ; and mentioned the con- 
stant anxiety of Lacedaemon to prevent 
the subjection of Boeotia to Thebes. 
"Of this," he said, "there is now no 
danger ; you need not fear the Thebans ; 
for, if you but provide for our security 
as we shall for your interests, a simple 
order will ensure obedience to all your 
wishes." The assembly resolved to 
keep the citadel, and to bring to trial 
not Phoebidas but Ismenias. Three 
judges were sent from Lacedaemon, and 
one fi'om each of the allies, and the late 
chief magistrate of an independent state 
was brought to answer before a foreign 
tribunal for his conduct in that magis- 
tracy. Ismenias was accused of seek- 
ing foreign connexions; of pledging 
himself in hospitality to the Persian 
king for the Injury of Greece ; of having 
partaken of the money sent from the 
king ; and of having been a principal 
author of the late troubles. The chief 
part of the charges, it is to be observed, 
referred not to any separate machina- 
tions of Ismenias, but to the public 
conduct of the party to which he be- 
longed; and that not at any recent 
period, but during the troubles which 
had been concluded by a peace solenmly 
made and sworn by Lacedaemon with 
that very party as the government of 
Thebes. Such, however, as the charges 
were, Ismenias refuted them ; but being, 
nevertheless, unable, says Xenophon, 
to persuade his judges that he had not 
entertained great and evil projects, he 
was condemned and executed. His 
fate, it is plain, had been determined 
before the trial began. This mockery 
of justice, more loathsome than the 
most barefaced murder, is an abomina- 
tion pecuHar in Greece to Lacedaemon, 
and of which we have already seen an 
instance in the judicial massacre of the 
unfortunate Plataeans. 

Conquest of Olynthus. — Phlius. 
Teleutias, the brother of Agesilaus, 
an able and highly popular commander, 
was now sent with a powerful army 
against Oljrnthus. But that state, by 
the liberality of its pohcy, and the bene- 
fits resulting to those who united them- 



Where did Phoebidas arrive? — Who were joint leaders or polemarchs there? — Which opposed Phoebi- 
das and the Lacedaemonian interest? How did Leontiades overthrow the opposite party? — How was 
Ismenias disposed of? — Whither did Leontiades hasten ? Who favoured him ? — What proposals did 
he make to the Laccdtemonian assembly ? — What did the assembly determine ? — Of what was Ismenias 
accused ' — What was the result of his trial ? — What character does the historian ascribe to this proceeding. 

Who was now sent against Olynthus ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



129 



selves with it on the terms it "offered, 
had acquired, without war or violence, 
a power which made it no easy con- 
quest After some trifling successes, 
the army of Teleutias was completely 
defeated and the leader slain. A fresh 
army was sent under king Agesipolis, a 
young man of promise, who earned on 
the war with advantage till he died by 
sudden iUness. The Oljuthians, how- 
ever, had probably depended on the 
support of Thebes and Athens, of which 
the former, instead of aiding them, was 
now at the command of their opponents. 
The Lacedaemonians prevailed against 
them ; they were blockaded and pressed 
by famine; and they submitted to be- 
come dependent aUies of Lacedaemon, 
and to follow in arms whithersoever the 
Lacedaemonians should lead. Thus fell 
a power which appears, as far as very 
imperfect knowledge can enable us to 
judge, to have been more likely than 
any that had yet arisen to promote the 
peace and general liberty of Greece. 

Meanwhile, Agesilaus was employed 
near home. After establishing demo- 
cracy, the people of Phlius had conti- 
nued allies of Lacedaemon ; which had, 
with unusual moderation, refrained from 
interfering to change the government, 
and only exerted its authority to secure 
fair treamient for the depressed party. 
At length it was provoked to arms by 
the continued injustice of the Phhasian 
government towards those who were 
held more particularly the fiiends of 
Lacedaemon. Agesilaus besieged the 
city, and, after a most resolute defence, 
reduced it to extremity ; and his mode- 
ration was shown in the terms which 
he granted, by which the settlement of 
its affairs was referred to one hundred 
Phliasian commissioners, chosen fifty 
from each party. 

Revolution in Thebes. 
The Lacedaemonians were now at 
their highest pitch of power; Boeotia 
was completely theirs, Corinth firm in 
their fiiendship, Argos brought low, 
and Athens without allies; when a 
change, the beginning of a train of mis- 
fortunes, which broke their power for 
ever, was brought about by means ap- 
parently so trifling, that Xenophon, an 



exile under the patronage of Lacedaemon, 
and particularly of Agesilaus, can only 
account for it by ascribing it to the 
divine anger at the iniquity of his pa- 
trons, who had seized the citadel of 
Thebes. This perfidy and violence in- 
deed well deserved punishment, for it 
was a flagrant breach of that treaty, es- 
tablishing the independence of all Grecian 
towns, to which they had solemnly sworn, 
and of which they had so rigorously en- 
forced the strict construction on all oth- 
ers. Li the winter of the year (B. C. 379,) 
seven Theban exiles, resident in Athens, 
conspired with the secretar}^ of the pole- 
marchs Archias and Philippus, to over- 
throw the government of Thebes. They 
went secretly thither, and being introdu- 
ced by the treacherous secretary to the 
presence of his masters, assassinated first 
the polemarchs, and afterwards Leontia- 
des. Some of them then went to the 
state prison, and, obtaining admission by 
pretending an order from the polemarch, 
released the prisoners, and procured them 
arms fi"om a neighbouring temple. Then, 
fiiUy ti'usting in the general hatred to the 
existing government, they proclaimed 
that the tyrants were no more, and in- 
riied the citizens to assemble in arms. 
When day broke, and what had passed 
was certainly known, the citizens joined 
them horse and foot. 

In the course of the day the refiigees 
arrived from Athens, and a body of Athe- 
nians. It was resolved to assail the 
Cadmeia ; but the Lacedaemonian garri- 
son, being weak, surrendered the fortress 
on condition that they might depart with 
their arms. The Thebans gladly consen- 
ted, and the Lacedaemonians were allow- 
ed to depart ; but all who were seen 
among them of the oligarchical Thebans 
were seized and put to death, excepting 
some who were saved by the humanity 
of the Athenian auxiharies. Not content 
with taking vengeance on the guilty, the 
popular fiiry extended itself to the massa- 
cre of the innocent, and the children of 
those who had been executed suffered 
death. These crimes were probably not 
designed by the leaders, but produced by 
the violent passions commonly arising 
in Grecian seditions, and provoked in the 
present case by more than ordinar}' guilt. 
But this shocking cruelty, and the treach- 



What was the result of his expedition ? — Under whom was the next army sent ? — ^^^lat success attend- 
ed his invasion? — In what part of Argolis is Phlius? — With what state was it allied? — How was it 
provoked to arms ? — Who besieped and reduced it ? 

What were now the possessions of Lacedjemon ? — To what does Xenophon attribute the beginning of 
its misfortunes ? — Who ronspired to overihruw the Theban eoverniiient ? — How did Ibey execute Uieir 
plot? — How did they gain the Cadmeia? — What excesses attended the victory? 

17 



130 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



ery and assassination with which the en- 
terprise was begun, fonn dai'k blots on a 
revolution otherwise to be admired for 
the justice of its cause, the boldness of its 
conception, and the prudence as well as 
the daring vigour which marked both the 
plan and the execution. 

The Lacedaemonians put to death the 
late governor of the Cadmeia, who had 
thus easily surrendered a possession so 
important, and so disreputably acquired ; 
and they sent an army against Thebes. 
Agesilaus had probably repented of coun- 
tenancmg the treachery of Phoebidas; 
but it is plain that he was now unwilling 
to be connected witli the prosecution of 
a business, which had begun in iniqui- 
ty, had fallen into increased discredit 
through the tyrannical conduct of the 
Theban rulers estabhshed by Lacedsemon, 
and had ended with complete ill success. 
He excused himself from the command, 
on account of his age, which had reached 
the term after which, by the laws of Spar- 
ta, no man was obhged to go on foreign 
service ; and the army was led by his col- 
league, Cleombrotus, the brother of Ages- 
ipolis. The object, however, of the ex- 
pedition appears to have been rather to 
protect the Lacedaemonian party in the 
Boeotian towns, than to recover dominion 
in Thebes. The army carefully avoided 
all injury to the Theban territoiy, so that 
men doubted whether it was to be war 
or peace ; and finally it withdrew, leaving 
Sphodrias to command in Thespise, with 
a third part of its force. The display of 
the Lacedaemonian power so near them 
had produced in the Athenian people a 
terror, which showed itself in unjust se- 
verities towards those who had advised 
assisting in the deUverance of Thebes. 

Pe lopidas. — Epaminondas. — Misconduct of 
Sphodrias. War between Athens and 
Lacedamon. 

The Thebans, if left to struggle alone 
with Lacedaemon, could scarcely hope 
for any peace, but such as would leave 
their independence very precarious, and 
probably bring ruin to the authors of 
the late revolution. But they had now 
as leaders men of superior talent, of whom 
Pelopidas and Epaminondas were the 
chief. Pelopidas, active, prompt, and 
daring, with great dexterity and ready 



invention, had been an exile, and one of 
the seven conspirators who began the 
revolution. Epaminondas, his most in- 
timate fiiend, was a man of consummate 
abihty, but of retired and studious habits 
and limited fortune : he had hitherto ta- 
ken httle part in public affairs, and had 
remained undisturbed in Thebes under 
the usurping government ; and even from 
this time he appeai-s for a considerable in- 
ten^al to have assisted the administration 
chiefly with his advice. The views of 
these men were du'ected to the recovery 
of Theban supremacy in Boeotia ; and ac- 
cordingly Pelopidas and two of his asso- 
ciates were made chief magistrates, ^vith 
the title, not of polemarch, or military 
commander, but of Boeotarch, or com- 
mander of the Boeotians. As this made 
peace more distant, it was necessary to 
provide the better for war ; and Athens 
was again engaged on the Theban side, 
through an intrigue of Pelopidas, who 
found means to induce the Lacedaemo- 
nian general, Sphodrias, to commit an 
aggression, so absurd in its conduct, as 
well as unjust and impoUtic in its profess- 
ed design, that it was universally ascribed 
to bribery. He entered Attica by night, 
ostensibly to sui*prise Peiraeeus. At Thria, 
day broke on him, and he returned ; but, 
instead of attempting to disguise the hos- 
tile intention, he plundered houses and 
drove off cattle. The Athenian govern- 
ment complained to Lacedaemon, and 
Sphodrias was brought to trial. But 
Cleonymus, his son, was the intimate 
friend of Archidamus, the son of Ages- 
ilaus, who flilly shared in his distress ; and 
Agesilaus suffered his public integrity to 
be so far overborne by his private affec- 
tions, that he used his influence in procur- 
ing the acquittal of Sphodrias. The con- 
sequence was the violent resentment of 
the Athenians, who immediately joined 
heart and hand with Thebes. 

Campaign in Bceotia. 

Agesilaus now took the command. In 
two successive years he entered Boeotia, 
with a force superior to the united strength 
of Thebes and Athens, and Thebes was 
greatly distressed by the ravaging of its 
territory. An army was kept contmually 
at Thespiae, to support the Lacedaemoni- 
an party in the Boeotian towns; all of 



What measures did the Lacedaemonians lake?— Who led their army ?— What was the object of the 
expedition ?— Who was left to command at Thespiae ?— In what part of Bceotia is Thespiae .' 

Who were the Theban leaders?— What was the character of Pelopidas ?— Of Epaminondas ?— What 
was their object?— What title did Pelopidas and his associates take?— By what intrigue was Athens 
gained ? 

Who now took command of the Lacedeemonians ? — What did he effect ? — Where was an army kept ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



131 



which were now governed by narrow oli- 
gai'chies, that could not maintain them- 
selves unassisted ; while the favourers of 
democracy, including apparently in ma- 
ny towns a full half of the citizens, took 
refuge in Thebes. Thus completely 
changed was the state of parties in Boeo- 
tia, since the series of actions which clos- 
ed with the Peloponnesian war; when 
Thebes was ohgarchically governed, 
when Athens was the enemy and Lace- 
daemon the protectress of its supremacy, 
and when it was the democratical party 
which supported the separate indepen- 
dence of the to^vns. One incident is 
worth recording in the second campaign 
of Agesilaus. In Thespiae it would ap- 
pear that the emigration had been less 
than in many places, and that though 
no acknowledged enemy of Lacedaemon 
could remain there, there was a party 
ranged against those who claimed to be 
pre-emuiently its friends. The latter 
modestly requested that Agesilaus would 
allow them to put their less zealous fel- 
low-citizens to death; but he refused, 
and mediated between the factions so 
successfully, that he effected at least a 
temporary reconciUation, and, binding 
them to each other by oaths of concord, 
left Thespiae in peace. 

Naval successes of Chabrias and THmotheus. 
Next year, Agesilaus being disabled 
by sickness, the young king Cleombrotus 
led the army ; but the intended invasion 
was foiled, the mountain passes being 
occupied by the Athenians and Thebans. 
Disgusted at the protraction of the war, 
the allies of Lacedaemon proposed equip- 
ping a fleet. By this the supphes of 
foreign com, which chiefly supported 
Athens, might be cut off; and the army 
might be transported at pleasure into 
Bceotia without depending on the free- 
dom of the passes. In pursuance of 
the first object, a fleet was posted to 
intercept the Athenian corn ships; 
but this was met and defeated near 
the isle of Naxos by the Athenian 
Chabrias, the completest officer of the 
age. Another fleet was prepared to 
transport an army across the Corinthian 
gulf into Boeotia ; but, at the request of 
the Thebans, Timotheus, the son of 



Conon, coasted Peloponnesus, and the 
intended expedition was prevented, the 
Peloponnesians being detained to protect 
then* homes against the threatened at- 
tack. The Thebans thus had leisure to 
proceed against the Boeotian towns, and 
aided by the popular party in each, they 
estabhshed every where democratical 
government, and Theban supremacy. 
Tunotheus proceeded to Corcyra, and 
with the aid of a fHendly party brought 
it to submission. He permitted none of 
the usual severities towards the conquer- 
ed party: no selling into slavery — ^no 
banishment ; he made no change in the 
constitution of the state ; but exerted all 
his eloquence and prudence in compo- 
sing differences and reconciling quarrels ; 
and his reward was a general good will, 
in that part of Greece, to himself and his 
country. Afler this he defeated a Lace- 
daemonian fleet sent against him, and 
gained the command of the sea. Never- 
theless, the Thebans invading Phocis, a 
Lacedaemonian army crossed the gulf, 
and defended that country. 

Peace made and broken by Lacedamon, 
The Lacedaemonians were now losing 
ground, when an overture of peace was 
made from Athens. The enmity of 
Thebes and Athens was old, their friend- 
ship recent; and though the Athenians 
had helped in securing Thebes from 
subjugation, they were far from wishing 
success to its rising ambition. They 
were also not unreasonably dissatisfied 
with a war in which the exertions and 
sacrifices had been chiefly theirs, and the 
profit that of Thebes. They were bur- 
dened with taxes, infested with iEginetan 
cruisers, and harassed with watchfulness ; 
while the Thebans, whether unable or 
unwilhng, contributed nothing to the 
support of that fleet, which had saved 
them fi-om invasion, — ^perhaps fi'om ruin 
— and enabled them to gain the mastery 
of Boeotia. Influenced by these consid- 
erations, they offered peace to Lacedae- 
mon: it was accepted, and Timotheus 
was ordered home with his victorious 
fleet. 

Timotheus, in returning, landed some 
Zacynthian exiles on their island, of 
which the Zacjuthian rulers complained 



What request did Agesilaus refuse to his own adherents in Thespiae ? 

Who led the army next year? — Where and by whom was the Lacedaemonian fleet defeated? — Which 
way is Naxos or Naxia from Athens ? — For what purpose was another rieet prepared ? — Who prevented 
this by coasting Peloponnesus ? — What advantage did the Thebans take of this diversion ? — How did 
Timotheus conduct at Athens? — After this what did he do? — What state did Lacedasmon defend? — 
Where is Phocis ? — Which way from 'I'hebes ? 

What state made an overture of peace ? — For what reasons ? — Was it accepted ? — Who was ordered 
home? — Where isZacynthus? — Which way from Corcyra? 



132 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



to Lacedaemon, as a gross injury. The 
Athenians evidently were unconscious 
of having done any thing to provoke a 
renewal of war, for they had laid up their 
fleet, and dismissed the crews, when it 
was voted by the Lacedaemonians that 
the Athenians had acted WTongfuUy, and 
redress should be sought by anns. At 
best this resolution was imjustifiably in- 
temperate; but the time and circum- 
stances lay it open to a worse suspicion. 
The pressure was removed from Lace- 
daemon ; the fleet, which had command- 
ed its coasts, was broken up, and proba- 
bly could not be quickly reassembled on 
the scene of action. The trifling business 
of Zacynthus fiimished a pretence for 
annulling a treaty, of which the benefit 
had aheady been received ; and the lay- 
ing up of the ships, while it proved the 
confidence of good faith on the part of 
the Athenian administration, gave to the 
Lacedaemonians a fair chance of reducing 
Corcyra, before it could be succoured. . 

Mnasippus attacks Corcyra. — His defeat 
and death. 

The Lacedaemonians sent Mnasippus 
against Corcyra, with a powerful arma- 
ment, much of which was composed of 
mercenaries. The island had been little 
troubled vnth internal dissensions since 
those seditions which had given it so 
bad a notoriety in the Peloponnesian 
war; and being commonly protected 
from hostile ravage by its situation and 
naval power, it was now remarkable for 
its high cultivation, and the splendour 
of its country houses. All this became 
the prey of the invader, and so rich was 
the plunder that even the common sol- 
diers learned to be nice, and refiised to 
drink any but the choicest wines. The 
Corcyi-aeans were blockaded and pressed 
by hunger, before their complaint reached 
Athens, and when it was resolved to as- 
sist them, there were neither ships nor 
seamen ready. An Athenian general, 
however, and a small body of troops, 
were sent over land to assist in the de- 
fence ; and Iphicrates being appointed to 
collect and command a fleet, hastened 
the levy by all the means in his power. 
As soon as it was completed he set out, 
and making his progress principally by 



rowing, with little use of sails, he won 
great credit by the manner in which he 
contrived at once to perform the voyage 
in not more than the ordinary time, and 
to exercise his newly -gathered seamen, 
so that they might, immediately on their 
arrival, be fit to do battle with the 
practised crews of the Peloponnesians. 
On reaching Cephallenia, he found that 
Corcyra was already safe. The suf- 
ferings of the besieged had become so 
severe, that when Mnasippus had pro- 
claimed that any persons coming as 
deserters from the town should be 
sold for slaves, they still deserted. He 
scourged them and sent them back; 
and admission being denied to such as 
were bondmen, many died of hunger 
under the walls. Encouraged by the 
distress of his enemies, the Spartan 
commander, thinking victory certain, had 
resolved to make it cheap. For this, he 
dismissed some of his mercenaries, and 
withheld from others their pay, when 
due. The army naturally became dis- 
contented and disorderly, and an op- 
portunity was soon given to the besieged, 
which was ably improved, and led to 
the defeat and death of Mnasippus. 
The besieging anny, discouraged by this 
discomfiture, and fearful of the speedy 
arrival of Iphicrates, was hastily re- 
embarked, leaving behind it much of 
its spoil, and many wounded soldiers. 

Iphicrates, Callistratus and Chabrtas. 
Iphicrates, now master of the sea, 
proposed to ravage the Laconian coast, 
and to reduce those western cities, which 
still were hostile to Athens ; but for this 
a fresh supply of money was needed. 
When first appointed he had requested 
to have as colleagues Callistratus, the 
most popular speaker, and Chabrias, 
the best general of the time, both hitherto 
his opponents. His reasons may not im- 
probably be conjectured. He was going 
on a difficult and important service, and 
as the expense of the fleet would be 
heavy, and the treasury was low, it was 
likely that the people would be severe in 
exacting the greatest results from so 
costly an exertion. The presence of in- 
telligent and unfiiendly vdtnesses would 
be the severest trial of his conduct, but 



Must Timotheus have passed it in returning from Corcyra to Athens ? — What did he do there which 
was complained of as an injury ?— Was this a mere pretext for Lacedemon to renew the war? 

Whom did the Lacedsemonians send to Corcyra? — What was its state? — How were its inhabitants 
treated ? — Who were sent from Athens to their assistance ? — How did Iphicrates discipline his new 
crews of sailors ? — W^h.it did he learn at Cephallenia? — How had Mnasippus conducted the siege of Cor- 
cyra ? — What was the result? — In what part of the island is the town of Corcyra? 

Who were the colleagues of Iphicrates in his naval expedition ? — What was his object iu this ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



133 



their approval would be its most tn- 
umphant vindication; and he probably 
rehed upon his own ability and energy to 
merit their good report, and upon their 
candour not to withhold it, if deserved. 
He might hope to conciliate his asso- 
ciates, by the trust he had placed in their 
honour, and by his behaviour to them, 
while serving with him. Approving Ms 
conduct, they would be jointly responsi- 
ble for its success; and thus he would 
be supported by the eloquence of Cal- 
listratus, and the high fame of Chabrias. 
In every respect the plan succeeded. 
Callistratus became his friend, and when 
money was wanted, offered to be messen- 
ger to the people, and either to procure 
a supply, or set on foot a negotiation for 
peace. Iphicrates approved, and Cal- 
listratus went to Athens. 

Plataa and Thespia demolished by the 
Thebans. 

The Athenians had been alarmed by 
the growing ambition of Thebes, and 
offended by the attack on their ancient 
friends the Phocians; and they were 
now more deeply disgusted by a recent 
act of tyranny. The Plataeans and 
Thespians had shown unwillingness to 
admit the dominion of Thebes in the 
full extent to which it was claimed; 
and for this their towns were demoUshed 
and theu* whole people expelled. They 
fled to Athens, and were there received 
with ready sympathy. It was not for- 
gotten that their cities had been true to 
Greece when all the rest of Boeotia had 
strengthened the hands of the Persians ; 
nor that the Plat8e£ins had been long 
the most devoted alUes of Athens, and 
at one time almost a part of its people. 
These recollections heightened the pity 
which was naturally felt for the home- 
less fugitives; while indignation rose 
higher at the thought that the The- 
bans themselves, when lately victims of 
oppression, had mainly owed to Athens 
their deliverance, and their elevation to 
the power which they now abused in 
contempt of Athens, and to the injury 
of its friends. Any ftuther support of 
Theban ambition appeared both dis- 
creditable and perilous; and on the 
arrival of Callistratus, in spite of just 
resentment against Lacedsemon and the 
prospect of brilliant success, it was re- 



solved to make peace. The Thebans 
were first invited to concur, and then 
an embassy was sent to Sparta. 

The Athenians make peace. — The Thebans 
continue at war. 

The Lacedaemonians were too severely 
pressed by Iphicrates not to wish for 
peace on any moderate terms; they, 
therefore, gladly called an assembly, 
and summoned the deputies of their al- 
Ues to heai* the proposals. One Athe- 
nian ambassador spoke to this effect : — 
"You always declare, O Lacedaemo- 
nians, that the cities shall be indepen- 
dent ; and yet yourselves are the gi*eatest 
hinderers of independence. For you 
bind your allies to follow whithersoever 
you shall lead, and you engage in wars 
without consulting them; so that your 
confederates, who are said to be inde- 
pendent, are often compelled to war 
against their best friends. Again, you 
do a thing most mconsistent with inde- 
pendence, establishing in different cities 
arbitrar}'^ ruling bodies of thiity or of 
ten ; and your care is, not that these 
shall govern righteously, but that they 
shall always have a force at hand to keep 
down the citizens by violence; so that 
you seem to delight in tyrannies rather 
than free governments. When the king 
commanded that the cities should be in- 
dependent," (such was the common lan- 
guage m speaking of the peace of An- 
talcidas,) " you declared that the Thebans 
would violate the order, if they did not 
suffer every city to govern itself by what 
laws it would : yet when you seized the 
Cadmeia, you suffered not the Thebans 
themselves to be self-govemed. But no 
fidendship can exist with those, who ex- 
pect fair deahng from others, while 
themselves are catching at eveiy unfair 
advantage." Callistratus followed in a 
more conciliatory tone. The Lacedae- 
monians agreed to peace on the terms 
proposed; then* governor were to be 
withdrawn from the cities, and every 
city to be independent ; armies were to 
be disbanded, fleets laid up; if any 
city violated the treaty, it should be 
lawful for every other at its pleasure 
to assist the injured, but none should be 
compelled to join in hostility. 

The terms of the treaty were in perfect 
unison with the wishes of Athens, but 



Did he succeed ? — For what purpose did he send Callistratus to Athens ? 

What conduct of the Thebans had given great offence to the Athenians? — In consequence of thia 
what was resolved on th« arrival of Callistratus ? 

How was the overture of peace received at Lacedsemon ? — With what did an Athenian ambassador 
charge the Lacedemonians ? — On what terms was peace concluded ? — To whom were these terms fa- 
vourable ? 



134 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



adverse to those both of Thebes and La- 
cedaemon, neither of which was wiUing to 
give up its dominion. But the Lacedae- 
monians trusted to ancient habits of au- 
thority and obedience to retain their alhes 
without the forbidden coercion ; whereas 
the Thebans would inevitably lose the 
command of Boeotia, which was recently 
gained, and could only be supported by 
force. The latter, therefore, complying, 
would be enfeebled, and might fall when- 
ever Lacedsemon should find a pre- 
text for hostility, or feel herself strong 
enough to act without one: refusing, 
they would be abandoned by Athens, 
without whose support, it was beheved, 
they could not stand even noAv; and 
then the Lacedaemonians, having crushed 
their rivals by means of an illusory resig- 
nation of dominion, might resume their 
empire, and re-estabMsh it on a firmer 
basis. The same considerations which 
prompted the apparent moderation of 
Lacedaemon were to the Thebans reasons 
for embarrassment and alarm. To re- 
ject a treaty so equitable in its provi- 
sions would be matter of offence and 
suspicion to Greece, and they would have 
no alHes, while Lacedaemon would be 
backed by its Peloponnesian confede- 
rates. Acquiescence would have been 
wise and patriotic, could they have 
trusted Lacedaemon ; but belieAong, as 
they well might, that its real intention 
was to exact a permanent and substan- 
tia], in return for a temporary and no- 
minal sacrifice, the command of the force 
of Boeotia seemed necessaiy not only to 
greatness, but to independence and se- 
curity. The Theban leaders were able 
and daring; they boldly stood the ha- 
zard; and grounds were found to vin- 
dicate them fi-om the charge of ambi- 
tiously and obstinately rejecting a safe 
and honourable peace. 

The Athenians and their allies by 
their respective ministers had severally 
sworn the observance of the treaty : the 
Lacedaemonian representatives took the 
oath for themselves and their allies. 
The Theban ministers had sworn on the 
part of Thebes, but they now required 
that the Boeotian name should be sub- 
stituted. The demand was inconsistent 
with the spirit of the treaty, yet not 
more so than the privilege just assumed 
by Lacedaemon. It was refused, and 



the Thebans renounced the treaty. The 
Athenians scrupulously did their part, 
withdrawing their ganisons and recall- 
ing their victorious fleet: the Lacedae- 
monians withdrew their governors and 
gaiTJsons, but instead of recalling their 
army fi-om Phocis, they ordered Cleom- 
brotus to lead it against the Thebans, 
unless they allowed the Boeotian cities 
to be independent. Here then was an 
open violation of the treaty, according 
to which the army ought to have been 
dissolved, and a fresh one gathered, if 
necessary, from those cities only which 
voluntarily joined in the war. This in- 
cident went far to justify the conduct of 
the Thebans; for it showed that the 
specious moderation of Lacedaemon had 
been only a decoy; and that now, as 
after the peace of Antalcidas, that power 
would strictly enforce on all others their 
engagements, but would observe its own 
no further than suited its convenience. 

Battle ofLeuctra. 
Cleombrotus entered Boeotia. The 
Theban leaders, laiowing that decisive 
action only would secure the fidehty of 
the towns, though inferior in force, ad- 
vanced to meet him. Under the present 
generals their miUtary system had been 
much improved ; their heavy-araied foot 
and their cavalry had always been among 
the best in Greece; but now the foot 
were scarcely inferior to the Lacedae- 
monians themselves, while the horse 
were very far superior, the Lacedaemo- 
nian cavahy being of little reputation. 
But their greatest advantage was the 
genius of Epaminondas their comman- 
der, and the skill and daring activity of 
his associate Pelopidas. To increase 
their confidence the generals used every 
resource of Grecian superstition. An 
oracle was circulated, importing that 
Lacedaemon was to be worsted near the 
tomb of the virgins, who were said to 
have slain themselves after being vio- 
lated by some Lacedaemonians. This 
tomb was near to Leuctra, where the 
battle took place ; and before engaging, 
it was dressed and ornamented by the 
Thebans. News was brought from the 
city that all the temples had opened 
spontaneously, and that the sacred arms 
had vanished from the shrine of the 
Theban hero Hercules, which plainly 



Why were they peculiarly unfavourable to Tliebes ? — On what grounds did the Thebans renounce the 
treaty ?— How did the Athenians perform their part of the treaty ?--What orders did the Lacedasmo- 
nians give Cleombrotus ? — Was this a violation of E^ood faith as well as of the treaty ? 

What country did Cleombrotus enter? — Who advanced to meet him? — What was the condition of 
their forces ? — What was their greatest advantage? — How did the generals increase the confidence of 
the soldiers ? — What particular marvels were appealed to ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



135 



showed that he was going to the war. 
These marvels were not lost upon the 
many, though there wanted not those 
who doubted their genuineness: and 
they effectually braced up the spiiit of 
the soldiery to encounter the old fame and 
often tried prowess of their adversaries. 

The original and masterly plan of 
action de^^sed by Epaminondas on this 
occasion was long remembered as an 
important improvement in the Grecian 
science of war ; and the historian might 
be allowed to dwell on it with umnixed 
satisfaction, had it never been employed 
except for the only la^vful pui*pose of hos- 
tihties — self-defence. The entire fi-onts 
of contending armies had commonly 
been brought into action at once, and the 
contest decided in every part of the hne 
by superior numbei-s or valour. The 
Thebans had sometimes charged in col- 
umn, when unable otherwise to break 
the opposing phalanx: but it was re- 
served for Epaminondas to choose fi-om 
the first one point on which to make the 
decisive attack ; and while he withheld 
the weaker parts of his Ime fi-om inmie- 
diately closing, to unite in the attacking 
colunm such a body, that though weaker 
in numbers on the whole, he might be 
greatly stronger on the decisive pomt. 
The battle was begun on both sides by 
the horse, and that of the Lacedaemo- 
nians was quickly driven back on the 
infantr}'. Their phalanx was formed 
twelve deep ; and Epaminondas direct- 
ed his Theban column fifty deep against 
the right ^ving, where stood the king 
with most of the Spartans, considering 
that, if tliis were routed, the rest would 
be an easy conquest. The chosen band 
aromid Cleombrotus awhile maintained 
the unequal struggle; but the pressure 
was too great ; the king was slain, ^^^th 
many of the noblest Spartans ; the wing 
gave way, the rest of the hne speedily 
followed ; and the Lacedeemonians with 
astonishment saw themselves overcome 
in a pitched battle by inferior numbei-s, a 
thing unknown for ages. (B. C. 371.) 

AVlien the news of the defeat at Leuc- 
tra was brought to Spaita, the people 
were celebrating one of then- chief reh- 
gious festivals. The ephori did not allow 
a moment's interruption of the solem- 
nity ; they only sent to the kmdi'ed of the 
slam information of theh fate, and com- 



manded the women to abstain fi-om cla- 
mour and tears. Such power was yet 
in the institutions of Lycurgus, that the 
interdiction was universally obeyed ; all 
bore their losses m silence ; and on the 
following day the fi-iends of the dead 
went about with cheerful countenances, 
while those of the sun ivors kept their 
houses, or, if obhged to show themselves, 
appeared with every mark of son-ow and 
shame. Prompt action, however, was 
necessar\" to prevent a greater calamit}'', 
the loss of the defeated anny, which was 
now besieged in its camp. To bring it 
off, the whole remaining sti-ength of the 
commonwealth was ordered to march; 
and Agesilaus being still disabled, his 
son Archidamus was appointed to the 
command. But relief had come to the 
blockaded Lacedaemonians fi-om an un- 
expected quarter. 

Jason, tagus of Thessaly. 
Jason, of Pherse in Thessaly, a man 
of imcommon powers both of body and 
mind, an able general and a skihlil poh- 
tician, had not only become the lord of 
his own citj'. but had brought most of 
Thessaly into subordinate alhance. At 
the head of the opposing cities was 
Pharsalus, wliich after violent sti-uggles 
of faction had been tranquillized by an 
extraordinaiy agi-eement. Polydamas 
was a Pharsahau eminent by birth and 
riches, and by splendid hospitality, for 
which the Thessalians were noted; but 
most of all by spotless mtegrity,m which 
all parties placed such confidence, that 
they at length agi-eed for their mutual se- 
curity to entrtist him Avith the command 
of their citadel, and the exclusive ma- 
nagement of then* public revenues. He 
had been raised to this station with- 
out intrigue or violence by the free choice 
of his fellow-citizens; but the discre- 
tionary nature of his authority, and the 
absence of all provisions for examina- 
tion and control, while they would have 
given to a dishonest man unbounded 
means of abuse, appeared to open a^^ide 
field to calumny against the most up- 
right, and to witliliold the means of 
vindication. Nevertheless, Polydamas 
executed his difficult office without in- 
curring a breath of suspicion, and ap- 
parently to the satisfaction of all. He 
could not, however, equally succeed in 



How had battles been ronducted before the time of Epaininonrlas? — What was his plan ? — How was 
the battle of Leuctra be pun ? — How did Epaminondas decide the battle? — How was the news received 
at Sparta? — Who was sent to relieve the renmant of the I^acedieriionian aiiiiy ? 

Who had brought most of Thessaly into subordinate alliance ? — Wlmt city led the opposition to him ?— 
Where is Pharsalus r — Which u a> tVoin PheriE ? — Who was Polydamas ?-^VVhat was his character and 
office? — How did he discharge his ollice ? 



186 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



opposing the power of Jason, which 
became daily more an overmatch for 
the Pharsahans and their allies. But 
Jason, though extravagantly ambitious, 
was politic and hberal: he respected 
the character of Polydamas, and wished 
his friendship ; and he was wise enough 
to prefer the voluntary adherence of 
Pharsalus to its compelled subjection. 
He invited Polydamas to a conference, 
and urging the value of his own alhance 
and the danger of his enmity, prevailed 
on him to advise the Pharsalians to 
compliance. The states of Thessaly had 
always acknowledged some common 
bonds of union, and had occasionally 
appointed a captain-general of the whole 
nation with the title of Tagus. This of- 
fice was the object of Jason's ambition, 
and with the support of the states con- 
nected with Phai-salus, he readily ob- 
tained it. He had now at his command 
eight thousand horse, twenty thousand 
heavy-armed foot, and targeteers innu- 
merable. He had extensive coasts, large 
revenues, and forests of excellent ship- 
timber, and he looked to dominion by 
sea as well as by land. With these re- 
sources he aspired to the supremacy of 
Greece, and further than that, to the 
conquest of Persia. Wild as these pro- 
jects seem, he had means and abilities 
which might probably have realized them 
could his life have been sufficiently pro- 
longed; but they were too vast for the 
ordinaiy duration of a single human 
life, and Jason was cut off in his prime, 
when hardly entered on his career. 

At the battle of Leuctra, Jason was 
already Tagus; he was allied with 
Thebes, and the Thebans in\dted him 
to come and aid in the overthrow of 
Lacedaemon. He came; but, consider- 
ing that the ruin of its enemy would 
make Thebes mightier than suited his 
designs, he bent his mind to save the 
remnant of the beaten army. He 
counselled peace, and obtained a truce, 
under favour of which the Lacedaemo- 
nians decamped by night. Arriving in 
Megaris, they met the army under Ar- 
chidamus, and all now dispersed to 
their homes. 

Jason, returning into Thessaly, levied 
from all his cities oxen, sheep, goats, 



and swine, to sacrifice at the approach- 
ing Pythian festival. Though the rate 
of the impost was very moderate, it 
brought together a thousand oxen, and 
of the smaller cattle more than ten thou- 
sand. He also commanded the Thessa- 
hans to assemble in arms at the time of 
the solemnity, with the purpose, as was 
universally believed, of assuming the 
presidency to himself. But before the 
period came, he was assassinated by 
seven young men, who approached him, 
under pretence of having a difference to 
settle, while he was sitting after a review 
of the Phersean cavalry to listen to such 
as needed his advice, authority, or 
assistance. 

General peace. 

The issue of the great contest still 
was doubtfiil. The success of Thebes 
had been glorious, but the Peloponne- 
sians were bound by it more firmly to 
Lacedaemon, whose power secured to 
them collectively a pre-eminence which 
would be lost by the ascendency of a 
state beyond the peninsula. The Athe- 
nians, jealous alike of both the rivals, 
washed to balance them ; and their aim 
was, before either people had the game 
in its owTi hands, to make peace on the 
principle of independence to the cities, 
which seemed to give the best chance of 
lasting quiet, and least to favour the 
ambition of the dreaded powers. Ac- 
cordingly they invited to Athens a con- 
gress of all who wished for peace on the 
terms established by the treaty of Antal- 
cidas. The congi'ess met, attended by 
ministers fi'om nearly every state of 
Greece; the Athenians proposed, and 
the meeting approved an oath to this ef- 
fect: "I wall abide by the terms of peace 
which the king sent, and by the decrees 
of the Athenians and their allies ; and if 
any state having sworn this oath shall be 
attacked, I will succour it with all my 
strength." The oath was taken by all, 
except the Eleians, who objected to the 
independence of some subjects of their 
own. 

Reunion of the Mantineiana. 

The Mantineian people, now consi- 
dering Lacedaemon as baiTed from inter- 
fering, decreed that they would re- 
assemble in one city, which should 



How was his alliance gained by Jason ?— Wliat office did Jason gain by his aid ?— What did Jason 
now aspire to ?— With whom was Jason allied at the time of the battle of Leuctra ?— Why did he favour 
the Lacediemonians ?— How did he save their army? — For what purpose did Jason levy a tribute? — Wbat 
prevented his assuming the presidency at the Pythian festival ? 

In the contest between Thebes and Lacedeemon what was the wish of Athens? — For what purpose did 
the Athenians assemble a congress of the Grecian states ? — What oath did they propose? — Who refused 
to take it?— Where is Ells? 

What did the Mantineian people decree ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



137 



forthAvith be fortified. This was offen- 
sive to Lacedaemon; but to hinder it 
forcibly, would be so gross a breach of 
the recent treaty that all Greece could 
not fail to resent it. Agesilaus had great 
personal and family interest in Manti- 
neia, and he was sent to negotiate ; but 
the leaders, fearing his popularit}^, re- 
fused to call an assembly, and be went 
away in anger, yet holding the appeal to 
arms impossible under the treaty. 

Revolution in Tegea. 
The success of the popular party in 
Mantineia animated their fiiends in 
Tegea, and they conceived the project 
of uniting Arcadia under a general as- 
sembly from all the states, to whose 
decisions each particular city should be 
subject. The plan was Ukely to be 
widely beneficial ; but it was dangerous 
to the aristocratical rulers of Tegea, 
whose power could hardly stand when 
entirely divorced from all connexion 
with Lacedaemon, and joined in a league, 
of which the Mantineian democracy 
would be a leading member. By their 
influence the measure was thrown out 
in tlie assembly; and the proposers 
attempted to carry it by arms. But the 
sway of the present governors had been 
liberal and equitable; their adherents 
were not less numerous than their op- 
ponents, and they prevailed in the 
battle. Stasippus, their chief, a man 
of unusual humanity, forbade pursuit. 
The fugitives collected at the gate to- 
wards Mantineia, and entering into 
conference with the victors, prolonged 
it till the arrival of the Mantineian 
forces, which they had sent for before 
the contest began. They then opened 
the gate, and attacked their imprudent- 
ly merciful conquerors. Stasippus and 
some of his friends escaped by the op- 
posite gate, and, being closely pursued, 
took refuge in a temple ; but their ene- 
mies, uncovering the roof, and pelting 
them with the tiles, compelled them to 
surrender. They were tried by a court of 
democratical Tegeans and Mantineians, 
and were condemned, and executed by 
the enemies whom they had spared. 



About 800 Tegeans then fled to Lace- 
daemon. 

Foundation of Megalopolis. 
The Mantineians now had clearly put 
themselves in the wrong; and the La- 
cedaemonians sent an army under Age- 
sUaus to punish them, and to restore, if 
possible, the Tegean exiles. Meantime, 
the project of union had become exten- 
sively popular m Arcadia, and it had 
been agreed, almost universally, that a 
new city should be founded, with the 
name of Megalopolis, (Great City,) to be 
the common capital and place of assem- 
bly of the Arcadian people. The force 
of nearly every state was collected to 
oppose Agesilaus; but the Arcadians 
did not hazard a battle; and the cam- 
paign was closed without any important 
result, except that the spirit of the Lace- 
daemonian people was somewhat raised 
by the display of its superiority in the 
field. 

War of Thebes with Lacedcemon. 

The victory at Leuctra had been very 
gratifying to the pride of the Boeotians ; 
and the consequence was a willing sub- 
mission throughout the province to the 
supremacy of Thebes, a general attach- 
ment to the successftd leaders, and a 
warm concurrence in their projects of 
ambition. Those able statesmen had 
so skilfully improved their rising influ- 
ence and reputation, that they had found 
the means of inducing the Phocians also 
to submit to their dominion, without 
the use of any violence contrary to the 
treaty. By the war of Lacedaemon and 
Arcadia, they had a pretext for hostiUty 
against the former, and an opportunity 
of procuring powerful allies within the 
peninsula; so that no opportunity, as 
it seemed, could be fitter to sti-ike a 
blow for empire. It is true that, in 
strict justice, they had no sufficient 
ground for hostility, since the Manti- 
neians and not the Lacedaemonians 
had been the aggressors; but, in the 
general imperfection of information, the 
violence of partj"^ spirit, and the pre- 
vailing laxity of political principle, it was 
not diflficult to make out a case against 
Lacedaemon which would satisfy' great 



To whom was this decree offensive ? — What part did Agesilaus take ? — What did the leaders then do? 

Where is Mantineia ? — Tegea ? — What project was entertained in these cities ? — By whose influence 
was it thrown out in the assembly ? — What did the proposers then attempt ? — Did they succeed ? — How 
were the figitives treated by Stasippus ? — How did they requite his forbearance? — Where did eight hun- 
dred aristocratic Tegeans find a refuge ? 

Wlio was sent to punish this outrage of the Mantineians? — What project had become popular in Arca- 
dia ? — In what part of Arcadia was Megalopolis afterwards built ? — What was the result of the campaign? 

What was the consequence of the victory at Leuctra ? — What state did the Theban leaders induce to 
submit to their dominion ?— What side did they take in the war of Arcadia ? 



18 



138 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



part of Greece; and accordingly they 
were reinforced from many neighbour- 
ing states. In the middle of winter 
their anny, marcliing mider the com- 
mand of Epaminondas, passed through 
the Coiinthian ten'itoiy mto Pelopon- 
nesus. The Corinthians had professed 
and kept a strict neutrality; yet, be- 
cause they would not take arms against 
Lacedsenion, their ancient ally, to sup- 
port the violence of Mantineia against 
Tegea, then lands were ravaged, then* 
cattle driven off, and then houses burnt. 
The Bceotian anny joined the Arcadians, 
Ai'gians, and Eleians near Mantineia ; 
the Lacedaemonians had quitted Arca- 
dia; and Epaminondas was advised by 
his Peloponnesian allies to lead his army 
into Laconia. In spite of opposition, 
he passed the rugged frontier moun- 
tams, and advanced along the left bank 
of the Eurotas, plundering and burning. 
He found the bridge which led to Sparta 
too strongly guarded for him to attempt 
the passage; but he proceeded farther 
down the river, and crossing it at Amy- 
else, bent his march towards the miwalled 
capital. 

The confederate force was far gi'eater 
than any that Lacedsenion could assem- 
ble, had all her subjects been zealous 
in her cause. But the greater part of 
the Laconians regarded as friends the 
enemies of the Spartans; many had 
already jomed the invaders, and in the 
rest no confidence could be placed. The 
Spartans only could be safely trusted, 
and their small number seemed lost in 
the extent of the city. It was resolved 
to offer freedom to any Helots who 
would assist in the defence. More than 
6000 were enrolled, and then the admin- 
istration became fearful of the sti-ength 
it had created. Succours, however, 
arriving from some of the alhes, they 
now thought they could command the 
fidelity of the new levy. Agesilaus 
showed his ability in an imposing dis- 
position for defence; and by this, to- 
gether with the fame of Lacedsenion, 
the enemy was deterred from an attack, 
which might, not miprobably, have suc- 
ceeded. Epaminondas again proceeded 
down the river, pillaging and burning 



eveiy unfortified town, and laid siege to 
Gythium, the port of Lacedsemon. But, 
though he kept strict discipline among 
his Boeotians, he could not equally man- 
age his Peloponnesian allies. They 
were tired of winter warfare, laden with 
booty, and tempted by the nearness of 
their homes; and their droppmg off 
diminished his army till he thought it 
prudent to quit Laconia. 

Athens joins LacedcBmon. 
The feraient was gi-eal in Athens on 
hearhig the imminent peril of Lacedse- 
nion, less fi-om fiiendsliip to that power 
than from apprehension of Thebes. 
The council summoned an assembly. 
It was addressed by ambassadors then 
present, fi-om Lacedsenion and its allies, 
who magnified the danger of Theban 
ambition, and the benefits of fiiendship 
between Lacedaemon and Athens. A 
murmur arose, that the Lacedaemonians 
talked of friendship when they were in 
disti'ess, but that when they were pros- 
perous, their conduct had ever been 
overbearing. "Yet," it was said, "at 
the end of the Peloponnesian war, when 
the Thebans urged our utter ruin, they 
prevented it." " Besides, we are bound 
by oath to aid the Lacedaemonians, 
who are not attacked for any mjustice, 
but for the just succour given to the 
Tegeans when attacked by the Manti- 
neians contrar}'^ to the oaths." This 
argument worked on most, though 
some were bhnded by party \'ioleiice so 
far as to justifj' the Mantineians. But 
when the Corinthian ambassador called 
on them to avenge the unprovoked 
ravage of his countiy, to which not even 
malice could impute any breach of the 
treaty, the ciy tbat he had spoken well 
was general ; and the result was a vote 
that the whole strength of the common- 
wealth should march under Iphicrates 
to the rehef of Lacedaemon. The army 
marched; but Iphicrates, apparently, 
was not zealous in the cause; for he 
incurred great blame by a dilatory con- 
duct very unlike his usual activity. He 
did not reach Arcadia till the Thebans 
were quitting Laconia, and he let them 
return home miopposed. 



From whence were they reinforced ? — By what route and at what season did their army pass into Pe- 
loponnesus?— Why were the lands of the Corinthians ravaged? — Who joined the Bceotian army near 
Mantineia? — On whicli side of the river Eurotas did Epaminondas advance? — Why did he not cross at 
Sparta ?— Where did he cross ?— Where is Amyclfe ?— How did the Spartans prepare for defence ?— How 
did A;resilaus deter llie enemy from an attacli ? — How did Epaminondas then proceed? — What city did 
he besiege? — What compelled him to quit Laconia? t 

What opinions were expressed hy the Athenians at the assembly ? — By the Lacedemonian ambassa- 
dors? — By the Corinthian ambassadors ? — What vote was passed ? — How did Iphicrates conduct tlie ex- 
pedition f 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



139 



Restoration of the Messenians. 
The invasion was over, but it had 
broken the power of Lacedsemon. A 
large part of the unprivileged Laconians 
remained in revolt, and nearly all the 
Helots. The able Theban leaders took 
the opportimity, while they were mastei-s 
of the field, to establish a pennanent 
check on the rival state. They in\dted 
all the scattered relics of the Messeni- 
ans to return and repossess the countiy 
of then* fathers, to which, in all theh 
wanderings and sufferings, they had 
ever looked with love and fond regret. 
Epaminondas was patron of the new 
city of Messene, built at the foot of 
Mount Ithome, on which the citadel 
was placed. The work was completed 
without interruption ; and thus the The- 
bans, in restoring the inheritance of a 
brave and injured people, deprived 
Lacedaemon of half its territory", and 
established on its frontier an inveterate 
advei-sary that fonned a rallying point 
for its disaffected subjects. Few states- 
men have ever been able so well to 
combme in one measure the furtherance 
of ambitious projects and the gratifica- 
tion of a benevolent disposition. 

Lycomedes of Mantineia. 

Next year, the Thebans, invading 
Peloponnesus, were obhged to return 
home before they had done any thing 
considerable, by the hostihty of the 
Thessahans under the Tagus Alexander 
of Pherae. Meantime, a schism was 
rising in their confederacy. They had 
not, like the Athenians and Lacedaemo- 
nians, any superiority m ancient fame, 
in political institutions, or in the cha- 
racter of then* people, which could make 
their alUes consider obedience as their 
due. They had only numbers, com^ge, 
and discipline, with an extraordinaiy 
man at their head ; in the former respects 
the Arcadians were httle mferior, and 
they had now a chief of no common 
ability. Lycomedes of Mantineia, was 
noble and wealthy, an active promoter 
of the Arcadian union, and distinguished 
both in council and in arms. He advis- 
ed his countrymen no longer to make 
themselves the bhnd instruments of 
Theban ambition. "As soldiers," he 
said, "you are notoriously among the 



best in Greece. Without you, the 
Lacedaemonians never invaded Attica, 
nor ^vill the Thebans now invade Laco- 
nia. If you are wise, you will insist on 
equality \Adth Thebes. You have for- 
merly raised the Lacedeeraonians, you 
are now raising the Thebans; and 
shortly you will find the Thebans but 
other Lacedsemonians." The Arcadian 
people submitted themselves entu-ely to 
the dhection of Lycomedes, and under 
him they were active and successful, 
insomuch that they began to be held 
the best soldiers of the time. But their 
strength and success were far from 
being gratefiil to the Thebans, when 
coupled ^vith their rising spuit of inde- 
pendence. 

Tearless Battle. — Pelopidas ambassador in 
Persia. 
The distress of Lacedaemon had now 
been considerably alleviated by the gi'ow- 
ing disunion of its enemies, and by 
cordial support from Athens, principally 
directed by the skiU of Chabrias. Ad- 
ditional assistance was derived fi'om an 
emissary of Persia, who had been sent 
to mediate a peace on the condition that 
Messenia should retmn to subjection; 
and who, when this stipulation was re- 
jected by the Thebans, had employed a 
large sum of money in raising mercena- 
ries for Lacedaemon. Soon after, the 
Argians, Arcadians, and Messenians, 
were defeated by Archidamus, the son 
of Agesilaus, without the loss of a single 
Lacedaemonian, a circumstance from 
which this action became celebrated un- 
der the title of the Tearless Battle. At 
the same time the Thebans were pressed 
by the war with Thessaly ; they, there- 
fore, began to wish for peace, and they 
turned their eyes to Pei-sian support as 
the likeliest means of enabling them to 
make it on their own terms. Pelopidas 
was sent to Susa, accompanied by min- 
isters from Argos, Elis, and Arcadia: 
his manners were pleasing, his conduct 
dexterous, and he won the king to the 
side of Thebes. A Persian of rank ac- 
companied him to Greece with a Avritten 
mandate, reqiming that Messene should 
be independent; that the Athenians 
ishould lay up their fleet; that war 
should be made upon them if they re- 
fiised; and declaring that, if any city 



Wilatvvas now tlie state of Lacedaemon? — What permanent rherk was placed on that state? — What 
city WAS built ? — Where ? — In what part of Messenia is Mount Ithome ? 

What obliged the Thebans to abandon the invasion of Peloponncsns next year? — Who was Lycomeder' 
What did be advise his countrymen to do ? — Did they submit to his direction ? 

What powers assisted Lacedaemon? — What remarkable victory did Archidamus gain? — Whom did 
the Thebans send to Susa? — How did he succeed ?— What terms of peace did the Persian king require ? 



140 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



refused to join in such war, the king 
woHld direct liis first hostility against it. 

The Thebans now assumed to be the 
ai'biters of Greece, and then* summons 
for a congress to meet at Thebes was 
generally obeyed. But when, on the 
Persian rescript being read, the Thebans 
demanded that those who wished to be 
friends of the king and of themselves, 
should immediately swear to the terms 
proposed, the deputies from the cities 
generally answered that they were sent 
not to swear to any propositions, but to 
hear and report them to their constitu- 
ents. The Arcadians were more de- 
cided in their opposition. Pelopidas had 
spoken of them contemptuousl}- m Per- 
sia, and the court had consequently 
shghted their ambassador ; who retunied 
from his mission in high wrath, and re- 
ported to the assembly that the king had 
bakers, cooks, cup-bearers, and door- 
keepei-s in plenty, but men to fight with 
the Greeks he had searched for and 
could not find. The address of their 
envoy was well suited to bias them 
against any settlement of Grecian af- 
fairs to be made under the authority 
of Persia: and it probably contributed 
much to the same effect, that the dele- 
gates sent to the general congress were 
mostly taken fi*om the party opposed 
to Theban ascendency. Lycomedes was 
one of these, and he not only declined 
the oatli, but said that the congress 
ought to have been held on the seat 
of vvai', and not in Thebes. The The- 
bans angrily exclaimed that he was 
acting as an incendiary in the league: 
whereupon he declared that he would sit 
no longer, and went home, accompanied 
by all the other Arcadian deputies. The 
meeting broke up. The Thebans sent 
to every city separately requisitions to 
accept the terms, expectmg that none 
would venture to incur the united enmity 
of Thebes and Persia: but Corinth first 
refusing, and adding that it wanted no 
interchange of oaths ^vith the king, most 
others followed the example ; " and thus," 
says Xenophon, " this attempt of Pelopi- 
das and the Thebans to acquire the em- 
pire of Greece came to its end." 



Party sti^ggles in Achaia. — Conduct 6f 
Epaminondas. 

The Achaians were fortunate in their 
ancient institutions, and free from the 
seductions of empire ; and hence their 
character for probity stood high, and they 
had been less vexed than most of their 
neighboui-s with bloody dissension. They 
had parties, and we have seen in Athens 
that the same ground-work of law would 
uphold a very different fabric of govern- 
ment, as principles were applied by the 
Many or the Few ; but we have also seen 
that the existence of acknowledged prin- 
ciples was a common safeguard to all, 
since it narrowed the field of oppression 
when parties were unequal, and of contest 
when they were balanced. The Achaian 
constitution seems to have kept its form, 
though administered by the nobles or 
the people, as Lacedsemon or Athens 
preponderated. Since the Peloponnesian 
war the rulers had been aristocratical ; 
but now the democratical party looked 
for support to the imperial democracy of 
Thebes. Epaminondas led an army into 
the province. The m,en of rank threw 
themselves on his liberality, and he did 
not disappoint them ; for while he trans- 
ferred the administration to their oppo- 
nents, and took pledges of fidehty to 
Thebes, he neither changed the constitu- 
tion, nor suffered the banishment of any 
individual. But his moderation offended 
the high democratical pait^ throughout 
the league; the Arcadians complained 
that he had settled Achaia according to 
the interest of Lacedsemon, and the com- 
plaint found support in Thebes. The 
Theban people decreed that regulators 
should be sent to the Achaian cities ; and 
these, concurring with the multitude, 
expelled the nobles, and established un- 
qualified democracy. It soon appeared 
that the wise liberality of Epaminondas 
had been best for Thebes, for Arcadia, 
and for the Achaian Many themselves ; 
for the exiles maldng common cause, 
and attacking each city separately, re- 
covered all ; and, instead of remaining 
neutral, as before, they became bitter 
enemies to the Theban league, and most 
troublesome neighbours to Arcadia. 



What did the Thebans now assume ? — Where did they summon a congress of the states to meet? — 
What answer was made by tl)e deputies to the Persian rescript ? — Why were the Arcadians more decided 
in their opposition ?— How did Lycomedes behave ?— When the meeting brolie up what did the Thebans 
do ? — How did they succeed ? — What remark does Xenophon make ? 

Where is Acliaia?— How is it bounded ?— What had been the character and condition of the Acha- 
ians ? — Since the Peloponnesian war wJiat had been the character of its rulers ? — To whom did the dem- 
ocratical party look for support? — How did Epaminondas settle their affairs ? — How was democracy 
afterwards established? — How did the exiled aristocrats recover the cities? — What did they then 
become ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



141 



Euphron tyrant of Sicyon. 

The city of Sicyon had commonly 
been in alliance with the Achaians, and 
under similar laws. The predominance 
of Lacedpemon had preserved its govern- 
ment in the hands of the rich and noble ; 
and they had kept it faithful to their pa- 
troness, till very recently, when it had 
yielded to the grooving strength of the 
Theban league. This change took all 
power from Euphron, who had previous- 
ly managed the affairs of the common- 
wealth ; but he wished, as he had been 
first of the citizens under Lacedaeraon, to 
become so now under her enemies. For 
this purpose he persuaded the Argians 
and Arcadians that, if authority rested in 
the wealthy, they would take the fii-st op- 
portunity of renewing the alliance with 
Lacedsemon : whereas, if democracy were 
estabUshed, the city would adhere to its 
present connexion. The Argians and 
Arcadians entered into his views, and 
sent soldiers to support him : he assem- 
bled the people in the presence of these 
auxiliaries, and' obtained a vote to esta- 
bhsh democracy. He was chosen general 
with four othei*s; his son was placed 
in command of the mercenaries ; and, 
henceforward, he advanced with rapid 
strides on the highway of tyranny. He 
lavished on his mercenaries the public 
treasure and that of the temples, besides 
the private property of manj'^ persons, 
whom he drove into banishment as friends 
of Lacedfemon. When he thought him- 
self strong enough, he turned against his 
fellows in office, assassinated some, and 
drove out others, till he ruled without a 
rival. In all these violences the allies 
were induced to acquiesce, partly by 
money, and paitly by the ready service 
of his troops. 

iEneas of Stymphalus, on being elected 
general of the Ai-cadians, resolved to put 
down this oppressor. He marched to 
Sicyon with his army, and entering the 
acropolis he called together the principal 
men, and sent for those who had been 
driven into exile without a legal sentence. 
Euphron fled to the harbour, which he 
found the means of delivering to the 
Lacedaemonians ; and by this he obtained 
a favourable hearing, though probably 
no real belief, for the assertion that, in 
spite of appearances, he had ever meant 



fairly towards them. Meantime strife 
had risen in the city between the no- 
bles and the commonalty ; and Euphron, 
having hired a band of mercenaries in 
Athens, offered his services to the latter, 
and found acceptance. He mastered all 
the city except the acropohs, where 
^Eneas had placed a Theban governor 
and garrison. He then went to Thebes 
with large sums of money, in the hope of 
persuading that government to expel the 
nobles from Sicyon, to withdraw the 
gan'ison, and to leave the city in his 
hands. The recalled exiles also went to 
Thebes to urge a counter petition : but 
they saw their enemy received in a man- 
ner which made them thmk that his suit 
would be gi'anted, and some of them, 
driven wild by the fear of renewed op- 
pression, fell upon him publicly and slew 
him. The assassins were carried before 
the council to be judged ; but they were 
acquitted on the ground that tyrants and 
traitors were already condemned by the 
universal judgment of mankind, and 
that, Euphron being both, his slayers 
were entitled to honour, not to punish- 
ment. 

Affairs of Phlius. 

Since the last settlement of Phhus by 
Agesilaus, that httle state had been the 
active, faithful, and dauntless ally of 
Lacedsemon, throughout its greatest dis- 
tress, and had done sei'vice out of all pro- 
portion to its population and strength. 
Its situation on the Argian border, and 
in the line of march from the isthmus to 
Laconia, gave it great facility of annoy- 
ing the enemy, but pecuharly exposed 
it to suffer by his hostiUty. During the 
second invasion of Peloponnesus by 
Thebes, the exiles, who had been driven 
into lianishment after the siege of Phlius 
by Agesilaus, having mtelUgence m that 
city, surprised the acropohs, while the 
Eleian and Arcadian forces, by con- 
cert with them, assailed the walls. 
Both were beaten off by the prompt and 
energetic resistance of the besieged, and 
the Phliasians continued the steady 
friends of Lacedsemon, though sur- 
rounded with watchful enemies far 
more powerful than themselves. Their 
power was not sufficient to make their 
histoiy important in the general outline 
of Grecian poUtics, but their loyalty 



Where is Sicyon ? — W^ith whom had it been allied ? — How had Euphron lost the command there ? — 
How did he recover it? — How did he exercise it? — Who reisolved to put him down? — Where is Stym- 
phalus? — How did x^rieas proceed? — Whither was Euphron driven ? — How did he afterwards master all 
the city except the acropolis? — Who held the acropolis ? — How did he try to obtain that? — What befell 
him in Thebes? — On wliat ground were his assassins acquitted? 

Which way is Phlius from Argos? — From Corinth? — Whose ally was it? — What dangerous attack did 
they repel ? 



142 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



to their engagements, and singular 
spirit, activity, and prudence in de- 
fence, form the subject of a very inte- 
resting nari'ative in Xenophon, of which 
the English reader will find the substance 
in Mr. Mitford's Histoi-y of Greece (c. 
xxviii. s. ].) 

Murder of Lycomedes. 
Oropus, an Attic port on the border 
of Bceotia, being seized by some Athe- 
nian exiles, the whole force of Attica 
was marched against it; but no assist- 
ance came fi'om any of the allies, and 
the Athenians were unable to reduce it. 
Thej^ became, m consequence, discon- 
tented with their allies, and the know- 
ledge of this gave to Lycomedes the hope 
of advancing his favourite project of 
emancipating Arcadia from Theban in- 
fluence. He obtained a decree from the 
Ten Thousand, the name by which the 
general assembly of Arcadia was desig- 
nated, authorising him to negotiate an 
alhance with Athens, whither accordingly 
he went. The proposal was exclaimed 
against by many as contrary to the 
treaty with Lacedsemon: but when it 
was represented that any thing which 
loosened the connexion of Thebes with 
Arcadia would be beneficial no less to 
Lacedsemon than to Athens, the alhance 
was accepted. Lycomedes, in returning, 
unfortunately landed at a port which 
was full of Arcadian exiles, and by them 
he was murdered. 

The Corinthians make a separate peace. 

The Corinthians, cut ofi" fi-om Lace- 
doemon, had become accustomed to rely 
in great measure on Athenian auxiliaries 
for their defence. A suspicion arose 
that the Athenians cherished designs 
against the independence of Corinth, and 
the government dismissed the Athenian 
troops, saying that it liad no further 
need of them. Without them, however, 
it was unable to withstand its powerful 
enemies, and persons were sent to sound 
the Theban government, and to learn 
whether an application for peace would 
be successful. Being encouraged to ex- 
pect it, the Corinthians asked that they 
might first communicate with their al- 
lies, so that those who desh-ed peace 



might be parties ; and this being granted, 
they sent ambassador to Lacedaemon. 
They represented the difiiculties of their 
situation ; expressed their willingness to 
persevere in the war, if the Lacedaemo- 
nians could point out any hope of safety, 
and if not, their wish that the Lacedae- 
monians would join with them in making 
peace: but if this might not be, they 
requested the Lacedaemonians to allow 
of their making a separate peace ; " for if 
we are saved," they said, " we may serve 
you hereafter; which if we be now 
ruined, we never can." The conduct of 
the Lacedaemonians in this instance was 
generous ; they encouraged the Corinth- 
ians to make peace, and released from 
their engagements any others of their 
alhes who might wish to be relieved 
fi'om war. For themselves, they said, 
they never would submit to lose Messe- 
nia, which they had received fi-om their 
fathers. The Corinthians sent an em- 
bassy to ask for peace ; the Thebans 
proposed alliance, but this the Corinth- 
ians refused. The Thebans then, admir- 
ing their resolution not to take part, 
though pressed with danger, against 
their fiiends and benefactors, granted 
them peace with neutrahty. The same 
terms were also given to the Phliasians. 

Orchomenus destroyed by the Thebans. 

In Orchomenus, the second city of 
Bceotia, the oligarchical party was the 
strongest, and it bore the sway of Thebes 
with gi'eat reluctance. An oligarchical 
party was still numerous in Thebes 
itself, but the chiefs were in exile ; and 
these plotted Avith their friends in the 
difterent cities, and particularly in Or- 
chomenus, to efiect a revolution which 
might restore them. The conspirators 
mostly served in the cavalry, and a gene- 
ral review of the cavalry of Bceotia was 
the occasion chosen for the execution 
of the plot. The secret had been be- 
trayed to the Boeotarchs; the conspira- 
tors of the smaller towns were pardoned, 
but all the soldiers of the Orchomenian 
cavalry were brought in chains before 
the assembled Theban people. From 
the earliest period an inveterate hatred 
is said to have subsisted between The- 
bes and Orchomenus; and never was 



On whfit gulf is Oropus ?— Which way from Athens ?— By whom was it seized ?— Who marched against 
it ?— What made the Athenians discontented with their allies ?— Who went to Athens to form an alliance 
with the Athenians ?— Did he succeed .'—What befell him on his way home ? 

What induced the Corinthians to discharge the Athenian troops from their city ?— What request did 
they then make of Lacedasmon ?— Was it granted ?— What did the Thebans afterwards grant them and 
the IMiliasians? 

Which way is Orchomenus from Mantineia ?— What was the strongest party there?— Who conspired 
to throw off the Theban yoke ?— To whom was the secret betrayed ?— Who were pardoned ?— Who were 
sent in chains to Thebes ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



1^ 



a feud more bloodily teraiinated. Not 
only were the cavalry put to death, who 
had in some sense provoked vengeance, 
but it was decreed that Orchomenus 
should be levelled, and the whole peo- 
ple sold into slavery. The decree was of 
course resisted. The Thebans marched 
m arms to Orchomenus, and having taken 
it, slaughtered all the men, and sold the 
women and children. 

Alexander, tagus of Thessaly. — Death of 
Pelopidas. 

After this an army was sent into 
Thessaly. The Tagus Alexander, already 
mentioned as a troublesome enemy to 
Thebes, was an able man, but a rapa- 
cious, oppressive, and faithless ruler. 
His tyranny provoked resistance, and 
the Thebans had already sent Pelopidas 
with an army to support the revolt- 
ing cities. That expedition had ended 
unprosperously ; but fresh oppressions 
raising fi-esh revolts, the Thessalian 
friends of Thebes again requested a 
supporting army, and Pelopidas for the 
leader. Both suits were granted. Pe- 
lopidas fell in the first battle; but, ne- 
vertheless, the presence of a Boeotian 
force relieved the opposers of the Tagus, 
and the end was an accommodation 
between Alexander and the Thessalian 
cities, and his alliance with Thebes. 

War between Elis and Arcadia. — Eparites. 
EUs was ohgarchically governed, but 
its democratical opposition was patron- 
ised by the Arcadians. Hence arose 
war between the two states; and Elis 
returned to the Lacedaemonian aUiance. 
The people of Pisa, near Olympia, had 
ever claimed the right of presiding at the 
Olympian festival, and the Arcadians 
now backed them. The Arcadians 
seized Olympia, and the Pisans com- 
menced the solemnity under their pro- 
tection; but it was interi-upted by the 
Eleian forces, and at the time when all 
war was usually suspended, the sacred 
gi'ound itself became a field of batde. 
The Eleians were generally despised as 
soldiers, but this day, through zeal to 
vindicate their sacred character, and 
anger at what they deemed a shocking 
profanation, they proved themselves 



equal to the bravest of Greece. The day 
was theirs, but they could not retake the 
temple. 

The employment of mercenary sol- 
diers — vagabonds without a country of 
their own, who lured themselves out to 
states with which they had no other 
connexion, for the detestable w'ork of 
war — was already common in Greece. 
We have now the first example of an 
approach to the modem use of standing 
armies embodied fi-om the people. The 
Arcadian Eparites were a select militia 
of citizens fi'om every state of the Union, 
who were to be always ready for ser- 
vice. They had contributed much to 
the successes of Arcadia, but their estab- 
hshment involved a danger which soon 
became manifest. The present cliiefs 
considered that, by making sure of the 
Eparites, they might controul all oppo- 
sers. For this puipose, the Eparites 
must be kept embodied, and in pay, 
which seemed also necessary to the pre- 
serv'ation of their conquests, and the 
protection of their new alhes. Their 
own resources were insufiicient, but the 
Olympian treasury was in their hands, 
and they resolved to brave the abhor- 
rence of Greece by using it. The source 
of the pay, now regularly issued to the 
Eparites, could not be concealed. The 
Mantmeians condemned it by a vote of 
their assembly, and sent a sum of money 
to the general government as their share 
of the pay now wanted for the Eparites. 
Their leading men were cited before the 
Ten Thousand, to answer a charge of 
treason to the Union ; and not appealing, 
they were condemned. A body of Epa- 
rites was sent to apprehend them, but the 
Mantineians shut their gates, and refused 
to give them up. Meantime shame and 
horror at the sacrilege prevailed in the 
geneml assembly of Arcadia, insomuch 
that a vote was passed forbiddmg further 
trespass on the sacred treasuiy. 

Revolution in Arcadia. — Overbearing con- 
duct of Thebes. 

The situation of the rulers was criti- 
cal. They had blackened their charac- 
ter; they had lost the majority in tlie 
assembly ; they had lost beyond recovery 
the command of the Eparites ; for those 



What sentence was pronounced ? — How was it executed ? 

Where was a Theban army then sent? — Who was their enemy in Thessaly? — What great Tbeban 
general fell in the first battle? — How was the war terminated? 

Where is Elis? — How is it bounded? — In what part of it is Pisa? — Olympia? — With whom was Elis 
at war? — Witli whom allied ? — By whom were the people of Pi<a supported in their attempt to rule the 
Olympian festival ? — By whom resisted ? — What was the result? — In whose hamls did the Olympian 
temple remain ? — Were mercenary soldiers employed in Oreece ? — Wh.it is thn first example of a stand- 
ine army in (Jreece? — How did the Arcadian chiefs pay the l]parites? — Who condemned this proceed- 
ing ? — On what charge were the leading men of Mantineia summoned before the Ten Thousand ? — What 
ensued ? 



144 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



who could not serve without pay, daily 
left that body, and were succeeded by 
men of competent fortune, who enlisted 
for the purpose of weaning it from its 
present attachments. Grown desperate, 
they sent to Thebes, and assuring that 
government that Arcadia was on the 
point of joining Lacedoemon, urged the 
mai'ch of a Theban army into Pelopon- 
nesus. The application was favourably 
received. Meantime, their opponents 
becommg decidedly superior in the as- 
sembly, ambassadors were sent to remon- 
strate at Thebts against the inten icd 
march of Theban forces into Arcadia, 
uncalled for by its government. It was 
next resolved that the temple at Olympia 
neither belonged to Arcadia, nor ought 
to be coveted by it, but that it would be 
both just and pious to restore it to Elis. 
On such grounds the Eleians gladly treat- 
ed for peace, and deputies from all the 
Arcadian towns assembhng in Tegea, 
received the ministers of Elis. A The- 
ban officer also came to the congress, 
attended by three hundred Boeotian 
heavy-armed foot. 

The Arcadians now abandoned them- 
selves to festivity, all but the principals 
in the sacrilege, who knew themselves 
not only excluded jfrom power by the 
present change, but liable to the severest 
punishment. They communicated vkdth 
the Theban, and found him ready to 
support them. Some of the Eparites 
were still their own, and, backed by 
these and by the Boeotians, they shut the 
town-gates, and sent parties to seize the 
leadmg men of every Arcadian city. 
The persons arrested were far more than 
the prison could contain; but many 
escaped, and among these the greater 
part of the Mautiueian leaders, whom it 
had been most vnshed to secure. Man- 
tineia was only twelve miles off. A he- 
rald was sent thence to Tegea, to demand 
the liberty of the arrested Mantineians ; 
to remonstrate against the execution or 
imprisonment of any Arcadian, without 
due trial ; and to offer security, that any 
Mantineian, who might be accused of 
treason, should appear to answer. The 
Theban, perplexed and disconcerted, re- 
leased his prisoners, and apologized for 
what he had done, misled, as he pre- 



tended, by felse intelligence of a plot for 
betraying Tegea to the Lacedaemonians. 
He was suffered to depart ; but ministera 
were sent to Thebes to accuse him. 
They were roughly repulsed, and Epam- 
inondas, who was then commander-in- 
chief, told them that the officer had done 
much better when he seized the men, 
than when he released them ; " For," 
said he, " when we are engaged in war 
on your accomit, your making peace, 
without consulting us, is a manifest trea- 
son. Be sure, then," he added, " that we 
will march into Arcadia, and there, with 
our friends, we will continue the war." 

The interference of Thebes in the go- 
vernment of Arcadia had been insolently 
arbitraiy, and the pretence to justify the 
threat of war was evidently futile. Had 
Arcadia made peace singly with Lace- 
dajmon, there might have been reason 
for complaint ; but the war with Elis was 
a separate matter, involving no Theban 
interests, and in which Thebes had 
taken no part. The act may have been 
prompted either by the wish to support 
at all hazards an administration which 
could only stand by keeping the country 
dependent on Thebes, or else by suspi- 
cion that the change had origuiated in 
Lacedaemonian intrigue, and would end 
in alliance with Lacedsemon. If by the 
latter, it made necessaiy the veiy mea- 
sure which it was intended to prevent. 
In effecting the recent change, the entire 
oligarchical party had concuned with 
the gi-eater part of the democratical — 
with nearly all, indeed, who were not 
implicated in the sacrilege. The oligar- 
chical party would naturally lean to- 
wards Lacedaemon ; the democratical 
would prefer the friendship of Thebes, 
while it could be retained \vith inde- 
pendence. That hope being withdravm, 
both parties concurred in the measures 
to be taken. They confen-ed with the 
Eleians and Achaians, and sent for 
Athenian succours, according to the 
treaty made by Lycomedes. Ambassa- 
dors were sent to Lacedaemon, and an 
alliance made on terms that marked the 
humbled state of that commonwealth ; 
for it was agreed that the chief command 
should rest with the city in whose ter- 
ritory at any time the army might be. 



To what state did the rulers apply for support? — Successfully? — Did their opposers also send ambas- 
sadors to Thebes ? — What was next resolved in the Arcadian assembly ? — Where did deputies from Arca- 
dia and ministers from Elis assemble? — What Theban force also catne r — Turing the festivities what plot 
was formed ? — By whom ? — How was it executed ? — Who escaped ? — How far is Mantineia from Tegea ? 
— What demand did their herald make? — What did the Theban oflicer do? — How did he apologize? — 
What was the answer of Epaminondas to the ministers sent to Tliebes to accuse this officer? — ^^ as this 
chars/e of Epaminondas just ? — Did all parties in Arcadia now unite to resist Thebes? — With whom did 
the Arcadians confer and whither did they send for succours? — On what terms did they make alliance 
with Lacedsemon ' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



145 



Epaminondas enters Peloponnesus. 
Epaminondas advanced into Pelopon- 
nesus, and was joined by his allies there, 
namely, the Argians and Messenians, and 
four towns of the Arcadians. The rest 
of the Arcadians were assembled at 
Mantineia, with their Athenian, Achaian, 
and Eleian allies, and a part of the La- 
cedaemonians, the rest of whom remained 
with Agesjlaus, at Sparta. The Theban 
general seeing no opportunity of ad- 
vantageous action, remained quietly in 
Tegea, till he heard that his opponents 
had pressed Agesilaus to join them, £uid 
that the remaming Lacedaemonians were 
actually on their march. He then sud- 
denly marched for Sparta, and had well 
nigh taken it empty ; but Agesilaus was 
informed of his movement just in time 
to hasten back, and arrive before him. 
Though his numbers were very scanty, 
the able disposition of Agesilaus secured 
the town against a sudden assault ; and 
a strong Theban detachment having 
seized a commanding height, Archida- 
mus advanced over veiy difficult gTound, 
with less than one hundred men, and — 
such was the power of desperation — 
drove them from it. Expecting that the 
forces collected in Ai'cadia would come 
to the aid of Lacedsemon, Epaminondas 
would not await them, but returned to 
Tegea, and sent forward his Theban and 
Thessalian horse, to plunder the Manti- 
neian teriitory. It was harvest time, and 
the Mantineians believing that the enemy 
was gone, their servants and cattle were 
all in the fields. A body of Athenian 
cavalry was just anived ; they had trav- 
elled far, and men and horses were with- 
out refreshment ; nevertheless, they did 
not refuse their assistance, though great- 
ly outnumbered, and that by the Theban 
and Thessalian cavahy, esteemed the 
best in Greece. An obstinate conflict 
ensued, in which the Athenians had the 
advantage, and the Mantineians got in 
then' property without loss. 

Battle of Mantineia. — Death of Epaminon- 
das. 

Decisive action now was necessary 
to Epaminondas, for the period of his 
command was drawing to its close. He 
had hitherto met wdth little but failure in 



an enterprise, by the undertaking of 
which he had united all the most power- 
fill states of Greece against his countiy. 
If he withdrew without a victory, the 
aUies whom he came to aid would be 
besieged by the enemy, and his own 
reputation probably ruined : " so that it 
seemed to him," says Xenophon, "im- 
possible not to fight, considering that if 
he were successful it would cancel all 
complaints, and that his end would be 
glorious if he fell in the attempt to 
give to his country the dominion of 
Peloponnesus." In spite of the checks 
which had been received, his genius 
had kept up union and mutual con- 
fidence in all the various tribes that 
composed his host. His force exceeded 
that of his adversaries, and the more as 
they did not ventm*e again to leave La- 
conia unprotected. His evolutions led 
them to believe that he would not fight 
before the morrow ; and then he wheeled 
his anny upon them, while their minds 
were no longer strmig, nor thek batta- 
lions arrayed for immediate action. In 
the battle which followed, instead of 
engaging like former commanders along 
the whole extent of the ranks, he exhi- 
bited a most perfect and refined apphca- 
tion of the piinciples which had won 
him the victory at Leuctra. He formed 
his line obliquely, sti'engthening to the 
utmost the point which was nearest to 
the enemy ; while he placed his weaker 
divisions in the parts which sloped off 
backwards ; so that they might come up 
in time to complete the victory when 
the hostile line had been broken through 
by their fellows, but not soon enough to 
enter at the first into a doubtful contest, 
and perhaps by their defeat to disheaiten 
the rest. The event did not behe his 
expectation: but just at the critical 
moment of the fight, he fell. He hved to 
know that his army was victorious, then 
fainted, on the extraction of the weapon, 
and died, as it is said, with an expres- 
sion of joy that he had not lived to taste 
of defeat. No one attempted to improve 
the victory; the heavy armed infantry 
stood upon the spot, the cavalry quitted 
pui-suit, and rejoined the phalanx ; and 
the light armed troops and targeteers, 
crossing the field as conquerors witliout 



By whom wa3 Epaminondas joined in Peloponnesus? — Who were assembled at Mantineia? — Where 
did Epaniinonflas remain till the Lacedjemoniaiis were on their march? — What did he then do? — What 
secured the town ? — What exploit did Archidainiis perform? — What did Epaminondas then do? — Who 
beat the Theban and T'hessalian horse in the .Mantineian territory and saved their property ? 

Why was decisive action necessary for Epiiniiiiondas ? — How did he deceive the allies in commenc- 
ing the action ? — How did he form iiis line ? — Wliat happened at the critical moment of the fight? — Waa 
his army victorious ? — Was the result of the battle decisive ? 



19 



146 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



looking for support, were charged and 
cut to pieces by the Athenian horse. 
The whole result of the day was com- 
pletely indecisive. Such was the cele- 
brated battle of Mantineia. (B. C. 362.) 
Epaminondas has been ranked by 
many as the first and purest of Grecian 
worthies. There is much in his cha- 
racter to support the praise ; but it must 
be taken with considerable abatement. 
He was a man of the most command- 
ing genius; a devoted Theban patiiot; 
and, as far as we can judge, singularly 
free from mere personal ambition, and 
its attendant vices of envy and ill will. 
His steady fiiendship with Pelopidas is 
alike honourable to both. But we can- 
not award him the rarer praise of love 
of peace, of extended regard to the wel- 
fare of Greece, of scrtipulous political 
morality, or even of sound views of his 
country's true interests. Under his di- 
rection the administration of Thebes 
was insatiably ambitious and overbear- 
ing. In some paiticular acts of tyr- 
anny, such as the expulsion of the 
Platseans and Thespians, and the mas- 
sacre of the Orchomenians, it may 
be doubted whether Epaminondas was 
to blame; and the rather, as we have 
seen in the settlement of Achaia an 
instance where his own measures were 
liberal and moderate, while his influence 
could not support them. But the bent 
of his poHcy was to make Thebes, at 
whatever cost of blood or suffering, the 
mistress of Greece ; and the last aggi'es- 
sion on Arcadia, which was undoubtedly 
his measure, and might vie with the 
worst deeds of Spaita hei-self, shows 
that he was little sciaipulous in the 
choice of means for effecting his pur- 
pose. The manner of his death has 
been the theme of general applause. 
Yet he was cut off in the perpetration of 
a gi'eat ciime, by measures which, no 
doubt, displayed much talent, but were 
the certain cause of miseiy to unoffend- 
ing thousands; and those last words, 
which have been so famous, seem, if in- 
deed they have been truly reported, to 
have proceeded less from an enhghtened 
love of his country, than from a personal 
and patiiotic vanity, altogether heedless 
of the cost mankind might have to pay 
for its gratification. 



General cessation of hostilities. — Agesilaus 
in Egypt. — His death. — Fall of Theban 
empire. 

Witli the life of Epaminondas the 
energy ceased which had maintained 
union and activity in the Theban con- 
federacy ; and with it ended also the 
fear which had miited so many states 
in opposition. A general accommoda- 
tion soon ensued, in which the alUes of 
Lacedsemon consented to the demand, 
that the Messenians should remain in- 
dependent; and Lacedaemon, wliich 
alone refused, remained nominally at 
war vdth all the states allies of Thebes. 
The weaiiness of all parties, however, 
produced a practical cessation of hos- 
tilities, dining which the attention of 
Agesilaus was invited to Egypt. That 
country had revolted fi'om Persia, and 
taken to itself a king, to whose assistance 
Agesilaus, at the age of eighty years, led 
an aniiy. He hoped, according to his 
friend and historian, to punish the Per- 
sian monarch for the support he had 
given to the enemies of Lacedaemon, and 
once more to free the Greeks of Asia from 
his yoke. Another motive which would 
probably weigh both with him and ^vith 
the Lacedaemonian government, was the 
hope of acquiring wealth to support a 
war for the recovery of Messenia. Civil 
troubles arose in Egypt, and it was ia 
them, not ia war against Persia, that 
the Grecian amiy was principally em- 
ployed. The king, to whose support 
Agesilaus had originally come, was de- 
serted by his subjects; and the suc- 
cession to his throne was disputed. 
Agesilaus established on the throne 
the candidate whom he supported, and, 
saihng for Greece, died on the voyage. 
He left a high reputation as an able, 
though not a fortunate statesman, and 
one of the few who, in promotmg the 
aggi-andizement of their communities, 
did not lose sight of the common wel- 
fare of Greece. This part of his cha- 
racter was strongly shown, when tlie 
means of taking Corinth by assault being 
offered to hun by some Corinthian re- 
fugees, he refused, observing that it 
might be fit to chastise Grecian cities, 
but not to destroy them. But his affec- 
tions were violent, whether in fiiendship 
or animosity ; and he sometimes suffered 



What were the good traits of Epaniinondas's character? — What praise did he not deserve? — What 
was the character of the Theban administration under him ? — What was the bent of his policy ? 

What ensued soon after his death? — To what condition of the peace did Lacedaemon refuse assent? — 
For what purpose did Agesilaus go to Egypt ? — What did he effect there ? — Where did he die? — What 
was his character ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



147 



them to overbear his better judgment^ 
and even his integrity, as in the tvvo most 
culpable actions of his life, his sujDport- 
ing the seizure of tlie Cadmeia, and ex- 
cusing the aggression of Sphodiias. Hjs 
character is strongly contrasted, both in 
its worse and better features, with that of 
his great opponent Epaminondas, whose 
noblest qualitj' was his magnanimous 
superiorit}' to personal interests and pas- 
sions, whose greatest fault, the chsposi- 
tion to pursue the aggi*andizement of 
liis OTvii commonwealth, careless of any 
injuiT which might follow to others. 

The old Grecian system of confederacy 
was now entirely broken up. Lacedae- 
mon was fallen, and the ascendency of 
Thebes did not sun'ive its author. One 
might expect that the following period 
would hi^ comparatively peaceful and 
happy, since the smaller states were no 
longer obhged to serve the ambition of 
the greater. Far from it: with the 
habits of the Greeks, lasting quiet was 
impossible, and a general war was only 
exchanged for a complication of petty 
quan-els, many of which, while the con- 
federate S3'stem was in ^"igoiu*, would 
probably have been refen*ed to the judg- 
ment of the superintending state. Re- 
volutions were more frequent, govern- 
ments more jealous. The protecting 
power, by assuring stabilit\' to the sub- 
ordinate admiuisti-ations, had enabled 
them to relax the suspicious vigilance 
of fear ; and the authority of its officers 
had often been employed to compose 
dissensions and moderate revenge. But 
now the only security of the ruling party 
was the complete depression of their 
adversaries, and this they sought by 
more unsparing massacre and banish- 
ment. Cruelty provoked retaliation; 
every feud still mcreased in bitterness; 
and it Avas observed that there were now 
more exiles from single cities than for- 
merly from all Peloponnesus. 

Sedition in Argos. 
Argos has lately been Uttle mentioned ; 
and its inacti\dty is accounted for by 
the weakness resulting from a sedi- 
tion and train of executions almost un- 
paralleled. Some leading men, finding 
that their popularity had been over- 
thrown by calumnies, and that their 
situation was grooving dangerous, plot- 



ted the overthrow of the democracy: 
the design was discovered, and some 
of the culprits arrested and put to the 
torture. The chiefs of the consphacy 
destroyed themselves; but one of the 
tortiu-ed having accused diirty other per- 
sons, all these were put to death without 
examination. It was now acknowledged 
that a plot had existed, and it was thought 
that the guilt\' were far more numerous 
than those who had suffered ; fi-esh ac- 
cusations A^ere brought, and, in the pre- 
sent temper of the people, accusation 
\Aas equivalent to conviction. The po- 
pulai' alann and suspicion rose to abso- 
lute frenzy, and mcreased with every 
new charge, till above 1200 of the 
principal citizens were executed, and 
the people still called for more. The 
accusers now became alamied ; they 
knew not how to feed the fiuy they had 
raised, nor how to quiet it ; their hesi- 
tation seemed suspicious, and they 
themselves were put to death. After 
this, says the author from whom we 
have the relation, the multitude became 
calm ; but he makes no attempt to 
account for the restoration of tranquiUity. 
In reflecting upon such revolting passa- 
ges of Grecian storj', we may well con- 
demn the excesses mcident to the imme- 
diate government of a multitude. But 
our censure of the individuals composing 
it should be mitigated by the considera- 
tion that, even when possessed of specious 
accomplishments, they were unenlighten- 
ed by a sound education, and unaided by 
a rational system of jurisprudence. With 
the habits of mind produced by the one, 
and the regularitv' of proceeding secured 
by the other, the honid excesses we have 
been sui'veymg coidd never have taken 
place: the want of these prime blessmgs 
must be called m to explain them. 

SECTION IIT. 

Affairs of Sicily. — Hermocrates. — War with 

Carthage. 

For a short time after the overthrow 
of the Athenians m Sicily, Hermocrates 
kept the lead in Sp-acuse. At his i)ro- 
posal, ships were sent to assist tlie Lace- 
daemonians against Athens ; he was 
himself the commander of the squadron 
and his men were remarkable for cour- 
age and discipline, and esj)ecially for 
good conduct in quarters. Meantime, 



What was now the state of Greece? — Did peace ensue? — Why not? — Were revolutions more frequent 
than before ? — What was observed concerning exiles ? 

Where is Ar^os? — How is it bounded ? — Wliat was the cause of its late inactivity ?— How many of itir 
principal citizens had been executed on suspicion of plotting the overthrow of deinocncy ': 

Who governed in Sicily after the overthrow of the Athenians '—On what expedition did he go? 



148 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



his opponents prevailed in Syracuse ; he 
was displaced and banished ; and after 
exhorting his seamen cheerfully to obey 
their new leaders, he departed, deeply 
regretted both by them and the allies. 
Some changes had been made by the 
opponents of Hermocrates in the Syra- 
cusan constitution, which made its dem- 
ocratical character more unqualified, but 
tended to lessen the energj'^ of its admin- 
istration. It had been enacted that most 
of the magistracies, hitherto elective, 
should be filled by lot ; a measure likely 
to be popular, as opening equally to all 
the chance of office, but certainly not 
favourable to the able discharge of its 
duties. While things were yet unsettled, 
the Carthaginians invaded Sicily, for the 
first time since their defeat by Gelon, 
seventy years before : there was neither 
union in the Sicilian cities nor vigour in 
the Syracusan government, and Selinus 
and Himera were quickly taken. At 
this time Hermocrates aniving, was re- 
ceived at Messene. Pharnabazus had 
given him money to aid in effecting his 
restoration, and he was thus enabled to 
build five triremes, and raise a thousand 
mercenary soldiers; he was joined by 
many Syracusan exiles and fugitive 
Himeraeans, and he first employed his 
force against the common enemy with 
great activity and success. His fame 
spread wide ; he grew daily more popu- 
lar in Syracuse, till his friends there 
thought the time was ripe for his return. 
At their invitation he entered Syracuse 
with a band of his followers ; but a con- 
test ensued in which the ruling party 
was victorious; Hermocrates fell, and 
his surviving friends were condemned to 
banishment. 

Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse. 

Indecision and disunion increased 
among the cities, and no vigorous effort 
was made to check the arms of Car- 
thage. Acragas, or Agrigentum, fell, 
the second city of Sicily, which had 
enjoyed an overiflow of prosperity scarce- 
ly credible, were not the testimony of 
historians confirmed by the magnificent 
remains of its public buildings. In this 
crisis, Dionysius came forward in Syra- 
cuse. Though a partisan of Hermo- 
crates, he had escaped the doom of 



banishment, and had since distinguished 
himself by his gallanti-y in the war. He 
now, at the age of twenty-four, com- 
menced his i)olitical career by violent 
invective against the generals, and pre- 
vailed so far with the people, that they 
were displaced ; and he was among those 
appointed in their room. After this, he 
obtained a decree to recall the exiled 
fi'iends of Hermocrates. There was yet 
a large opposing party ; but every attempt 
to overthrow him failed, and failing, 
made him stronger. He was appointed 
autocrator-general conjointly witli Hip- 
parinus, the first in birth of the Syracu- 
sans ; and both were continued in office 
till the death of Hipparinus, after which 
Dionysius was elected alone. This office, 
which was usually confined to rare 
emergencies, united the powers of first 
minister and commander-in-chief, and 
gave a constitutional fonn and mode of 
exercise to the authority held by the 
favourite of the i)eople, or, at least of the 
prevailing party. But, where civil war 
was only prevented by decided superior- 
ity of force in one of the factions, the 
preservation of the laws was to the ruling 
party so much less pressing an object 
than the preservation of their own ascen- 
dency, that their leadei-s were often en- 
couraged to a vigour beyond the law. 
In Grecian party language, the friends 
of the people were to be supported even 
in somewhat arbitrary dealing with the 
people's enemies. But the opposite party 
also claimed to be the people, and com- 
plained that they were kept down by the 
violence of a faction ; and by them any 
man decidedly pre-eminent in the ruling 
party, woujd be called the Tyrant. In 
the case of Dionysius, there was much 
to justify the epithet. He was continued 
through life in an office rarely filled, and 
usually for a short term ; and, though all 
great questions were decided by the peo- 
ple, he exercised, in the ordinary course 
of public business, a wider and more 
discretionary authority than was com- 
monly trusted to officers under a de- 
mocracy. A gi'eat mark of a tyrant was 
to depend for his support on mercenary 
troops. Dionysius entertained a large 
body of mercenaries for his wars with 
Carthage, and though his chief trust was 
not in them but in the Syracusans of his 



What happened in his absence .'— V^'hat changes were made in the Syracusan constitution .'—Who 
invaded Sicily ? — What towns did they lai^e?— In what town of Sicily was Flerniocrates received on his 
return ? — What enemy did he oppose .' — To what city was he invited ? — What wae the result ? 

What city was taken by the Carthaginians? — V\hich way from Carthage is Agrigentum .'—Who waa 
Dionysius.' — How did he commence his career.' — To what kind of office was he elected arter the death 
of his colleague Hipparinus .' — What was he called .' — What justified the epithet .' — On what did he de« 
pend for support ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



149 



party, the mercenaries served him well 
m some civil contests, and added much 
to the strength of his government. The 
effect of all this was, that not his enemies 
onl}^, but the Greeks in general habitually 
styled him Tyrant of Syracuse, and 
sometimes of the Sicilian Greeks, all of 
whom were latterly under his influence. 
But it is to be remembered that his pow- 
er in Syracuse rested on the favour of a 
majority among the citizens, and that his 
command over the Sicilian, and many 
also of the Italian cities, was like to that 
of Athens or Lacedsemon over their sub- 
ordinate alhes. 

Dionysius chiefly prevented all Sicily 
from falling under the yoke of Carthage ; 
he sustained and repelled with the great- 
est ability and bravery, the attack of an 
overwhelming force, and gave union and 
security to the Grecian interest in the 
ishmd. He brought under his command 
the greater part of Sicily, and much of 
Italy ; all wliich, for sixteen yeai-s aft;er 
the last peace with Carthage, he govern- 
ed in veiy reinarkable quiet, prosperity, 
and abundance. These facts prove him 
an able and liberal pohtician ; his moral 
character is more questionable. It has 
been his fortune to be known to us only 
through his bitterest enemies, who have 
sti'iven to represent him as a monster of 
cruelt}'^ and rapacity; and some have 
sought to make him an object of contempt 
as well as hatred by describmg him as a 
slave to the weakest vanity and the most 
mimanly suspicion. Such imputations 
are irreconcilable with admitted facts; 
and Mr. Mitford has gone so far in his 
defence, as to discredit, soft;en, or explain 
away every story which bears against 
him, and to set him up as a model of 
generosity and political vutue. The 
truth probably lies in the middle. The 
sway of Dionysius was evidently popular 
and beneficial, and in some actions he 
showed a humanity very unusual in his 
age. We may ^villingly beheve that his 
nature was kind, when no political in- 
terest opposed it ; but he was ambitious 
and unscrupulous ; and there is Uttle 
appearance that pity ever stopped him 
in the prosecution of a favourite design. 
Two opposite anecdotes shall be given, 
and let it be remembered that both are 
taken from an unfriendly witness. The 
cities of Naxos and Catana being betray- 



ed to him by their generals, he sold as 
slaves nearly all the citizens of both, and 
gave up the towns to be plundered by 
his soldieiy. On the other hand, in Italy 
he defeated an army of his bitterest ene- 
mies, and reduced a body of 10,000 men 
to surrender at discretion, all of whom 
he dismissed Avithout ransom. Policy, 
doubtless, had much to do in prompting 
both his cruelt}^ and his generosity ; but 
it is fan* to state, that the latter was not 
out of harmony with his general conduct, 
and that in his victories he seems to have 
been habitually anxious to spare unne- 
cessary bloodshed. 

Dionysius the Younger. 

Dionysius died about the time of 
Epammondas's second invasion of Pe- 
loponnesus (B. C. 367.) Though the 
form of his government was democrati- 
cal, the authority gained by his popularity 
and abilities, in the general looseness of 
Grecian law, was greater than that of 
kings in a well-regulated monarchy. He 
had strengthened his ascendency by in- 
termarriage with the first houses of Sy- 
racuse ; and such was the combined 
effect of personal popularity and family 
influence that, on his death, his son, 
Dionysius, was elected autocrator-gene- 
ral, and stepped unopposed, as if by 
hereditary title, into the fiill authority of 
his father. Thus it is that, in turbulent 
times, or in an ill-constituted democracy, 
a popular leader passes gradually into a 
monarch. The case of Dionysius runs 
parallel %vith those of Gelon and Pesistra- 
tus among the Greeks, and of the Medici 
in Florence; and it is to be observed 
that, in these three cases, but particularly 
the last, the power which originated in 
public favour became, before its fall, a 
gi'inding tyranny under the successors of 
the founder. 

Dion. 

The younger Dionysius was indolent 
and dissolute, and his government, 
though it lasted undisturbed for twelve 
years, became before the end of that 
period both weak and unpopular. It 
was then overthrown by the revolt of the 
Syracusans, under Dion the son of 
Hipparinus, a man of great courage 
and ability, and of cultivated taste for 
Uterature and philosophy; but haughty, 
violent, and arbitrary ; not indeed desti- 



What did Dionysius prevent? — What did he bring under his command ? — How did he govern it?— 
Throtigh whom is he known to us ? — What anecdotes are related of him ? 

When (lid Dionysius die? — Who succeeded him in the direction of the Syracusan democracy? — Witll 
what other cases is that of Dionysius parallel ? — What is to be observed in these cases? 

What was the character of the younger Dionysius ? — How was his governmenl overthrown ? — Wbat 
was Dion's character? 



150 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



tute of patriotism, but far more governed 
by ambition. He had been in high trust 
and favour ^vith the elder Dionysius, 
who had manied his sister; but after his 
death disagreements had arisen between 
his son and Dion, which ended in the 
banishment of the latter. Retmning 
with a small band of followers, Dion was 
welcomed as a deliverer by the greater 
part of the Syracusans, and elected 
autocrator-general without opposition ; 
while Dionysius was besieged in the 
citadel, and both he and his followers 
were in the end obUged to retire mto 
Italy. But Dion soon became almost 
universally unpopular, and when, after 
great struggles, he succeeded m holding 
his . office, his reUance was not on the 
citizens, but on a band of foreign mer- 
cenaries. His mind was full of pro- 
jected reforms, but his rigid and haughty 
character was little fitted to work their 
adoption by gentle measures, through 
persuasion or conviction. In all he was 
opposed by Heracleides, his principal 
coadjutor in the outset, and now his 
rival in authority, who was appointed 
autocrator-general in conjunction with 
hull, and intrusted ^vith the conmiand 
of the fleet. Heracleides had made 
himself highly popular by unbounded 
indulgence to the multitude, and Dion, 
unable to cope with him in favour, en- 
deavoured to supply the deficiency by 
force. Urged on partly by his temper and 
partly by the difficulty of his situation, 
and exasperated by the galling change 
in the public feeling, he became daily 
more tyrannical. He removed Hera- 
cleides by assassination, and confiscated 
the property of others among his adver- 
saries, to pay his soldiers ; till at length 
his most trusted friend plotted his murder, 
and he was assassinated in the hearing of 
his guards, no man moving to assist him. 
Thus perished Dion four years after his 
return from exile (B. C. 353^ It is diffi- 
cult to say why the name of^ tyrant, uni- 
versally given to the elder Dionysius, 
has been refused to Dion, whose power 
appears to have been latterly both more 
arbitraiy in its tenure and more severe 
ill its exercise. Much probably is to be 
ascribed to the party bias of the histo- 
rians, and much to the wide extent and 
long duration of the power held by the 
Dionysii, and the shortness of Dion's, 
which has made his name more re- 



markable as the overthrower, than as 
the holder of a tja'anny. In justice it 
must be obsei'ved, that the state of 
Syracuse, after the expulsion of Diony- 
sius, was one of gi'eat confusion, where 
faction was violent, law unsettled, and 
the difficulty was very great to reconcile 
liberty with authority. JMany of Dion's 
earlier unpopular measures may have 
been prompted by the opinion of pubhc 
duty in a man, whose principles were 
adverse to democracy, and whose habit 
of mind revolted more from weakness 
and disorder in a government than fi-om 
excessive rigour; but it seems likely 
that the changes which he projected were 
not the best, and it is certain, that his 
manner of enforcing them was altoge- 
ther unjustifiable. 

For eight years after the death of 
Dion, Syracuse was ever changing one 
tyrant for another, till it became half 
deserted through the multitude of its 
calamities. Of the other cities, some 
were utterly ruined and made desolate 
by war ; others filled with a mixed crowd 
of unpaid mercenaries, Greek and bar- 
baiian, incapable of peaceful industry, 
and ready to lend their swords to any 
revolution which promised pay or plun- 
der. At length a Syracusan party cast 
their eyes to their mother city, and re- 
quested a Corintliian general, whose 
authority might command respect fi-om 
all, and repress the ambition of those 
who desired to be tyrants. Meantime 
the party fi-iendly. to Dionysius invited 
back their leader, and he again became 
the lord of Syracuse; while his most 
active opponents fled to Hicetes, the 
tyrant of Leontini, and with him made 
war on Dionysius. 

Timoleon. 
Timoleon was a Corinthian of noble 
birth, and distinguished abihty as a war- 
rior and statesman. His brother hav- 
ing, partly by popularity and partly by 
the aid of a mercenary force, made him- 
self tyrant of Corinth, Timoleon, after 
vain remonstrances, slew" him. When 
the Syracusan ambassadors an'ived, the 
deed was recent, and all Corinth was in 
a ferment, — some extoUing Timoleon, 
as the most magnanimous of patriots; 
others execrating him as a fratricide. 
The request of the Syracusans offered 
to the Corinthians the means of calm- 



N 

To what office was he raised .'—Whither did Dionysius retire ?— Who opposed Dion ?— How was 

Heracleides removed ?— How was Dion himself removed : — Was he called Tyrant? — After the death of 

Dion what was the situation of Syraciu^e?— What did a Syracusan party desire from Corinth .'—Who 

became lord of Syracuse .' — Who made war on him : 

Who was Timoleon .' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



151 



ing their dissensions, by the removal 
of the obnoxious individual, and to 
Timoleon a field of honoumble action, 
in which he might escape firom the 
misgivings of his own mind, and the 
reproaches of his mother, who never 
forgave him. Timoleon proceeded to 
Sicily, with a small band of mercenaries, 
principally raised by his own credit. On 
arriving he received considerable rein- 
forcements, and soon gained a footing 
in Syracuse. The greater part of the 
city had already been taken by Hicetes 
from Dionysius, and the whole was 
divided between three paities, each hos- 
tile to both the others. Timoleon was 
in the end successful. Hicetes with- 
drew to Leontini, and Dionysius surren- 
dered, himself and his fHends retiiing 
to Corinth; while two thousand mer- 
cenaries of the garrison engaged in the 
service of Timoleon. This final expul- 
sion of Dionysius took place fifl;y years 
after the rise^ of his father, and four 
after the landing of Timoleon in Sicily. 
(B. C. 343.) 

Timoleon remained master of a city, 
the largest of all in the Grecian settle- 
ments ; but almost a desert through the 
multitudes slain, or driven into banish- 
ment in successive revolutions. So 
great, it is said, was the desolation, that 
the horses of the cavalr}'^ grazed in the 
market place, while the grooms slept at 
their ease on the luxuriant herbage. 
The winter was passed in assigning de- 
serted lands and houses as a provision 
to the few remaining- Syracusans of the 
Corinthian party, and to the mercena- 
ries instead of pay, which the general 
had not to give. In winter, when Gre- 
cian warfare was slackened or inter- 
rupted, the possession of good houses 
would, doubtless, be gratifying; but to 
men unused to peaceful labour, lands 
without slaves and cattle were little 
worth, and it was necessaiy in the spring 
to find them some profitable employ- 
ment. Unable sufficiently to supply the 
wants of his soldiers from any Grecian 
enemy, Timoleon sent one thousand men 
into the territory belonging to Carthage, 
and gathered thence abundance of spoil. 
The measure may seem rash, but he 
probably knew that an invasion was 
preparing, and that quiescence would 
not avert the storm, while a rich booty 



would make his soldiers meet it better. 
The Carthaginians landed in SicOy. 
Their force is stated at seventy thousand 
foot, and ten thousand horse; while 
Timoleon could only muster three thou- 
sand Syracusans, and nine thousand 
mercenaries. Nevertheless, he advanced 
to meet them in then* own possessions, 
and, by the union of admirable conduct 
with singular good fortune, won a glo- 
rious victoiy, which was soon followed 
by an honourable peace. 

Timoleon, professing to be the Ube- 
rator of Sicily, next directed his arais 
against the various chiefs or tjrants, 
who held dominion in the toAvns. In this 
he may probably have been actuated by 
a sincere hatred of such governments ; 
but he fi-equently seems to have little 
consulted the wishes of the people, whose 
deliverer he declared himself Most of 
the smaller chiefs withdrew ; the more ^ 
powerful resisting, were conquered, and 
being given up to their pohtical adver- 
saries, were put to death, — in some cases 
with studied crueltj\ Among the vic- 
tims was Hicetes, who was submitted, 
with his whole family, to the judgment 
of that mixed multitude, now called the 
Syracusan people, and all were put to 
death. There is much appearance that 
Hicetes deserved his fate ; but what 
shall we say of the people, which 
doomed to death his unoffending wife 
and daughters; and what of the ge- 
neral who, holding httle less than ab- 
solute authority over his followers, re- 
ferred such a matter to the decision of 
such a body ? 

Ha\ing everywhere established for 
Syracuse and for himself a superin- 
tending authority, which rested on the 
support of a prevaihng party, like the 
control of Athens or Lacedpemon over 
their alUes, Timoleon sought to restore 
good order, abundance, and population, 
to the long afflicted island. Syracuse was 
still very thinly peopled, and it was torn 
by mutual jealousy between the remnant 
of the ancient Syracusans, and the nu- 
merous mercenaries and foreign adven- 
turers, who had been rewarded for their 
services >vith lands and houses, and ad- 
mission to all the rights of citizens. At 
one time the struggle ripened to a civil 
war, of which we know not the cir- 
cumstances or the issue, but, probably 



Whither did he proceed?— What state of affairs did he find in Symcuse? — Was Timoleon successi 
1 expelling Hicetes and Dionysius ?— Whither did they withdraw ?— When did this take place ?— Wl 



iccessful 
in expelling Hicetes and Dionysius .''—Whither did they withdraw ?— When did this take place ?— What 
wjis the condition of Syracuse after Timoleon had become its ruler ? — IIow was the winter passed ? — How 
did the troops gather spoil in the spring?- What enemy landed in Sicily ?— With what force?— What 
waa Tiinoleon's force? — Who gained the victory ? — Apainsl whom did lie next direct his arms? — What 
was the fate of the chiefis?— Of Hicetes ?— Of his family ?— What did Timoleon now seek ? 



153 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



it was suppressed without the ruin of 
either party. At once to supply the 
void in the city, and to strengthen his 
government by a body of adherents who 
owed their all to him, Timoleon invited 
colonists from Greece, and settled at one 
time four thousand families on the 
Syracusan tenitoiy, and on a neigh- 
bouring plain of gi'eat extent and fer- 
tihty no less than ten thousand. Similar 
measures were adopted in many of the 
other cities, under his control. He 
revised the ancient lawsof Syracuse, and 
restored them with amendments skilfully 
adapted to the altered state of the com- 
monwealth. But to amalgamate into 
an united people so many bodies of men 
of various interests, and mostly trained 
to war and violence, was a work only to 
be accompUshed by the energy of one 
able man; and in accomplishing that 
work, Timoleon was both enabled and 
obliged, by the lawless habits of his 
followers, to exercise an authority not 
less arbitrary than that of any tyrant 
he had overthrown. In one most im- 
portant particular, he is superior, not 



only to those chiefs, to Gelon and Dio- 
nysius, and to all who ever held Uke 
power in Sicily, but perhaps, to all, with 
the single exception of Washington, who 
has ever risen to the highest power in 
times of tumult : for he appears to have 
directed his endeavours honestly and 
wisely to the object, not of establish- 
ing a dynasty of princes, but of so 
setthng the government, and training 
the people, that they should be able 
after his death to govern themselves 
without an arbitrary leader. He died 
highly honoured and generally beloved, 
and for many years after his death the 
whole of Sicily continued in unusual 
quiet and growing prosperity. Yet, in 
doing justice to the great qualities of 
Timoleon, and the sincerity of his zeal 
for the pubhc good, we cannot but own, 
that he was unscrupulous in the choice 
of means, even beyond the ordinary 
laxity of political morahty in Greece, 
and that his fame is tarnished by some 
acts of atrocious cruelty, and of gross 
injustice. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



or GREECE, FROM THE PEACE WHICH EOLLOWED THE BATTLE OF MANTINEIA, TO 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THEBES, BY ALEXANDER THE MACEDONIAN. 



SECTION I. 

Comparative views of Athenian and Lace- 
dccmonian institutions as affecting national 
strength and prosperity. 

The institutions of Lycurgus had im- 
pressed on his people a completely artifi- 
cial character. By stimulating some 
feelings and principles to excess, and 
almost eradicating othei-s, it had turned 
every thought and passion to the one 
pursuit of national aggmndizement. The 
sagacity of the author was great, and the 
scheme for awhile attained its end. But 
man's wisdom is foolishness, when, in- 
stead of taking his fellows as their Ma- 
ker formed them, and endeavouring to 
fevour the happy developement of their 
whole nature by reason and conscience, 
he undertakes to make them the mere 
creatures of a system, and determines by 
an arbitrary standard what virtues he 
will cultivate, and what vices admit. In 
its best times the system of Lycurgus 



promoted neither happiness nor goodnesa 
But when foreign command and distant 
warfare had rendered large communica- 
tion with strangers unavoidable, the Spar- 
tan virtues gave way to foreign vices, but 
the Spartan vices kept their hold ; avarice 
and corruption were no longer aliens, 
but pride, cruelty, contempt of man- 
kind were as prevalent as ever. Nay, 
the latter feeling had a wider field than 
when the system was new ; for the same 
disdain and jealousy, vrith which the 
early Lacedaemonians were wont to view 
the wretched Helots, were lavished by 
the few who latterly monopohzed the 
Spartan name on all their unprivileged 
fellow-citizens. Hence the internal weak- 
ness which, when Lacedaemon was at 
the highest, enabled a people hitherto 
undistinguished, to strike her down never 
more to rise. The greatness of Athens 
rested on a diff*erent footing. Favoured 
by circumstances and situation, she had 



Whence did he invite colonists? — To what does Timoleon appear to have directed his honest endeav- 
ours ? — What was the state of Sicily long after his death ? 

What character did the institiitions of Lycurgus impress on the Lacedsmonians? — What deficiency 
was there in his system in j*.s best times? — What was the effect of foreign command and distant war* 
fcre?— On what did the greatness of Athens rest? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



153 



early outstripped her neighbours in peace- 
ful arts, in civilisation and intelligence. 
The wisdom of Theseus had laid the 
foundation of good government, which 
was built upon by Solon. Less inge- 
nious, less original, less elaborately sys- 
tematic, the views of Solon were juster 
and more sober than those of Lycurgus. 
He did not attempt to new create his 
people, but simply to moderate their 
dissensions, restrain their injurious pas- 
sions, and open a fair field to the growth 
and exercise of abiUty and virtue. Good 
order was so far established that civil 
disturbance was more rare, and life and 
property secured, though very imper- 
fectly, yet better than in any other Gre- 
cian city ; both speech and action were 
singularly free ; the career of ambition 
was open to all, and its prizes splendid. 
The fruits of this system were con- 
siderable mitigation of party-rancour; 
humanity of manners greater than was 
usual in Greece, and extending even to 
the kinder treatment of slaves ; an un- 
paralleled developenient of the nation- 
al intellect, displaying itself m every 
channel both of action and speculation ; 
a patriotic pride and attachment, less 
bigoted and less founded in contempt of 
others, but not less warm that that 
of the Lacedaemonians. These merits 
rested not, like those of the Lacedaemo- 
nians, on unvarying conforaiity to the 
institutions which had nursed them, but 
rather on the habits resulting from free 
and regular government, yet not identi- 
fied with any particular form ; and, above 
all, on this one great safeguard against 
gross abuse, that the people were accus- 
tomed to exercise a legal, peaceable, and 
effectual control over the administration. 
The city was twice taken ; the first time 
abandoned and destroyed ; the second, 
enthralled to a tyrannical oUgarchy, that 
purchased the privilege of unlimited op- 
pression by keeping it subject to La- 
cedaemon; yet, on both occasions, it 
soon recovered freedom and greatness. 
When the might of Lacedaemon once 
was broken, and her hitherto inviolate 
territory invaded, though the occupa- 
tion was short, and the city was not 
taken, she never recovered from the 
blow. The one state may be compared 
to an engine of vast power, but limited 
to a single mode of action, and unable to 



restore itself when the springs are 
sti-ained, or its play impeded : the other 
to a hving body, containing an energy 
which enables it to repair the damage 
of accident or disease, and adatp its con- 
stitution to every change of cu'cumstance. 
When Thebes had humbled Lacedaemon, 
it seemed as if its task were done : it had 
risen to empire by the accidental pro- 
duction of one great man, with some able 
coadjutors, and it sunk with the master- 
mind which had raised it. But great 
men were the constant growth of Athens, 
and by the ability of its statesmen, and 
the intelligence and resources of its peo- 
ple, it became again, and long continued, 
the first city of Greece. 

Athenians gradually degenerate. 
But though Athens had now recovered 
its importance, in so many changes 
the character of its government and 
people had grievously suffered. The 
most perfect state of the Athenian con- 
stitution was probably that which fol- 
lowed the reform of Cleisthenes: all after 
changes seem to have been for the worse. 
In every country there are certain ad- 
vantages of education and habits which 
tend to foster that general liberality of 
conduct and feeling, which is emphati- 
cally said to mark the character of a 
gentleman. It is not, however, where 
excessive privileges are attached to rank 
and wealth, that this character is chiefly 
found ; for in such states the pri^dleged 
cast, thinking their superiority enough 
attested by the accidents of situation 
and the outward pohsh of manners, 
are apt to neglect the more essential 
ornaments of courtesy, generosity, and 
candour, or, obsei-ving those virtues to- 
wards their equals, are yet prone to 
treat their poorer countrj'^raen with 
hai^shness and injustice. Of Grecian 
oligarchies by far the best regulated 
was the Lacedaemonian; and here we 
have seen the tyranny of the Sparr 
tans as a body: but in most others, 
besides the general oppression of the go- 
vernment, the people suflTered without 
redress, from the rapine, or brutal licen- 
tiousness of powerful individuals. The 
case was different in Athens. The law 
was equal, and the courts were popularly 
constituted; and though personal and 
family interest might sometimes screen 



What were Solon's views compared with those of Lycurgus ? — What were the good effects of his syg- 
tem ? — On what did these merits rest? — Which city recovered more easily from calamity and deleal? — 
What was the difference between Thebes and Athens ? 

What was the most perfect state of the Athenian constitution ? — Which was the best regulated of tb« 
Grecian oligarchies ? — Did tyranny prevail even there.' — Was the condition of the people better in Athena? 



ao 



154 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



an ordinary delinquent, it seldom pro- 
tected a criminal whose trespass was of a 
nature to provoke extensive indignation. 
The only road to greatness was through 
the favour of the people, by commu- 
nication with whom all unportant public 
business was transacted ; and thus 
controlled by law, by opinion, and by 
frequent intercourse with all classes, 
the noble Athenian was prevented from 
mdulging a tyrannical haughtiness. The 
same causes which checked in him the 
besetting vices of over-powerful nobih- 
ties, were stimulants to exercise the vir- 
tues becoming his station ; for being un- 
able to enforce deference by terror, and 
equally unable to dechne the jurisdiction 
of public opinion, and rest his credit on 
the suffrage of a nan*ow circle of equals, 
the only way to make Ms rank respected 
was by a suitable superiority m accom- 
plishments and dignity of character. To 
men thus prepared distinguished birth 
was a ready introduction to political suc- 
cess ; for the Athenians dwelt too fondly 
on the ancient glories of their country, to 
be without partiality towards the de- 
scendants of then* heroes. Hence, long 
after the highest offices were open to all, 
we find political leaders mostly men of 
family, and universally of liberal educa- 
tion. But a change became visible after 
the death of Pericles. The prevailing 
character of the poor citizens who lived 
idle on the bounty of the state has been 
described, (p. 71,) and these by their 
numbers, and frequent attendance, held 
far too great a weight in the assembly. As 
pensioners on the public they were eager 
to promote a large revenue and a large 
expenditure: as Hght-minded idlers, 
they were ever watching for amusement : 
as coarsely educated persons, they were 
little solicitous about the refinement 
of the sources whence that amusement 
came. For them the very orator was a 
man like Cleon, who would squeeze the 
tributaries, lavish the produce in addi- 
tional shows and sacrifices, and raise 
laughter alternately by his railings against 
the most respectable characters, and by 
his own detected presumption and folly. 
It is probably from the prevalence of 
such as Cleon, that we are to date the 
formation of an aristocratical party in 
Athens, completely distinct fi-om the old 
oligarchical. By the oligarchical party 



may be understood those who wished 
for a constitution placing all power in the 
high-born and wealthy Few; and their 
last considerable efforts were in the gov- 
eraments of the Four Hundred and the 
Thiity. By the aristocratical, those are 
meant who, without hostility to the 
democratical constitution, wished to 
keep the administration, as foniierly, in 
men whose influence rested on rank, 
ability, and character, and who were 
fitted to advise and lead, instead of flat- 
tering and following the people. The 
earher struggle was between the rich 
and the not rich, and the object was to 
determine the constitution; the latter, 
between the poor and the not poor, the 
educated and the uneducated, and the 
object to settle the administration. The 
present application of the word aristo- 
cratical is not according to the most 
popular usage, in which it is made nearly 
synonymous with oUgarchical; ,but it 
comes nearer to the original meaning of 
the word, and it also enables us to ex- 
press a distinction which otherwise we 
could not convey in a single term. 

Change in the nature of party contests. 

Of the aristocratical party thus under- 
stood the first decided head was the un- 
fortunate Nicias. His opponent Cleon 
had many successors, but in the latter 
part of the Peloponnesian war the strag- 
gle between the aristocratical interest and 
the demagogues gave way in great mea- 
sure to the revived contest between oli- 
garchy and democracy. After the war, 
when democracy was re-established, it 
still slept for a considerable time. While 
Thrasybulus lived, his merit was so great, 
his services so recent, and his attachment 
to the interest of the people so unques- 
tioned, that no permanent opposition to 
his influence could be maintained. Even 
after his death the situation of Athens 
was long so critical as to check the ca- 
pricious temper of the Many, and incline 
them to be guided by men of ability and 
character. Among these, the principal 
were Conon, Iphicrates, Timotheus, and 
Chabrias, who were generally employed 
in the most important commands, and 
whose conduct brought to the Athenian 
government the reputation of liberality 
and moderation, as well as capacity. Of 
this we have seen an instance in the 



What was the only road to greatness there ? — What was the only way for an Athenian of rank to gain 
respect? — Who were usually leaders at Athens? — What change took place after the death of Pericles? 
— Why was Cleon a favourite? — What may be understood by the term oligarchical party 1 — What by 
aristocratical 1 

Who was the first head of the aristocratical party ?— Who was his opponent ? — Who are mentioned aa 
the most distinguished aristocratical leaders after Nicias ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



155 



measures of Timotheus at Corcyra. The 
states of Greece were never able to 
mamtain themselves securely m indepen- 
dence, and the maritime and commercial 
cities especially suffered from the want 
of a powerful superintending govern- 
ment ; for the ^gean sea swarmed ^vith 
pirates, and not only with individual 
plunderers, but with the vessels of pira- 
tical states. From these the coasts and 
islands had formerly been guarded by 
the fleets of Athens, but they had been 
made to pay so deai'ly for their safety, 
that they gladly transferred their obedi- 
ence to Lacedsemon. Its protection 
however proving flill as oppressive, and 
appai-ently less effectual, it was not with- 
out satisfaction that they saw the com- 
mand of the sea again transferred from 
Lacedsemon to Athens. The power of 
Athens deterred resistance, and promised 
protection ; and the hberal conduct of its 
oflScei-s in\'ited confidence. The evils 
of Lacedoemonian supremacy, and of 
independence, had been more recently 
felt than those of Athenian empire ; 
which, accordingly, revived with the 
wiUing consent of most of its subjects. 

Revival of Athenian empire. — Revolt of 
Rhodes, Chios, Cos and Byzantium. 

But the Athenian people, though 
schooled by past misfoitune and present 
danger, to temporaiy good behaviour, 
were at bottom yet more unfit for domi- 
nion than before. In so many revolu- 
tions the class of gentlemen had been 
much diminished, by death, by confisca- 
tion, and by gradual impoverishment. 
Many, who had previously only strug- 
gled to preserve the legitimate influence 
of superior education, and habits fonned 
by exemption from the necessity of con- 
stant attention to gain, had now become 
decided ohgarchists, perhaps accomplices 
in the enormities of the Thut}" ; while 
those on whom the proscription of these 
despots had fallen heaviest, were the 
men, of all the most valuable in a state 
like Athens, who united popular man- 
ners and principles favourable to equalit}', 
with distinguished birth, fortune, breed- 
ing, and accomplishment. The number 
of the poorer citizens had been increased, 
and the standard of their taste and intel- 
lect lowered, by the large admission of 
slaves and foreigners, after the fall of the 



tjTants: the remembrance of past suffer- 
ings exasperated their indiscriminate 
jealousA" of all who claimed superiority 
on the ground of talents or services, or 
on any but the mere arbitrarj^ favour of 
the people. The field was, therefore, 
more open than ever for new Cleons to 
arise, to flatter the people by professions 
of unlimited devotion, and to rail at those 
as disaffected, who strove to guide and 
really to serve it. Awhile such pick- 
thanks were kept in check by the dan- 
gerous situation of the commonwealth ; 
but when the fear of Thebes and Lace- 
dremon was over, they played their part 
more boldly and successfiilly. They 
were eagerly heard when they asked 
why it was that the fleets brought home 
no ti-easure, and why any cit)' was allow- 
ed to have ships and commerce that 
would not pay tribute as of old. Extor- 
tion rose higher than ever ; persons of no 
abUity or character were often sent out 
vvith imlimited powers as conmiissioners 
to levA' money ; complaints from the aUies 
ensiung vvithout end, were disregarded, 
till, at length, about five jears after the 
battle of Mantuieia, the states of Rhodes, 
Chios, Byzantium, and Cos, the first 
three among the most powerfiil allies of 
Athens, joined in declaiing that they 
would henceforth protect then' commerce 
with their ov\ti fleets, and wanting no 
help fi'om the Athenian naxj, would pay 
no tribute for its support. (B. C. 358.) 

Revolt and recovery of Euhcea. 
This declaration was received by the 
Athenians vvith mingled anger and alarm, 
and wai* was voted against the rebelUous 
allies: but httle had been done in pur- 
suance of this decree, when the people 
heard the still more alarming news that 
Euboea had revolted, the most important 
foreign dependency of Athens, and tlie 
principal source from which its inhabi- 
tants were fed. A petty war had been 
going on in the island, and one of the 
parties had called in Tlieban aid: a 
Bceotian force had been welcomed in 
Chalcis and Eretria, the two principal 
tovvns; and though there was every- 
where an Athenian party, tlie revolters 
were clearly the stronger throughout the 
island. In the general dismay Timothe- 
us came forward: "What!" he said, 
" When the Thebans are in tlie islands, 



Was the government of Athens or that of Lacedaemon more favourable to the islands ? 

Did misfortune fit the Athenians for exercising dominion ? — What class had been diminished? — What 
class of citizens had been increased ? — What was the consequence ? — Five years after the battle of Man- 
tineia what states revolted from Athens? 

Was war voted against the revolted islands? — What island revolted next? — What sort of troops had 
been welcomed in Chalcis and Eretria ? — Where are these towns ? — Who now aroused the Athenians > 



156 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



do you deliberate ? Will you not fill tht-- 
sea with your ships? Will you not 
break up the assembly and hurry on 
boaid ?" The people were roused. On- 
ly five days after the Thebans landed in 
Euboea the Athenians were there, and 
within thirty the Thebans capitulated to 
quit the island. No executions followed, 
and the affairs of Euboea were wisely 
and liberally settled, probably by Timo- 
theus. It was agreed that eveiy town 
should acknowledge as formerly the su- 
premacy of Athens, and pay a stated 
tribute ; that each should keep a minister 
resident m Athens, to represent it in the 
congress of the allies, and to be its organ 
of communication with the Athenian 
assembly ; but that for its internal affairs 
each should presei've its fonner constitu- 
tion, and its independent administration. 
The rejoicing in Athens was scarcely 
over when a memorable opposition arose 
from a new quarter. 

Affairs of Macedonia. 
Macedonia had early been united in a 
kuigdom of considerable extent. Here, 
as at first in the states of Greece, the 
chief power had been in the landholders, 
with the king as their militaiy leader 
and political head ; but both the whole 
countiy and the lordships into which 
it was divided being larger, the pro- 
prietors, instead of assembling in cities, 
had separately ruled their vassals on 
their own estates. This gave a com- 
pletely different character to the go- 
vernment and its revolutions. The 
great men felt their importance more as 
individuals and less as members of a 
class; they had less facility of combi- 
nation, and less disposition to combine ; 
and when they did so, it was rather as 
allies united to promote each other's se- 
veral objects of ambition, than as persons 
bound together by a common interest, 
and pursuing a common end in the 
aggi'andizement of their order. Hence, 
amidst much turbulence and many con- 
tests for the crown, the form and spirit 
of the government altered little. In its 
leading features, the Macedonian govern- 
ment was like that estabhshed through- 
out Europe by the northern conquerors. 
It is that into which rude nations natu- 
rally fall, with more or less of freedom 
and good order according to the temper of 



the people ; and it is one in which rude 
nations only can continue. As civiUsation 
advances, and large cities are formed, 
a populai- power necessarily arises, in 
opposition to the gi-eat proprietors. In 
the kingdoms of Europe, the monarch 
has frequently united with the commons 
to beat down the excessive power of the 
nobles; and, when this was accom- 
phshed, has again joined the fallen 
nobihty to crush the spirit of fi'eedom 
which was rising in the people. In 
England the same game was played, 
but unsuccessfully; for, by the time 
when the crown had triumphed over 
the nobility, the spirit and power of the 
commons had struck root so deeply, 
that in the long and perilous struggle 
which ensued, a settlement favourable 
to popular liberty was effected aftei 
many revolutions. The Macedonian 
kingdom was not ripe for such a series 
of changes. The people were yet dis- 
persed, and httle civilized; the only 
large trading towns were Grecian colo- 
nies, whose inhabitants exercised repub- 
lican government within their own ter- 
ritories, and held themselves allies rather 
than countrj^men of the Macedonians, 
and tributaries rather than hege subjects 
of their king. The manners of the 
Macedonians continuing to suit their 
government, the government stood un- 
changed. 

Archelaus. — Amyntas and his sons, — Acces- 
sion of Philip. 

Archelaus, the son of Perdiccas, had 
much increased the resources of his 
kingdom, and prepared the way for its 
advance in civihsation ; but in the four- 
teenth year of his reign (B. C. 399,) he 
was assassinated, and the fi-uits of his 
able administration perished in seven 
years of confusion which followed. The 
crown was bandied from one to another, 
and most of the claimants perished by 
assassination ; at length Amyntas gained 
the kingdom, and held it for twenty-four 
years. During this period, he was once 
expelled by the Illyrians, a predatory 
nation on his wjestem border, and re- 
stored by the ThessaUans ; another time, 
but we know not whether before or after, 
he was nearly expelled by the Thessa- 
Uans. He died a year after the battle 
of Leuctra, leaving three sons, Alexan- 



What ensued ? — What were the terms of peace ? 

Where is Macedonia? --How is it bounded ? — In what tiad it united? — Where was the chief power 
lodged ?---In its leading features wh:u was the Macedonian government like? — Had the government re- 
mained unchanjred in this .-:t;itur 

Who had increased the I eso'irces of the kingdom ? — How did he die? — What followed? — How long 
did Amyntas reign ?-— When did he die ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



157 



der, Perdiccas, and Philip. Then came 
another period of war and disputed suc- 
cession. Alexander was murdered; 
Perdiccas fell five years after in battle 
against the Illyrians; and when the 
reign of PhiUp began (B. C. 359.) the 
Dlyrians commanded the country, the 
Paeonians were threatening invasion, and 
two rival claimants were preparing to 
renew the struggle for the throne, Pau- 
sanias by Thracian, Argaeus by Athenian 
support. 

Disputes with Athens. 

The young king (he Avas only twentj'- 
three yeai-s old) was not unequal to 
the difficulties of his situation. The 
powers of his mind and the graces of 
his person were both uncommon ; and 
his natural gifts had been improved to 
the utmost by an excellent Grecian edu- 
cation, his boyhood havmg been passed 
at Thebes, and, as it is said, in the house 
of Epaminondas. His eloquence was al- 
lowed, even by the Athenians, to be both 
pure and forcible, and hismannei-s singu- 
larly polished. Philip vigorously applied 
himself to reanimate his disheartened 
subjects; he called frequent assemblies 
of the Macedonian people, and roused 
their courage by eloquent exliortations ; 
he reviewed and exercised his forces ; 
and introduced the Grecian disciphne 
of the phalanx, which had hitherto been 
unknown among them. Having pro- 
cured by negotiation a suspension of 
the other attacks, he went against the 
Athenian troops, who had marched to 
set up Argasus. These he defeated, and 
reduced them to a capitulation, by which 
they agreed to deliver to him the Macedo- 
nian exiles whom they had brought with 
them, and to retire. To win the favour 
of Athens was most important; and the 
temper of Philip as well as his policy was 
favourable to conciUation. He treated all 
the Athenian prisoners who had been 
taken in the battle with the gi-eatest kind- 
ness, dismissed them unransomed, rec- 
ompensed their losses, and provided 
conveyance for tliem to Athens. He 
voluntarily abandoned all claim to Am- 
phipohs, which, since they lost it, had 
ever been coveted by the Athenians ; and 
he thus obtained peace vnth Athens.* 
He then attacked his other enemies, 



reduced the Paeonians to submission, and 
compelled the Illyrians to accept of peace 
on terms dictated by himself. All this 
he accomplished before he had reigned a 
year. 

We have seen that at the peace be- 
tween Athens and Lacedaemon, in the 
tenth year of the Pelopennesian war, it 
was agreed that Amphipolis should 
again be subject to Athens, but the Am- 
phipolitans refused submission. Since 
that time the city had genemlly con- 
tinued independent, though the Athe- 
nians always clamied dominion over it. 
In the year before Phihp's accession, 
it was connected ^vith OljTithus, and the 
x\thenian general, Timotheus, failed in 
an attempt to recover it. Next year, 
we find it, apparently, under the power 
of Macedonia. That it should have been 
forcibly conquered during the interval, 
either by PhiMp or his brother, is httle 
likely, considering the then condition of 
their kingdom. But Amphipolis was 
divided by hostile factions, severally 
devoted to Athens, Olynthus, and Mace- 
donia; and it may be that the Mace- 
donian party, supported, perhaps, by 
timely aid fi-om PMlip, had gained the 
upper hand, and then proceeded to 
secure it by maintaining a body of his 
troops in the cit}'. To remove a subject 
of quarrel with the Athenians, who sup- 
ported Argaeus chiefly in the hope of 
recovering Amphipohs, Phihp declared 
that city independent The garrison 
being withdra\vn, the friends of 3Iace- 
donia could no longer maintain them- 
selves, and the Olynthian party reco- 
vering the ascendant, employed the 
resources of the state in annojdng the 
neighbouring kingdom. In consequence, 
Philip, after his IlljTian campaign, be- 
sieged and took Amphipolis. The con- 
duct of the conqueror was milder than 
usual m Greece; his most decided op- 
ponents only suffered banishment, and 
the constitution of the commonwealth 
remained unaltered, while tlie adminis- 
tration passed into the hands of the 
Macedonian party. But a quaiTel arose 
between Philip and the Athenians for 
the sovereignty of Amphipolis. Phihp 
urged that he had fairly won it; tliat 
the Athenians, not possessing it, had 



* It has been supposed, that Philip not only made peace with the Athenians, but entered into alliance 
with them against Olynthus j but there seems to be no sufficient authority for this belief. 



What ensued ? — In what condition was the kingdom when Philip's reign began ? 

What was his character? — How did Philip reanimate his subjects? — What tmops did he first defeat? 
How did he treat the prisoners? — How did he obtain peace uith Athens? — What did he next do? — 
Where is Amphipolis? — What liad been the condition of Amphipolis since the 10th year of the Pelopon- 
nesian war ? — Under what power bad it lately come? — Why did Philip declare it independent ? — Why 
did he recapture it ? 



158 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



suffered no injury ; and that it was just 
that he and not the Athenians should 
enjoy the fruit of his toil and danger. 
The Athenians contended that Philip 
had procured their friendship at a critical 
moment by renouncing all claim to Am- 
phipolis; that the renunciation was il- 
lusory, unless made in their favour, 
and mtended to bind him to assist them 
in its recoveiy, or, at least, to debar him 
from impeding them ; and that if he had 
conquered it for any pui-pose except to 
restore it to the Athenians, he had made 
its i-ecovery not only difficult, but, while 
they continued in friendship with him, 
impossible. A compromise was at- 
tempted. The Macedonian town of 
Pydna had revolted to the Athenians. 
The time of this revolt is quite uncer- 
tain. If it took place, as Mr. Mitford 
supposes, during the contmuance of 
friendship between Philip and the Athe- 
nians, it was enough to put them entirely 
in the wrong, and to deprive them of 
all claim to the restoration of Amphi- 
polis. But there appears to be no evi- 
dence which can fix it to tliat particular 
period, or exclude the supposition of 
its havmg happened before the peace. 
However, it was secretly proposed that 
Philip should give up Amphipohs, and 
receive Pydna in return. The arrange- 
ment was not concluded, and finally war 
ensued, soon after the reduction of 
Euboea. (B. C. 358.) 

Revival of the Olynthian league. 
The Olynthian confederacy had re- 
vived since the decline of Lacedaemon. 
Most of its towns were founded on ter- 
ritory originally belonging to Macedo- 
nia, and all had, at a foiTner time, been 
subject to Athens ; its further extension 
could take place only at the expense of 
one power or the other ; and it was only 
from the navy of Athens or the land 
force of Macedonia that any present 
danger could be feared. There was 
ground enough for jealousy and rivaliy 
with both ; and in the approaching con- 
test between Macedonia and Athens, 
it was unceitain what part Olynthus 
would take, but certain, that its friend- 
ship would be highly valuable to either. 
Both negotiated with the Olynthians; 
but Philip obtained their favour by the 
promise that he would take Potidaea 



from the Athenians and give it to them. 
Accordingly, the Olynthian forces pro- 
ceeded with him against Pydna and 
Potidaea, both of which were in the pos- 
session of the Athenians. Both towns 
submitted, and Potidaea was added to 
the Olynthian league; but PhiUp pro- 
tected the Athenian garrison, and after 
treating them with the greatest courtesy, 
sent them home. 

Philip settles the affairs of Thessaly. 
In the next spring, Pliilip's attention 
was occupied by the affairs of Thessaly. 
The Tagus Alexander of Pherae had re- 
cently been assassinated by his wife's 
brothers, Tisiphonus and Lycophron. 
Since the settlement of the affairs of 
Thessaly by Thebes, which has already 
been related, the Tagus had again suc- 
ceeded in assuming tyrannical power; 
and his government was so hated, and 
Grecian morahty so loose, that his mur- 
derers became for the moment generally 
popular, and succeeded unopposed to 
his office. Their sway, however, though 
less able, soon grew to be as arbitrary as. 
his. Discontent became general, and 
the opposing party called in Philip, 
whose family had ancient connexion in 
Thessaly ; " and he," says the historian, 
"entering Thessaly, overcame the ty- 
rants, and, restoring freedom to the 
cities, gave proof of great good will to 
the Thessahans ; wherefore, in his afler 
actions, he had them always as his 
zealous auxiliaries, and not only he, but 
Alexander his son." [Diodoiiis.) 

Chares. — Death of Chahrias. — Exile of Tim- 
otheus. — Athens makes peace with the re- 
volted allies. 

Meantime, the Athenians had carried 
on the war, against their revolted aUies 
with little success. The chief com- 
mander was generally Chares, a bold 
and active officer, but of limited capacity, 
careless, dissolute, and corrupt. Public 
money and private fortune he squandered 
alike in his own licentious pleasures, 
and in bribery to the most popular ora- 
toi-s, and to the poor citizens who sub- 
sisted by attending the courts and the 
assembly; and so strong was the party 
which by such arts he managed to 
retain, that he was able, as if in defiance 
of pubhc opmion, to carry about with him, 



Did he allow the Athenian claim to it?— Did he receive Pydna in exchange for it .'—What ensued ? 
When was the Olynthian confederacy revived ?— Which side did the Olynthians take in the war ?^ 
How did Philip obtain their favour? — Where is Potidaea? — What towns did the Olynthians acquire ? 
Who succeeded Tagus Alexander of PheriB ? — How did Philip gain the favour of the Thessalians? 
Who was Chares and what was his character ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



1S9 



when in command abroad, a train of mu- 
sicians, dancers, and harlots. The Ath- 
enians now would rarely consent to go 
on foreign service : those who^Jiad prop- 
erty or lucrative concerns would attend 
to their business at home ; those who had 
not would Uve at the expense of the state 
in idleness, or with no employment but 
sitting in the courts. The Athenian ar- 
mies were, therefore, principally merce- 
nary, while the wasteful expenditm-e at 
home left but Uttle money for their sup- 
port ; and we may easily imagine the de- 
gree of obedience and efficiency which 
could be expected from a hired army of 
strangers, with supplies at best very in- 
sufficient, of which a great part was usu- 
ally la\ished on the private pleasures of 
the general. Chares made an unsuccess- 
ful attack on Chios, in which Chabrias, 
who was serving under him, fell. On 
another occasion, Iphicrates and Timo- 
theus were joined with him in command, 
and when his rashness would have 
brought on an action by sea under very 
disadvantageous circumstances, they over- 
ruled him. Chares, on his return, accu- 
sed his colleagues of corruption, and it 
seems that they were both displaced, and 
Timotheus was fined so heavily that he 
was obliged to retire from Athens, and 
passed his remaining years at Chalcis in 
Eubcea. Chares remained alone in com- 
mand, but without the means of paying 
his soldiere. In this emergency, though 
Athens was at peace with Persia, Chares 
accepted the offers of x\rtabazus, the re- 
bel satrap of Bithynia, and, joining him 
with all his forces, enabled him to defeat 
the royal army. By this the present 
wants of the armament were supplied, 
but Athens incurred the enmity of Pei-sia ; 
and, hearing that a powerful Phoenician 
fleet was preparing to assist the revolted 
allies, the Athenians, in the third year of 
the war, hastily concluded a peace, resign- 
ing all claim to obedience and tribute 
from Rhodes, Chios, Cos, and Byzanti- 
um. (B. C. 355.) 

SECTION II. 
Council of Amphictyons. 
The institution of the Council of Am- 
phictyons was one of tlie earliest events 
in Greek history. It is impossible now 
to ascertain the date of its origin ; and 



even the name and nation of its founder 
have been differently represented by con- 
flicting traditions. One accomit attrib- 
utes the institution to Amphictyon, a 
Thessalian prince ; another to Acrisius, 
a king of Argos. It originally consisted 
of deputies from twelve Thessalian tribes ; 
and (as it seems, though there is some 
difficulty and confusion on this point) the 
modem states of Greece possessed no di- 
rect power in it, beyond the vote to which 
they might happen to be entitled as de- 
scendants of some of the original constit- 
uents. Thus the Dorians were entitled to 
representatives in the Council ; but in the 
election of these representatives, several 
Dorian states concurred on equal terms, 
Lacedaemon possessing no direct power 
beyond that which was enjoyed by the 
insignificant towois of Dorium and Cy- 
tinium, in Doris. The number of tribes 
represented had probably varied ; the pri- 
\'ilege having been, at different times, 
taken away from some, and bestowed 
on others. If the Council was at first 
an independent ThessaUan confederacy, 
its existence is a remarkable proof of 
the ascendency of the Thessalian and 
Hellenic tribes at the time : but, if the 
institution be really owing to Acrisius, 
it can be considered as no more than a 
political engine, devised by a powerflil 
monarch of the Peninsula, for the pur- 
pose of consolidating his influence in 
the North. 

The Council met at Delphi in the 
spring, and at Anthela, near Thermo- 
pylae (or Pylae) in the autmnn. Ori- 
ginally the meetings were held at the 
latter place only. The jurisdiction of 
the Council extended to the national 
religion, and, in particular to inforcing 
due reverence to Apollo, the Delphian 
god, as well as to disputes connected vnth 
international law. The deputies took 
an oath, the substance of which is stiU 
presei'ved in an oration of -^schines. 
They swore " never to raze any of the 
Amphictyonic cities, nor to prohibit 
them from fountains, in war or peace; 
and, if any one transgress this, to make 
war upon him, and to raze his cities: 
and if any one despoil what belongs to 
the god (the Delphian Apollo,) or be 
privy to or devise aught against that 
which is in the temple, to punish him 



Why would not the Athenians go on foreign service? — In what action was Chabrias killed? — What 
occasioned the removal of Iphicrates and Timotheus? — Whither did Timotheus afterwards retire?— In 
what war did Chares afterwards involve Athens? — In making peace what tributary states were given 
up ? — Where are they respectively situated ? 

Of what did the Council of Amphictyons originally consist ? — Were the Grecian states fully represent- 
ed in it ? — Where did it meet ?— To what did its jurisdiction extend ? — What oath did the members take ? 



160 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



with foot, and hand, and voice, and all 
my might." There was annexed to the 
oath a heavy curse on those who ti'ans- 
gressed it. That part of the oath which 
relates to the property laid up in the 
temple, derived its importance from the 
circumstance that many piinces and 
states, in early times, deposited rich 
offerings there, retaining nevertheless 
some interest in these deposits, and 
possessing distinct treasuries in the tem- 
ple. 

Each of the tribes sent two deputies, 
a Hieromnemon and a Pylagoras. The 
former, whose peculiar office was to at- 
tend to the questions connected with re- 
ligion, was appointed by lot for the 
whole year. The Pylagoras was chosen 
for each meeting, and had more uncon- 
fined functions. Each of them however 
voted on all matters supposed to be of 
general interest. In early times, the 
tribes sent only a Pylagoras. It is not 
very easy to reconcile the different ac- 
counts we obtain from Greek authoi-s 
who mention these details incidentally: 
but it seems most probable that the states 
composing a single tribe, as for instance 
the Ionian, sent each their deputies, and 
that these deputies elected from among 
themselves the one Ionian Hieromnemon 
and Pylagoras. It seems ceitain that 
none but the Hieromnemon and Pylag- 
oras voted : the other deputies probably 
joined in the debates. One of the Hier- 
omnemons presided in the Council. The 
only individual said to have been punish- 
ed by the Council was Ephialtes the Ma- 
lian, who guided the Persians over the 
mountain-pass by which, in Xei'xes's in- 
vasion, they turned the position of Ther- 
mopylae. 

Athens, as a member of the Ionian, and 
Lacedfemon, as one of the Dorian tribe, 
were represented in the Council of Am- 
phictyons : but, while they had been par- 
amount, the political power of the Am- 
phictyons had been but small, since those 
proud commonwealths would not be con- 
trolled by the votes of obscure tribes in 
the North of Greece. Jbu* the Thebans, 
holding, at their rise to empire, a leading 
influence in Thessaly, appear to have con- 
sidered that they might direct the Council 
and make it an useful instrument. Ac- 
cordingly, they prosecuted Lacedsemon 



for the seizure of the Cadmeia, and ob- 
tained a decree condemning that state to 
a fine of 500 talents, upwards of 100,000Z. 
Had this award been made at the time, 
its justice could not have been disputed : 
but, being deferred till the crime was old, 
when arms had been appealed to m the 
interval, and signal vengeance taken on 
the aggressors ; and pronounced by a 
body which, when the guilt was unpun- 
ished and the power of the guilty unbro- 
ken, had not ventured even to remon- 
strate, — it was neither just, wise, nor man- 
ly. The Lacedaemonians refusing pay- 
ment, after a certain time the fine was 
doubled, according to the Amphictyonic 
law, and it still remained unpaid. 

Sacred war against the Phocians. 
The Phocians were next attacked. To 
hold them in obedience had ever been a fa- 
vourite object with Thebes, and had been 
warmly resisted by the Phocians, protect- 
ed sometimes by Athens, sometimes by 
Lacedaemon. The Thebans now hoped to 
obtain a decree of the Amphictyons which 
might enable them to gratify their ambi- 
tion under the disguise of rehgion, and 
which might deprive the Phocians of 
those allies who, othei^wise, would aim in 
theh cause. The pretext was furnished by 
a doubtful tradition, that the rich Cirrhse- 
an plain, a most valuable tract in the rag- 
ged country of Phocis, had anciently been 
consecrated by the Amphictyons to the 
Delphian Apollo, under a bea\-y curse on 
whoever should convert it to any human 
use. The Amphictyons met at Delplii; the 
direction of the temple was theire ; and 
they were considered the especial protec- 
tors of the worship of the god. But the 
truth of the consecration was uncertain ; 
the land in question had been used, time 
out of mind, by the Phocians, and was 
necessary to the support of the existing 
population ; and, though eveiy Amphic- 
tyon was bound to demand the execution 
of the Amphictyonic law, more especial- 
ly against impiety, no notice had ever 
been taken of the alleged profanation. 
Nevertheless, the Thebans being support- 
ed by the Thessalians, inveterate enemies 
to the Phocians for ages, a decree was 
passed, importing that the Phocians must 
immediately cease to use the sacred land, 
and must pay a heavy fine. 



What was deposited at Delphi ? — How many deputies did each tribe send ? — Who was the only person 
punished by the council ? — For what ? — What powerful Grecian states were represented in the council? 
— What decree did the Thebans procure against Lacedaemon ? — Where is Phocis? 

What tradition existed concerning Phocis f What rendered its truth improbable? — What decree of 

the Amphictyonic council did the Thebans procure ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



161 



Philomelus. 
Philomelus was the first among the 
Phocians by the union of birth, riches, and 
capacity. He excited his countrymen 
to vigorous resistance, impeaching the 
justice of the sentence, and showing 
that it was beyond their means to 
comply with its exactions. He further 
asserted that the superintendence of 
the temple at Delphi belonged of right 
to the Phocians, and not to the Am- 
phictyons : and he declared that if they 
would make him autocrator-general, 
he would not only repel the present 
aggression, but vindicate thek ancient 
rights. Being elected to the office he 
desired, he immediately went to Lace- 
dsemon, which was interested, as well as 
Phocis, in opposing the Amphictyons, 
and he obtained from that state a sum 
of money which enabled him to raise a 
powerful body of mercenaries. He made 
himself master of the city and temple : 
the BoBotians and Thessalians exclaimed 
against his impiety ; but he proclaimed 
to all that his pm'pose was to recover 
the rights which had been usurped from 
his countiymen, and that he was resolved 
scrupulously to respect the sacred trea- 
sury. The Athenians, Lacedaemonians, 
and some other states, declared them- 
selves in favour of the Phocians: the 
Locrians were the fii'st to act against 
them, and they were supported by the 
BcBotians and Thessalians. Philomelus 
mamtaiued the war with great ability, 
and most commonly with success, till 
he fell in a partial defeat of his army, in 
the second year of the contest. 

Onomarchus. 
Philomelus was succeeded by his 
brother Onomarchus, a man not his 
inferior in talent or energy, but appa- 
rently of a more violent and unscru- 
pulous character. His administration 
began with the execution of many poli- 
tical adversaries and the confiscation of 
their goods; on what provocation and 
with what degree of justice does not ap- 
pear. The native strength of Phocis 
was very inadequate to its defence 
agamst the Thebans ; a meroenaiy force 
was necessary, but money was want- 
ing to support it; the scanty resources 
of Phocis were nearly exhausted, and 



the Delphian treasury was at hand. 
Onomarchus yielded to the temptation, 
and trespassed largely on the sacred 
treasury for the pay of his mercena- 
ries ; and the governments both of Ath 
ens and Lacedsemon are accused of 
having shared in the robbeiy. He soon 
canied his arms successfully into Bceo- 
tia, and won there the town of Orcho- 
menus, which had been restored since 
its destruction by the Thebans. 

Wars of Philip with Athens and with 
Phocis. 

Meanwhile the power of PhiUp had 
been increasing. The Thracian, Peeoni- 
an, and Illyrian pilnces had combined 
to attack him; but Phihp, anticipating 
their purpose, had fallen on them un- 
prepared, and reduced them to submis- 
sion. An Athenian armament, how- 
ever, being sent to the Hellespont, Ker- 
sobleptes, the Thracian king, again re- 
volted. He was, probably, little friendly 
either to Athens or Macedonia, but ready, 
in the weak and divided state of his king- 
dom, to take part with whichever seemed 
at the moment most able to protect or to 
annoy. He now ceded to Athens all 
the towns of the Thracian Chersonese 
except Cardia; and to secure their ac- 
quisition, and at the same time to pro- 
vide for a number of citizens, the Athe- 
nians sent colonists to each. 

Methoue was the only Macedonian 
port which now acknowledged the au- 
thority of Athens. It was therefore 
the general refuge for the Athenian 
party expelled from Pydna, Potidaea, 
and the other to^vns recently united to 
Macedonia and Olynthus; it was also 
the only town on a wide extent of coast, 
whose commerce was protected by the 
Athenian navy from pirates, or even 
safe fi'om the depredations often com- 
mitted by the Athenian commanders 
themselves; and with these advantages 
it had grown populous, rich, and strong. 
Relying on its strength, it ventured to 
provoke the king of Macedonia by re- 
ceiving and abetting his enemies. Philip 
besieged the town: the resistance was 
vigorous, but in the end the place capi- 
tulated, and Philip granted a safe con- 
duct for the people to depart, caiTying 
each only the clothes he wore. He 



Who was Philomelus? — W^hat did he declare? — To what office was he elected ? — What did he pro- 
cure from Lacedtcmon ? — Who joined the Phocians? — Who opposed them? — Who conducted the war.' 
—When did he fall ? 

W^ho succeeded Philomelas ? — What was his character ? — What tempted him to rob the sacred treasury f 
— Who participated in the plunder?-— What place did Philomelus capture? — Where is Orchimienus? 

Whom had Philip reduced to submission ? — Who revolted to Athens? — What places did lie surrendtn'? 
—Where is Methone ? — For whom vv;is it a refuge ?— Who captured it ? — How were the people treated? 

21 



162 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



then demolished the town, and portioned 
out the territoiy to Macedonians. In 
the course of the siege Phihp lost an 
eye by an arrow shot. 

Victories of Onomarchus. — His defeat and 
death. 

He next proceeded to the asistance 
of his Thessalian fiiends against Lyco- 
phron, the tyrant of Pherae. The paity 
which Philip supported was that con- 
nected with Thebes, and Lycophron, 
therefore, naturally looked for aid to the 
rising power of Phocis. Phayllus, the 
brother of Onomarchus, being sent to 
his assistance, was defeated by the Thes- 
salians, under Philip; but Onomarchus 
himself, bemg assisted by Athens, en- 
tered Thessaly with a force, which, when 
joined by the adherents of Lycophron, 
was far superior to that opposed to him. 
Philip was twice defeated, and reduced 
to such difficulty that it was only by the 
gi-eatest exertions of mUitaiy talent that 
he could effect his retreat into Macedo- 
nia. Onomarchus next invaded Boeotia, 
where he won a battle, and took the city 
of Coroneia. Soon after, Philip again 
entered Thessaly to assist his fiiends, 
and Onomarchus to aid Lycophron; 
and a great battle was fought, in which 
the Phocians were completely defeated 
and their general slain. Three thou- 
sand were made prisoners, all of whom ' 
were executed as temple robbei*s, and 
the dead body of Onomarchus was 
ignominiously suspended on a cross. 
Mr. Mitford has discredited these cniel- 
ties, merely on the gi-ound that they are 
not mentioned by any of the contempo- 
rary orators hostile to Philip. This, 
however, only proves that the Phocian 
cause was now unpopular, and that the 
most bloody vengeance on the profane 
and sacrilegious was rather considered 
a merit than a reproach. Philip was not 
cruel either by character or by habitual 
policy ; but his humanity could some- 
times give way to his convenience, and 
in the present case the motives ai*e ob- 
vious. The execution of the prisoners 
would be loudly called for by the Thes- 
salians of his araiy, who hated the Pho- 
cians as ancient enemies, as supporters 
of their tyrants, and as perpetrators 



of sacrilege ; and, while it gratified his 
warmest adherents, it would give to 
the Greeks in general a testimony of 
his zeal for reUgion, and incline them 
to ascribe to piety rather than ambi- 
tion his further interference in the 
affaii-s of Phocis. Lycophron surren- 
dered Pherae; the influence of Phihp 
prevailed through all Thessaly; his 
fame and popularity as the avenger of 
the gods became general in Greece; 
and to both these results there is reason 
to fear that the massacre of the Phocian 
prisoners much contributed. (B. C. 352.) 

Lacedamon at war with Megalopolis. 

Phayllus succeeded his brother Ono- 
mai'chus; and dying of disease within 
a year, was followed in his office by 
Phalsecus, the son of Onomarchus : but 
both parties were much exhausted, and 
the war went on languidly and indeci- 
sively. A diversion was occasioned 
for awhile by a contest in Peloponne- 
sus. Megalopohs, originally founded by 
a party hostile to Lacedaemon, with the 
view of uniting all Arcadia against her, 
had ever since continued her enemy, and 
had been fitted by situation for a curb 
on her exertions, and a rampart of pro- 
tection to Messenia. The intenial politics 
of this commonwealth may be illustrated 
by refening to some transactions already 
related of Mantineia (p. 98 and 107.) The 
city had been formed by collecting the in- 
habitants fi'om many scattered villages, 
and uniting them m a democratical go- 
vernment; a measure highly gi'atifying 
to the multitude, but displeasing to the 
landholders, who had been accustomed 
to hold dominion over them, when 
scattered. The landholders looked to 
Lacedaemon for restoration to their 
countiy-houses and their ancient ascen- 
dancy: the Many were devoted to 
Thebes, inveterately jealous of Lacedae- 
mon, and pecuUarly bound by common 
interests and dangers to their neigh- 
bours of Messenia. The dispei-sion of 
the Megalopolitans was a necessary step 
to the reduction of Messenia, and the 
Lacedaemonians were the more encou- 
raged to the attempt by the knowledge 
that they had a party among the Mega- 
lopolitans. To procure the support of 



What happened to Philip during the siege? 

Whom did Philip next attack? — Where is Pherfe ? — On what river? — Who was sent from Phocis to 
assist Lycophron ? — What befell him ? — Who afterwards defeated Philip? — What city did Onomarchus 
capture in BcEotia? — Where is Coroneia? — In what country did Philip and Onomarchus afterwards fight 
a decisive battle? — What was the result? — How many Phocians were executed? — What was Philip's 
motive for this act of cruelty ? — Did it injure his popularity ? 

Wlio succeeded Onomarchus? — Who succeeded Phayllus? — Where is Megalopolis? — Of what was its 
population composed ? — With what view had it been founded ? — What state now went to war with it? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



163 



Athens to their design, they proposed 
to combine with it some other measm-es 
for the humihation of Thebes, mostly 
just and beneficial. Such were the re- 
storation of Thespise and Plataea, and 
the restitution of Oropus to Athens. 
The Athenians, aUied with Lacedsemon 
and at war wth Thebes, made no active 
opposition to the attempt ; but they 
neither assisted it nor ^vished it success. 
The Lacedaemonians were aided by the 
Phocians, the Megalopolitans by the The- 
bans, Ai'gians, and Messenians, and an 
active campaign ensued, but with no de- 
cisive result. 

Troubles of Euceha. — Phocion. 
New troubles had arisen in Euboea, 
and a Macedonian paity was gaining 
ascendency in the island. An Athenian 
force was sent thither under Phocion, a 
man remarkable in a corrupt age for 
singular integrity. He had risen to 
emmence as an officer under Chabrias, 
who, on one occasion, commissioned 
him to collect the tribute fi*om the al- 
hes, and placed twenty tru*emes under 
his orders for that purpose. Phocion 
objected: " To meet enemies," he 
said, " the force was insufficient ; to 
visit friends, it was needlessly great." 
Chabrias allowed him to go ^vith a sm- 
gle trireme. Such visits were dreaded 
by the subject states; for, besides the 
tribute, the Athenian commanders com- 
monly exacted large presents both for 
themselves and their crews, who, if not 
gratified with a share in the spoil, 
would, on returning home, be formi- 
dable to their commanders as wit- 
nesses against them, and very possibly 
as judges. Phocion, probably, took 
little or nothing for himself Assured 
of his own imiocence, he had the less 
need to indulge the rapacity of his men ; 
and, even if gratified to the full, the ap- 
petite of a single crew was more easily 
glutted than that of twenty. Altoge- 
ther, he made his mission unusually 
acceptable, and numerous vessels of the 
aUies voluntarily attended him home, 
bearing the fijll amount of tribute. He 
had since come forward as a speaker in 



the assembly; though not eloquent, he 
was a smgularly ready and acute debater, 
and his opinion earned weight fi-om the 
known soundness of his judgment and 
the excellence of his character. On the 
present occasion, the favom' of the 
higher classes towards Phocion was 
proved by their wilhngness to promote 
the success of his expedition, as well by 
money as by pei"sonal service. Many 
fi*eely engaged themselves as soldiers 
under him, both in the cavahy, wliich 
was their own peculiar province, and 
also in the heavy-armed foot ; and now, 
for the fii-st time A\qthin memory- , the 
expense of equipping ships of war was 
volmitarily undertaken by individuals. 
A battle was won, and Eubcea was, 
for the present time, secured to Athens. 

Alliance of Olynthus with Athens. 

Smce his successes in Thessaly, 
Philip had been employed, partly in 
repressing the turbulence of the sur- 
rounding barbarians, and bringing them 
completely under his dominion, partly 
in raising a naval force. In the latter 
eflfort he had succeeded so far, that 
he plundered the islands Imbros and 
Lenmos, the constant possessions of 
Athens, earned oflf a rich fleet of mer- 
chant vessels fi-om Gei-sestus in Eubcea, 
and even insulted the coast of Attica 
itself The Olynthians, now becoming 
jealous of Philip's gi'owing gi-eatness, 
made a separate peace with Athens, in 
violation of their affiance with JMacedo- 
nia. Philip made war on them, and they 
naturally sought the alliance of Athens. 

Demosthenes. — Fall of Olynthus. 

In ancient times, the firet minister of 
Athens had commonly been the chief 
commander of her armies. Such were 
Themistocles, Cimon, Pericles, Nicias, 
Alcibiades, Thrasybulus. But now, 
though war continued to be almost as 
constant as before, it was not so univer- 
sal an occupation. Besides, in the coui-se 
of the changes which we have been 
contemplating, the influence of personal 
consideration was much lessened, and 
that of oratory increased ; and hence a 



Did the Athenians assist? — What was the result of the campaign ? 

Where had new troubles arisen ? — Under whom was an Athenian force sent thither ? — What was his 
character? — How had he behaved under Chabrias ? — What was his character as a speaker? — Uow did 
the higher classes show their attachment to him? — What strange thing happened at this time? — What 
was his success in Euboea? 

How had Philip been lately employed? — What islands did he plunder? — Where are they?— With 
whom did the Olynthians ally themselves at this time? 

What offices had been formerly united in the leading men of Athens? — Give examples of this ? — What 
new class of men arose ? 



164 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



class of men arose who devoted all 
their attention to the cultivation of elo- 
quence and the art of managing the 
people, and who, being constantly pre- 
sent, could improve every opportunity, 
when the generals were on foreign ser- 
vice. The first specimen which we have 
seen of this class was Cleon ; and in his 
time the system was so imperfectly 
established, that he thought his eminence 
incomplete till he had attained to mili- 
tary command, for which he was noto- 
riously unfit. But, in aftertimes, the 
same line was taken by men of high 
ability and character, such as Callistra- 
tus, whom Iphicrates requested to have 
for his colleague in command, that he 
might be assisted and supported by his 
eloquence and political capacity. Hence 
the comiexion described by Demo- 
sthenes, when there was "an orator 
commander-in-chief, and a general under 
him;" that is, an orator as political 
leader, directing the entei'prise to be 
undertaken and the officer to be em- 
ployed, defending the conduct of his 
military fiiends, and providing supplies 
for the armanent ; while the general 
executed whatever project the assem- 
bly was pei-suaded to command. And 
hence it was necessaiy that eveiy party 
should include both oratore and mihtaiy 
men ; for even when a commander was, 
like Phocion, an able speaker, he still 
wanted friends to support him in his 
absence. 

Demosthenes, who has been almost 
universally allowed to be the gi'eatest 
master of eloquence in ancient or mo- 
dern times, was now a young man rising 
to eminence as a professional orator. In 
early youth he had inherited fi*om his fa- 
ther a considerable fortune, but this he 
rapidly dissipated, and then, at the age of 
twenty-five, betook himself to a profession 
by which many had risen to wealth and 
importance in Athens, that of writing 
speeches for suitore in the courts of 
judicature. At the time now in ques- 
tion, he had become a leading speaker in 
the assembly, and had embarked himself 
in the party most hostile to Philip ; and, 
in spite of a disadvantageous voice and 
pei-son, and an unamiable temper, he 
became, by the force of industry and 
ability, the fii-st man of Athens, her 
most consummate orator, and most pre- 



vailing political leader. When the 
Olynthian ambassadoi*s came, he was 
foremost in urghig the people to ac- 
cept their alliance, and to assist them 
with promptitude and vigour. Lai'ge 
succours were voted, and embassies 
were sent to the different states of 
Peloponnesus to excite their feai-s of 
Philip's ambition, and to rouse them to 
resistance. These embassies were gene- 
rally unsuccessful ; and, though some 
troops were sent from Athens to Olyn- 
thus, it was long before the body of the 
succours voted anived there. Mean- 
time, Philip had taken by force some 
towns of the Olynthian confederacy, 
received the submission of others, and 
laid siege to Olynthus itself The Olyn- 
thians now expressed a wish to treat; 
but Philip declared that either they 
must quit Olynthus or he Macedonia. 
If the Olynthians had been united, their 
force was amply sufficient for defence ; 
but there was in the town a strong 
Macedonian party, as was evidenced 
by five hundred hoi-se, more than half 
the effective cavalry of the state, de- 
serting in a body. After some un- 
successful assaults, Philip was ad- 
mitted into the town by Euthycrates 
and Lasthenes, the leading men of the 
Macedonian party. Demosthenes im- 
putes their conduct to bribeiy ; but an 
opposition more friendly to a foreign 
enemy than to their ruling fellow-citizens 
was no new thing in Grecian histoiy ; and 
as there is much appearance that such 
a faction existed in Olynthus, it is pro- 
bably to party enmity that the conduct 
of Euthycrates and Lasthenes is to be 
ascribed ; though, perhaps, as known 
fiiends of Philip, they may have pre- 
viously received fi-om him favoure which 
might give a pretext for the accusation 
of Demosthenes. Philip destroyed the 
town, and sold the gi-eater part of the 
people into slavei-y. 

Peace between Philip and the Athenian*. 

The annihilation of a state command- 
ing the gi-eater part of the Macedonian 
coast, and the acquisition of its rich pe- 
ninsulas and commercial to^vns, formed 
a gi-eat addition to the wealth, strength, 
and security of the conqueror. He 
was now at libeity to proceed either 
against the Athenian dependencies in 



Who was the first of these ? — In aftertimes what kind of men entered this line? — What two char- 
acters became necessary to every party? — Who was Demosthenes? — Give an account of his former life ? 
— What party did he join? — What measures did he carry in favour of the Olynthians ?— Were the suc- 
cours sent in good season? — Meantime what had Philip done? — How did Philip gain the city? — How 
was it treated ? — Where ia Olynthus ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



165 



Thrace, or against Euboea, where 
fresh troubles had broken out. Alarm 
was great in Athens. But Philip, with 
all his ambition, had much of pru- 
dence in his character, and something 
even of moderation. He had already 
extended his dominion far beyond its 
ancient limits; and he was at present 
less anxious to push it further than to 
consolidate it, so that it should not fall 
to pieces on his death, or on any acci- 
dental reverse. He wished to civilize 
his old subjects, to accustom his new to 
obedience and attachment ; and to these 
objects peace would be highly conducive. 
There was a decree of the Athenians 
forbidding the reception of any herald 
or ambassador from Philip ; but he 
nevertheless found means to intimate 
that he was willing to make peace, and 
the offensive decree was reversed. It 
should seem that this took place rather 
before the fall of Olynthus, but Philip's 
conduct was not altered by that event. 
The conclusion of peace was, however, 
delayed by new hopes arising to the 
Athenian war party from affairs in 
Phocis. 

By the long maintenance of an over- 
whelming force of mercenaries, which 
was entirely at their command, the Pho- 
cian generals had attained a power al- 
most unlimited, insomuch that the con- 
temporary orators frequently style them 
tyrants. But the sacred treasury was 
now beginning to fail, and PhalaBcus 
being unable to keep up to their former 
standard the zeal and number of his 
soldiers, an opposing party reared its 
head. Phalsecus was displaced and pro- 
secuted for sacrilege. The new admi- 
nistration sent ministers to Athens, and 
as an inducement to support them, they 
offered the possession of three small 
Phocian towns, valuable, not from 
their revenues but from their situation, 
which commanded the pass of Ther- 
mopylae, the readiest entrance for Philip 
into Southern Greece. The Athenian 
government had been alhed with the 
Phocian under Phalaecus; but Phalae- 
cus had been also connected with La- 
cedaemon, while the new rulers, if they 
stood, would be solely dependent on 
Athens. Besides, if Athens took the 
part of Phalaecus, the administration 



might throw itself on the mercy of 
Philip or Thebes : whereas, if the offers 
made were accepted, the resources of 
Phocis would be at the disposal of 
Athens, and Thermopyla3 commanded 
by its troops. A force was sent to oc- 
cupy the towns; but in the meantime 
Phalaecus recovered the ascendency. 
Not unreasonably offended at the de- 
fection of his ally, he reftised to give up 
the towns, and declared war against 
Athens. This news ended the hopes of 
the war party in Athens, and aU con- 
curred in voting an embassy to treat of 
peace with Phihp. 

The embassy was sent, consisting of 
ten persons, aU distinguished either by 
rank or talent, one of whom was De- 
mosthenes. It brought back a very 
favourable report of Phihp's disposi- 
tion towards peace. A negotiation 
would naturally tend to throw the ad- 
ministration into the hands of those 
who had originally been adverse to the 
war : but these were chiefly led by men 
of moderate character; while Phocion, 
the most eminent of them all, was as 
rigid and unbending, as Demosthenes 
was pliant and xmscrupulous ; and 
hereon Demosthenes founded his plan 
for taking the business out of the hands 
of his opponents, and making his own 
party the peace-makers. Accordingly 
he now urged on the pacification with the 
greatest eagerness; and magnifying to 
the utmost the danger of the state, he 
hastened the negotiation in a manner 
on which the timid among his ad- 
versaries would not venture, and to 
which the rigid would not stoop. Am- 
bassadors had previously been sent to 
the allies of Athens, to invite a congress 
to deliberate on the conduct of war or 
negotiation with Philip; and, before 
the return of the ambassadors, or the 
anival of the deputies from the allies, 
Demosthenes obtained a vote, appoint- 
ing a day when the Athenian people 
were separately to debate on the terms 
of peace. The Synedri, or resident de- 
puties of the subject allies, met to con- 
sider the matter: they voted a resolu- 
tion to be offered to the Athenian as- 
sembly, which strongly marks the sub- 
mission to which they were reduced, 
and, in the present case, the sense of in- 



Why did Philip desire peace?— What decree did he elude?— What delayed the conclusion of peace? 
— What occasioned the decline and removal of PhaliKcus? — What offer did the new administration in 
Phocis m.ike to Athens? — How was Athens prevented from profiting by it? — What vote was consequent- 
ly passed at Atiiens? — Of whom diil the embassy consist? — What sort of report did it brinfi bick ? — Was 
Demosthenes active in promoting the peace? — Whither had ambassadors been sent? — Befo'e their ra- 
turn what vote did Demosthenes procure ? — Did the Synedri acquiesce ? — Who were the Synedri ? 



166 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



jury which they dared not more plainly 
express. "Since," it said, "the Athe- 
nian people are dehberating on a peace 
with Philip, but the ambassadors are 
not returned whom they sent through 
Greece to exhort the cities concerning 
the freedom of the Greeks, — ^it is re- 
solved by the allies, that, when the am- 
bassadoi-s shall be returned, and shall 
have made their report to the Athe- 
nians and their alhes, and two assem- 
blies shall have been held according to 
the laws, in which the Athenians may 
dehberate about the peace, — whatever 
the Athenian people may decree shall 
be as the common decree of the allies." 
The Macedonian ambassadors, how- 
ever, aiTived, and without waiting for 
the return of the minister from the 
cities, peace was made with Philip, and 
not only peace, but alliance. The allies 
of both parties were included in the 
treaty, each by name : but neither Pho- 
cis nor Lacedsemon were mentioned, 
nor Kersobleptes, the king of Thrace, 
who had been led, or forced, into war 
with Philip entirely by Athens. The 
last omission the Athenians afterwards 
wished, as well they might, to remedy ; 
but the treaty was already concluded, 
and Philip had immediately overrun the 
kingdom of Kersobleptes, and reduced 
that prince to entire submission. 

Conclusion of the Sacred War. 

An Athenian embassy was sent to 
take Philip's oath to the treaty which 
had been concluded. Its return was 
followed by a letter from Philip, invit- 
ing the Athenian people as Amphic- 
tyons, and as his allies, to join with his 
other allies, and the whole Amphic- 
tyonic league, in putting an end to the 
Phocian war, and restoring the temple 
at Delphi to the Amphictyons. The 
Athenians did not comply, and Phihp, 
advancing through the pass of Thermo- 
pyl?B with a powerful army of Macedo- 
nians and Thessalians, and being joined 
by the Theban forces, prepared to act 
against the Phocians. They submitted 
without resistance; the principal fami- 
lies stipulating for leave to emigrate 
with their effects. The like permission 
seems to have been obtained for the en- 



tire people of the Boeotian towns, which 
had taken part with the Phocians. The 
middle and lower classes of the Pho- 
cians surrendered their towns to Philip, 
trusting that he would save them from 
the vengeance of the Thebans and Thes- 
salians. To determine their fate, Philip 
summoned the Amphictyons at Ther- 
mopylae, inviting the attendance of mi- 
nisters from every state of Greece. The 
congress met: the Thebans and Thes- 
salians were urgent for severity; but 
even then* animosity was sui-passed by 
the savage mountaineers of CEta, who 
insisted that the full punishment allotted 
to sacrilege by the AmphictyoUic law 
should be inflicted, and that the whole 
Phocian people should be precipitated 
from the chffs of the sacred mountain. 
A more moderate sentence was ap- 
proved by the majority. All the Am- 
phictyonic rights of the Phocians were 
declared to be forfeited: it was directed 
that the three principal cities of Phocis 
should be dismantled, and the other 
tovnis destroyed ; that the people should 
Uve in villages, not less than a furlong 
one from another, and none containing 
more than fifty houses ; that they should 
surrender all heavy armour and horses, 
and possess none till the debt to the god 
were paid ; for the liquidation of which 
a yearly rent of sixty talents, about 
12,000Z., was assessed on the Phocian 
lands. Thus ended, in its tenth year, 
what was called the Sacred War against 
the Phocians. The right of suffi-age in 
the Council of Amphictyons, which the 
Phocians had possessed, was given to 
Macedonia. (B. C. 346.) 

SECTION III. 
^schines accused by Demosthenes. 
The result of the Sacred War was 
generally displeasing to the Athenians, 
and each party made it a matter of heavy 
charge against its opponents. The most 
eloquent speaker of the party adverse to 
Demosthenes, was iEschines, who had 
gone, as well as Demosthenes himself, 
on both the embassies to Macedonia. 
Demosthenes declared that iEschines had 
sold himself to Philip, and had persuaded 
the Athenians that Philip would settle 
the affairs of Phocis to their wish, and 



Was peace and alliance made with Philip without consulting the tributaries of Athens? — Was Ker- 
sobleptes mentioned in the treaty ? — What was the consequence ? 

What did Philip now propose to the Athenians?— Did they consent? — Were the Phocians reduced by 
Philip alone ? — What was allowed to the principal families? — By whom was the fate of the lower class 
debated ? — Who were for severe measures ? — What did the mountaineers of CEta propose? — What terms 
were finally determiuf d on ? — What was this war called ? — To what state was the Phocian right of suf- 
frage in the Amphictyonic council given ? 

Were the Athenians satisfied with the result of the Sacred War ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



167 



not to that of the Thebans; whereby the 
Athenians had been prevented from in- 
terfering to saye the Phocians. ^Es- 
chines, in his turn, declared that Demos- 
thenes had been corrupted by the The- 
bans, and that he, not ^schines, had 
caused the ruin of the Phocians ; that 
Phihp had wished to grant to the Pho- 
cians more favourable terms, and in order 
that he might be able to do so, had in- 
vited the Athenians to join the Amphic- 
tyonic army ; that Demosthenes had 
prevented the Athenians from complying, 
and that the Boeotians and Thessahaas in 
Philip's army far outnumbering the Ma- 
cedonians, and the Athenians not being 
there to balance them, Phihp was obliged 
to comply much ftirther than he wished 
with the Thebans and Thessalians. 
The merits of the dispute seem veiy 
doubtful : the accusations of corruption, 
on both sides, are probably false, for 
such charges were among the common- 
est weapons of party warfare in Athens ; 
and, shameftil as must have been the 
state of pohtical morahty, when corrupt 
subserviency to a foreign power was so 
ordinaiy an imputation, it is not to be 
fixed on an individual without better 
warrant than an adversary's word. On 
the other points, the balance of probabiU- 
ty may seem to be rather in favour of 
^schines : for, by acting as the aUies of 
Philip, the x\thenians might, perhaps, 
have moderated the proceedings of the 
confederacy, while, by opposition in 
arms, they would have forfeited a peace 
which they had sacrificed much to ob- 
tain, and that with little hope of success, 
since the then ruling Phocians were 
more inclined to trust Philip than them. 

Extensive influence of Macedonia. 
By Philip's success in the Phocian war, 
and by the reputed hoUness of the cause 
wherein he had been engaged, his fame 
and popularity spread wide in Greece. 
The Thebans especially were loud in his 
praise, and so were their constant allies, 
the democratical commonwealths of 
Peloponnesus. These cities, especially 
Argos, Megalopolis, and Messene, ever 
needed protection against their dangerous 
neighbour Lacedaemon: they had pre- 
ferred the alliance of Thebes to that of 
Athens ; and now, when Theban energy 
was failing, there arose in fiiend^ip 



with Thebes a protector more effectual 
by his power and activity, and less 
dangerous, as was thought, to tlieir in- 
dependence, both on account of his 
hberahty, and the remoteness of his 
situation. The Theban eveiywhere 
became the Macedonian party; and 
Macedonia, aheady recognised as a 
member of the Grecian nation by its 
admission among the Amphictyons, 
seemed likely to attain a similar supre- 
macy to that which had at different times 
been exercised by Lacedaemon, Athens, 
and Thebes. 

Disputes with Athens. 

It would appear that, since the conclu- 
sion of peace, the party of Demosthenes 
had engaged in intrigues, for which they 
apprehended Philip's vengeance on their 
country. If this impression was well 
founded, prompt precautions would be 
necessary, for the Thebans and Thessa- 
lians were sure to second him: if not, 
at least the power of the war part}^ would 
be promoted by exciting jealousy of 
Philip. Immediately on hearing that the- 
Phocian towns had surrendered to Phi- 
hp, a vote of the people was obtained,, 
commanding all Athenians in the coun- 
try to withdraw their families into the 
fortified to^vns. No hostile act wa& 
done by Philip, probably none had been 
meditated; but there may> perhaps^ 
have been grounds for apprehension,. and 
at any rate the party purpose of the 
movers was answered in the alann ex- 
cited. Soon afterwards ministers came 
to Athens from Philip, to announce his 
admission as an Ampbictyon, and to 
request his acknowledgment as such by 
the Athenians. Demosthenes, professing 
the greatest enmity to Phihp^ and de- 
claring that he disapproved the peace 
which had been concluded,, still dis- 
suaded the renomicing it on the jHreseat 
question. The more violent orators 
prevailed, and it was voted that the 
Athenian people did not acknowledge 
Philip as an Amphictyon. Nevertheless, 
peace lasted for a considerable period, 
during which intrigue was busy through- 
out Greece between the Macedonian 
party and the Athenian. The Athenians 
sent ambassadors into Peloponnesus, to 
rouse into jealousy of Philip the states 
inchned to his alliance; and Phihp, 



Who was the chief opposer of Demosthenes ? — With what did they mutually charge each other? 

What was the effect of Philip's success in the Phocian war ? — What Grecian cities fayoured Philip? — 
What state now seemed likely to acquire the stipremacy in Greece? 

What vote was obtained in Athens, on hearing that the Phocian towns had surrendered ? — What re- 
quest then came from Philip ?— What vote was passed ?— For what were ambassadors sent to Peloponnesus * 



168 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



intriguing more successfully in Euboea, 
drew most of the island fi*om the Athe- 
nian interest to his own ; yet, before war 
broke out, the ascendency of Athens was 
again established, and the Macedonian 
party suppressed. On either side it was 
not friendship, but suspended hostility; 
and if Athens first decidedly broke the 
treaty, it must be remembered that in 
the secrecy of Philip's negotiations, and 
the publicity of all important transac- 
tions among the Athenians, it was easy 
for him, and very difficult for them, to 
violate the substance of the covenant, 
without expressly contravening its terms. 
Philip's conduct was regular in form, 
and that of Athens most blameably ir- 
regular; their comparative merits, in 
spirit and principle, it is more difficult 
to estimate. One point is very remark- 
able in the conduct of the Athenians ; — 
the extravagant notion which they en- 
tertained, that they were at liberty to 
recall any concession which they deemed 
unadvised, and that the king of Mace- 
donia was bound to consent, if he called 
himself their friend. 

Diopeithes. 

Above three years after the conclusion 
of peace, when Philip had been ten 
months warring in the northern wdlds of 
Thrace, and on the borders of Scj^hia, 
those events took place which led to 
renewed hostility with Athens. Byzan- 
tium, which had been included in the 
treaty as an ally of Philip, we now find 
at war with him, and supported by 
Athens. Peiinthus and Selymbria, 
towns closely connected with Byzan- 
tium, were in the same situation. We 
have little means of judging who was 
chiefly to blame, but ill faith w£is impu- 
ted by both parties: by the Athenians 
to Philip as attacking their aUies; by 
Philip to the Athenians as supporting 
his enemies. Here the blame is doubt- 
ful ; in the next instance it belongs de- 
cidedly to Athens. An Athenian colo- 
ny was sent into the Chersonese under 
Diopeithes, a zealot in the war party, 
and to him was given the Thracian 
command by land and sea. A fleet 
was readily voted to accompany him, 
but for the land force tlie people would 
neither serve nor pay. Diopeithes of- 
fered to raise and pay a sufficient body 



of mercenaiies ; his offer was accepted ; 
he employed his troops against some 
towns belonging to Philip, and support- 
ed them by piracy, and by le\^'ing con- 
tributions fi-om the alhes, both of Mac- 
edonia and of Athens. Complaints 
poured in, but Demosthenes defended 
him. The injuries done to Macedonia, 
the orator justified on the gi'ound that 
Philip, having previously committed 
aggressions, was to be treated as an en- 
emy; a false and pernicious principle, 
since breaches of treaty, even if undis- 
puted, are to be punished by declared 
hostility and by public exposure, not by 
other acts of ill faith, which, however 
excused under pretence of retaliation, 
are really nothing better than fresh of- 
fences of a similar kind. The WTongs 
of the allies he excused by the plea of 
necessity. " I must speak out," he then 
proceeded, "and I pledge myself that 
every commander who sails from your 
harbours takes money from the Chians, 
the Eiythrseans, and from whomsoever 
he can, of those, I mean, who inhabit 
Asia. And this is not given for nothing, 
but that their merchant vessels may be 
protected, and not plundered. They call 
it, however, a gift of friendship." Demo- 
sthenes prevailed: Diopeithes was con- 
tinued in command, and Callias, the 
commander on the Thessalian coast, was 
encouraged to conduct yet more violent 
He attacked and took the cities on the 
Pagasgean bay, allies of Phihp, and nam- 
ed as such in the treaty: he stopped 
all vessels bound for Macedonia, and 
condemning the crews as enemies to 
Athens, sold them for slaves. Induced 
by these and other provocations, PhUip, 
in a letter to the Athenians, set forth his 
complaints, and declared that he would 
redress them by arms. The style of 
this document is temperate and manly, 
and its statements are confirmed by the 
fact that Demosthenes decHned to answer 
them. It proves that the ti"eaty had 
been repeatedly and gi-ossly violated by 
Athens, and that whatever grounds of 
jealousy may have arisen from other 
parts of Philip's conduct, his behaviour 
in his direct intercourse with Athens 
had been moderate and conciliatory; 
that he had offered to refer all disputed 
points to arbitration, and had yielded 
some things which could not in strict- 



What island did Philip gain ? — Which party prevailed before the war broke out*? 

How lonp did the peace last ? — What states were then al war with Philip ? — Supported by whom ? — 
Under whom was an Athenian colony sent into the Chersonese ? — W^hat was voted him? — How did he 
obtain land forces? — How employ them ? — How support them ? — Who defended his conduct ? — Who pre- 
vailed ?— What did Callias do ?— How did Philip seek redress ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



169 



ness have been required. Nevertheless 
the adverse orators persuaded the people 
not only that Philip was their determin- 
ed enemy, but that he had broken the 
treaty so far as to justify them in totaUy 
disregarding it. 

PTiar commenced. — Administration of De- 
mosthenes. — Peace made. 

The war began, and Demosthenes 
became the effective chief minister of 
Athens; apparently the first who ever 
held that eminence entirely without 
militaiy command. 

The confederacy against Phihp was a 
powerfiil one. The Chians, Rhodians, 
and Coans were strong at sea, and closely 
connected with Byzantium: the power 
of Athens was singly most formidable ; 
and supphes abounded, for the Athenians 
had secured the alliance of Persia. Their 
armament in the Hellespont was at 
first commanded by Chares, and under 
him it sustained a defeat; but Pho- 
cion superseding him, restored the face 
of affairs by his ability against the 
enemy, and his justice and hberality to- 
wards the allies. The system of opera- 
tions, ably projected by Demosthenes, 
was £is ably carried into effect by Pho- 
cion, and the success of his measures 
was materially facihtated by the weight 
of his character: Philip, abandoning 
the hope of reducing the adverse towns 
of the Thracian shore, came to a compo- 
sition with his enemies, and another in- 
terval of peace ensued. 

Affairs of Eubcea. — Callias and Tauros- 
thenes. 

Callias and Taurosthenes of Chalcis 
were brothers, and the leaders of a party 
which desired to unite the cities of Eu- 
boea under a general government. In 
the former troubles of the island, they 
had rested on the support of Thebes or 
Macedonia; but, during the last, they 
had quarrelled with Philip, and it was 
therefore necessary to resort to Athens. 
Their proposals were made through De- 
mosthenes, with whom Callias had be- 
fore been connected ; and so important 
did the willing alliance of Eubcea seem 
to him, that he obtained the consent of 
the people to a decree resigning all claims 



of dominion and tribute fi-om the island. 
A body of Athenians, under Phocion, 
crossing the strait, expelled all Theban 
and Macedonian troops, and gave ascen- 
dency to the fiiends of Callias ; and this 
revolution restoring the influence of 
Athens in Euboea took place shortly be- 
fore the breaking out of war between 
Philip and Byzantium. When the Hel- 
lespontine war was over, Callias was 
still in power, and Demosthenes trusted 
much to him in the attempt which he 
now made to form a new league against 
Philip. The Byzantines and Perinthians 
testified to Athens the warmest gratitude 
for its late assistance; Acarnania was 
friendly; and Demosthenes himself be- 
came ambassador to confirm the Athe- 
nian interest there, and to establish it in 
Peloponnesus. Returning before the 
business was completed, he left its fur- 
ther prosecution to Callias, who came 
to Athens, and was introduced by 
Demosthenes to the people, to report his 
success. He had effected, he said, the 
desired alliance: a powerful armament 
would be raised firom Eubcea, Acarnania, 
and Peloponnesus ; the chief cormnand 
tvould be yielded to the Athenians ; and a 
congress of deputies would meet at Ath- 
ens. These promises, however, failed, 
firom what cause is uncertain: no war 
ensued, and the year passed quietly away. 

Amphissian war. 
Amphissa, the chief town of the Ozolian 
Locrians, overlooked the Cirrhaean plain, 
and their territory bordered on the " ac- 
cursed land, " for using which the Pho- 
cians had so been punished. In the 
Phocian war, the Ozohan Locrians, as 
being the most zealous allies of Thebes, 
had been the greatest sufferers; and 
trusting to the influence of Thebes 
among the Amphictyons, they hoped for 
the allowance of that body, while they 
remunerated themselves by silently occu- 
pying the accursed land. No notice 
was taken, till, emboldened by conni- 
vance, they even fortified the devoted 
Cirrhaean port, and exacted duties fi-om 
all passengers to Delphi. It happened 
that iEschines, being chosen as an Am- 
phictyonic representative of Athens, was 
provoked by some proceedings of the 



Did he gain it by this remonstrance ? 

Under whose administration did the war begin between Philip and the Athenians? — ^Who were 
leagued against Philip ? — Under whom was their armament unsuccessful ? — Under whom successful ? — 
What was the result ? 

Who were Callias and Taurosthenes? — Whose alliance did they now seek ? — Through whose agency? 
— What decree was obtained at Athens ? — What did Phocian then accomplish ? — When did this revolution 
take place? — What states did Demosthenes attempt to unite against Piiilip? — Did any war ensue? 

Where is Amphissa ? — Where is Locri Ozolffi ? — Who had suffered most in the Phocian war ? — How 
did they remunerate themselves ? — From whom did they exact duties r 



22 



170 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Amphissian deputies against his country : 
he called on the council to judge and 
punish the profanation of the Amphis- 
sians ; and a decree was passed requirmg 
that all grown up Delphian s, free or 
slaves, should meet on the morrow at 
daybreak, with spades and mattocks; 
that all members of the council should 
attend, or, if any failed, their state should 
be excluded from the temple. The decree 
was obeyed. The multitude assembled, 
and descending into the plain, under the 
command of the Amphictyons, destroyed 
the port, bumt the houses, and returned. 
The Amphissians met in arms, too late for 
prevention, but not too late for revenge. 
The unarmed Delphians fled, but many 
were wounded, and some members of the 
council were seized and stripped. Next 
day the Amphictyons met, and resolved on 
those regular measures which ought to 
have preceded their late hasty and violent 
act. It was decreed that before their next 
regular sitting, an extraordinaiy meeting 
should be held, when a decree should 
be proposed for punishing the offences 
of the Amphissians against the god and 
the council. 

Philip general of the Amphictyons. 
Demosthenes had already formed con- 
nexion with a party in Thebes, who de- 
sired to withdraw their country from its 
alliance Avith Philip ; and there is reason 
to think that the Amphissians had been 
encouraged to resistance by hopes of 
support not only from Thebes, but from 
the party of Demosthenes in Athens. 
Accordingly, he prevailed on the Athe- 
nians to decline all part in the pro- 
ceedings of the Amphictyons, and nei- 
ther Athenian nor Theban deputies at- 
tended the meeting. War was declai-ed, 
and an army collected, by the Amphic- 
tyons; the Amphissians were brought 
to submission ; a fine was imposed on 
the state, some leading men were ban- 
ished, and some exiles restored. But 
as soon as the army was withdravra, the 
Amphissians refused to pay the fine, 
recalled those whom the Amphictyons 
had banished, and banished those whom 
they had recalled. War was again de- 
creed against them, but troops were not 
duly furnished by the states, and nothing 
was effected. The Amphissians were 



weak, but it was known that they would 
not be unsupported; and at the next 
Amphictyonic meeting it was resolved 
to give vigour and union to the league, 
by inviting Philip to become its general. 

Antiphon. Violent conduct of Demos- 
thenes. 

This measure sanctioning a fresh in- 
terference of Philip in Greece, and en- 
suring him the support of powerful 
allies, made greater activity necessary 
to his opposers ; and Demosthenes made 
use of every engine for stimulating 
the people and intimidating his adver- 
saries. One part of his conduct strik- 
ingly shows the oppression which 
sometimes may be exercised among a 
people, however generally zealous for 
liberty, who do not duly feel the para- 
mount importance of regular proceeding 
and the sacredness of law. Antiphon, 
an Athenian exile, had returned illegally, 
and was living secretiy in Peirseeus ; and 
Demosthenes, unable to procure such 
precise infonnation of his residence as 
might enable the officers of justice to ap- 
prehend him, assumed authority to search 
private houses, discovered the delinquent, 
and carried him into the city. The fact 
of his illegal return made him liable to 
death, but would not waiTant the arbi- 
ti-ary conduct of Demosthenes in aiTest- 
ing him. Demosthenes accused him of 
having plotted with Philip to bum the 
arsenal: such charges were commonly 
received far too readily in Athens, and 
if this were now believed, the importance 
of the arrest might be expected to ex- 
cuse its in-egularity. From the silence 
of Demosthenes as to the evidence for 
this accusation, we may probably pre- 
sume that it was but weakly supported ; 
and iEschines inveighing bitterly against 
the illegal conduct of his rival, de- 
termined the assembly to release the 
prisoner. But the danger of Antiphon 
was not yet over ; the council of Arei- 
opagus sometimes exercised the privi- 
lege of reversing the decisions of the 
people, and though it is improbable that 
such a reversal could be maintained if 
the people were determined to support 
their act, it might be risked in the 
present instance, when the people were 
divided and the majority accustomed to 



Who compJained to the council ? — What decree was passed ? — How did the Amphictyons proceed 
when it was obeyed ? — How did the Amphissians revenge themselves ? — What was then decreed ? 

Whom did Demosthenes favour? — Were the Amphissians brought to submission ? — On what terms? — 
What did they do when the army was withdrawn? — What ensued? — What was resolved at the next 
Amphictyonic meeting ? 

For what did Demosthenes cause Antiphon to be arrested ? — What charge did iEschines bring against 
Demosthenes ? — What decree did be procure from the people ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



171 



follow the lead of Demosthenes. His 
influence in the Areiopagus was com- 
plete, and Antiphon, though already dis- 
missed, was by order of that court, in 
flagrant violation of all law and justice, 
again arrested, tortured, and executed. 

Amphissians subdued. 
While Demosthenes was thus over- 
bearing all opposition at home, he was 
negotiating abroad with great ability and 
unwearied perseverance to raise a power- 
ful league against Philip. His success 
would chiefly depend on the disposition 
of Thebes, where a strong party existed 
adverse to that which had maintained 
the state in alUance with Macedonia. 
Demosthenes went himself to Thebes, 
and negotiated with such effect that 
when Phihp, as the Amphictyonic gene- 
ral, sent a requisition to the Thebans to 
join his army, they refused compliance. 
Yet shortly after the Macedonian party 
again prevailed so far, that a body of 
Theban troops was sent to the confede- 
rate army. The Amphissians were re- 
inforced from Athens with 10,000 mer- 
cenaries; but notwithstanding, they were 
soon reduced to submission. 

Struggles in Thebes. 
The moment was critical. Philip was 
in the heart of Greece, in command of 
the Amphictyonic army, which if he 
wished to dhect against Athens, the 
support given by that state to the 
Amphissians furnished a ground for 
requiring it to follow him as in an 
Amphictyonic quarrel, and not a parti- 
cular one of his own. Peace yet ex- 
isted, nominally, between Macedonia and 
Athens; but it had been ill obsei-ved, 
and pretexts for a rupture abounded : the 
unfiiendly disposition was certain on the 
part of Athens, and on that of Phihp 
highly probable. According to the result 
of the present crisis Macedonia or Athens 
would be mistress of Greece : if Thebes 
were warm in favour of Philip, Athens 
probably could not resist him ; if Thebes 
took part with Athens, he might himself 
be in no small jeopardy. Both, therefore, 
earnestly courted Thebes ; and each be- 
ing there supported by a powerful fac- 
tion, the contest was violent and doubtful. 



Alliance of Thebes with Athens. 

After much wavering, the Thebans « 
solemnly renewed the alhance with 
Philip, which they had nearly broken 
off*; but the Athenian paity, though 
defeated, was not effectually suppressed, 
when Phihp took a step which hastened 
the crisis. He fortified the Phocian 
town of Elateia, commanding the passes 
from Delphi, where he was stationed, 
both towards Thermopylae and into 
Boeotia. For this his motives might be 
vaiious. If the Thebans turned against 
him, and he found himself unsafe in 
Phocis, it secured his retreat into Thes- 
saly : if he wished to fall on Attica, and 
the Thebans opposed him, it gave a 
ready entrance into Boeotia; and Thebes, 
while doubtful, might perhaps be de- 
terred from declaring against him by 
his commanding position. Whatever 
were his purpose, on hearing that he 
had occupied Elateia, alarm rose as 
high in Athens as if he were in march 
against the city. It was evening when 
the news was brought to the Prytanes : 
they immediately rose. Some went to 
the generals, and ordered the trumpets 
to sound; others hastened to clear the 
market-place, and set fire to the booths 
as the speediest method of removal. The 
whole city was in tumult and consterna- 
tion duiing the night. When day broke 
the council met, but before they could 
prepare a decree, the people were as- 
sembled and clamorous for their ap- 
pearance. They came in without havmg 
determined on any measure to propose 
for the adoption of the assembly. The 
Prytanes made their report : the crier re- 
peatedly proclaimed that any Athenian 
might speak. Still none came forward. 
At length Demosthenes arose and pro- 
posed a decree severely aiTaigning Philip, 
and ordering that ambassadors should 
straightway be sent to Thebes to offer 
strict alliance and fi-iendship. The de- 
cree was carried. It is a circumstance 
which strongly marks the intimacy of 
the union proposed, that intermaiTiage, 
rarely allowed between the citizens of 
diflferent states, was to be permitted be- 
tween those of Thebes and Athens. 

The Athenian ambassadors, of whom 
Demosthenes was the chief, were re- 



To whom did Demosthenes appeal ? — What was the result ? 

What was Demosthenes doing abroad? — What did he effect at Thebes? — What party afterwards pre- 
vailed at Thebes ?— What was the effect ?— How many troops from Athens went to relieve the Amphis- 
sians ? — Did this save them from submission ? 

What was at stake between Philip and Athens ?— What state had the power of deciding the point ? 

Which party did the Tliebans join ?— Did this suppress the Athenian party ?— How did Philip hasten 
the crisis? — Wheie is Elateia? — What advantages did it give Philip? — What was the effect at Athena 
of the intelligence that Philip bad occupied Elateia ?— What decree did Demosthenes propose? — Was it 
carried ? 



17a 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



ceived by the assembled Theban people, 
and, at the same time, those of Philip 
were heard in reply. Python, the leader 
of the latter embassy, was no common 
orator, but the eloquence of Demos- 
thenes and the largeness of his offers 
prevailed. The Athenians had long been 
protectors of the Boeotian towns claim- 
ing independence, particularly Plataea 
and Thespiae. These were given up; 
and it was agreed that Thebes should 
have an equal vote in directing the 
measures of the confederacy, as well by 
sea as by land; that Athens should 
bear the whole expense of the fleet and 
two thirds of that of the army ; that a 
Theban general should command in 
chief; that all political measures should 
be concerted with the Boeotai'chs in the 
Cadmeia. The eloquence of Demos- 
thenes was powerful with the multitude, 
and his pohtical ability and commanding 
influence in Athens were necessary to the 
leaders who had pledged themselves to 
stand or fall with then* new ally. He 
quickly attained great power in Thebes, 
and became the channel of communi- 
cation between the two states and the 
effective director of both. 

An Athenian army was sent into 
Bceotia, and being joined by the forces of 
Thebes, the combined host encamped 
itself at Chseroneia, a few miles dis- 
tant fi'om Elateia. A few skinnishes 
took place; but winter, as was usual 
in Greece, prevented decisive action. 
Meantime Philip negotiated for peace, 
both with Thebes and Athens. At Athens 
his oveitui-es were principally supported 
by Phocion ; but they were rejected by 
the people, full of ambitious hopes, and 
bold in the knowledge that Bceotia lay 
between them and the enemy, and that 
Thebes would bear the first brunt of 
the attack. Thus far Demosthenes was 
triumphant; but his task was more 
difficult at Thebes, where the danger 
was nearer, and the party stronger that 
wished for peace. A decree that the 
proposals of Philip should be considered 
had already passed the assembly, when 
Demosthenes hastened to Thebes. The 
people were summoned, and he ad- 
dressed them ; he praised to the utmost 
those who adhered to the resolution of 



war, and inveighed against all who spoke 
in favour of Philip, as corrupt and trai- 
tors. When he found that the passions 
of the multitude were sufficiently ex- 
cited, he proceeded even to threats, and 
exclaimed, that if any should dare to 
speak of peace with Phihp, he would 
himself seize him by the hair, and drag 
him as a traitor to prison. That such 
a sally should have been ventured, and 
that it should have been unresented, and 
even successful, strongly shows both the 
ascendency which Demosthenes had at- 
tained in Thebes, and the power of his 
eloquence in stirring the passions of his 
audience. But his objects were not yet 
secured; the Bceotarchs were divided, 
and at length they resolved again to lay 
the proposals of Phihp before the people. 
The assembly was called ; Demosthenes 
addressed it, and after arraigning the 
BoBotarchs as traitors to Greece, he 
concluded with declaring that if the 
Thebans, deceived by their leaders, so 
shrunk fi-om the common cause, he 
would return immediately to Athens, 
and move for an embassy to Thebes, to 
ask a passage through Bceotia for the 
Athenian army, which would then go 
alone against the common enemy. The 
Bceotarchs gave way, and war was 
finally resolved on. This, the gi'eatest 
triumph perhaps of the orator and of his 
pohtical system, ended certainly in the 
most signal discomfiture of both. 

Battle of Charoneia. 

The Athenian and Theban army had 
been joined during the winter by troops 
from the aUies of Athens, Euboea, Megara, 
Corinth, Achaia, Corcyra, Leucas, and 
Acamania. The aggregate force appears 
to have considerably exceeded that of 
Philip ; but the advantage was balanced 
by the latter being united under one able 
commander. The Athenian generals 
were Chares and Lysicles ; the names of 
the Theban commanders have not been 
preserved. The battle took place near 
Chaeroneia ; it was hard fought and deci- 
sive, and the victory of Philip complete. 
(B. C. 338.) 

The news filled Athens with dis- 
may. Nothing less was now expected 
than the advance of the conqueror into 



By whose efforts did the embassy to Thebes prevail .'—What towns were given up .'—Where are 
they.'— What were some of the terms of the treaty .'—Where did Demosthenes now gain power.'— 
Whither was an Athenian army sent .' -What prevented decisive action .'—Who favoured Philip's over- 
tures at Athens .'—Did he prevail .'—How did Demosthenes proceed at Thebes .'—What threat of Demos- 
thenes determined the Thebans to ally themselves with .iVthens.' 

Which party had the greatest force .'—What advantage had the Macedonians.'— Who were the generals 
of the Athenians.'— Where did the battH take place .'—What was its result?— In what part of Boeotia is 
Chteroneia .' — How was the news of the battle received at Athens ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



173 



Attica, the ravage of the country, per- 
haps the siege of the city. The re- 
sources which had formerly enabled 
Athens to disregard the devastation of 
her territory, were lost by the revolt of 
some allies, and her own impolitic relin- 
quishment of authority over others. The 
time was past when every Athenian was 
a soldier; for the wars of Athens had 
lately been carried on by mercenaiy 
troops, while the citizens had been idling 
at home, incurring the guilt of warfare, 
without participating in its dangers or its 
glories, such as they are. From violent 
fear to violent resentment was an easy 
passage, and the late advisers of war 
might not unreasonably expect the se- 
verest treatment fi'oin the people, whe- 
ther in anger at the situation into which 
then* counsels had brought the city, or as 
an intended peace-ofFering to the king of 
Macedonia, whom they had so vehe- 
mently opposed. Demosthenes had borne 
arms in the battle, and for speedier flight 
had thrown away his shield, — ^an action 
deemed the most disgraceful proof of 
cowai'dice. The sense of his pohtical 
failure, and his military dishonour, de- 
terred him from showing liimself in 
the first burst of popular indignation, 
and he procured a mission, wliich with- 
drew him awhile from Athens. No pro- 
ceedings were immediately commenced 
against the leaders of the war party, and 
they profited by the moderation of their 
adversaries to divert the popular fury 
from themselves against the generals. 
Lysicles was the victim chosen, probably 
because he was not, like Chares, highly 
popular or powerful. He was accused 
by an orator of the war party, con- 
demned, and executed. The rage of the 
multitude was satisfied, and never doubt- 
ing that their vengeance had fallen on the 
real culprit, they agam were willing to 
listen as before to theii* late advisers. 

The Athenians now sent iEschines 
to Philip, to learn his puiposes, and to 
sofl;en his resentment. But before his 
arrival, Demades, an eminent orator, who 
was among the prisoners, had already 
been set free, and directed to assure the 
Athenians, that the Macedonian king 
was disposed to be their friend. Soon 
after, all the Athenian prisoners were 
released, and a supply of clothing given 
to such as were in want of it. His con- 
duct had been similar in every victory, 



which had given a body of Athenian 
citizens into his hands ; and it is worth 
considering what could have been the 
motive to such sustained generosity to- 
wards his most inveterate enemies, in a 
man, who, though not sanguinary by 
nature, and generally more mercifiil than 
most Grecian waniors, had been known 
to act with harshness on less provo- 
cation. Some reasons for the differ- 
ence may be found both in his interests 
and his character. The greatness and 
security of Macedonia were to be pro- 
moted by the total destruction of Olyn- 
thus, as a state. When this act was 
done, no pei^sonal forbearance would 
avert from the conqueror the general 
hatred of the citizens : and to reduce them 
to slavery, therefore, seemed a measure 
of security, as well as of revenge and 
profit. But the destruction of Athens 
was not in his -wish ; its subjection had 
not hitherto been in his power ; and even 
now, if he pushed the war to extremity 
against it, there might be some doubt 
of his allies supporting him. Athens 
remaining mdependent, to conciliate it 
might be pohtic ; and Philip's prudence 
would here concur wdth the natural 
kindUness of his disposition, which in 
the other case had been overborne by 
different interests and feehngs. Besides, 
as a man of letters and accomplish- 
ment, PhiUp respected the chief seat of 
philosophy and art ; as a lover of fame 
and popularity, no less than of power, 
he was anxious to appear advantage- 
ously in his dealings with a people the 
most conspicuous, as well as the most 
intelligent, in Greece. His conduct in 
these instances was most honourable, 
and it is but just and candid to suppose 
that it sprang m a great measure from 
honourable feehngs ; but we cannot give 
him the same credit for real generosity 
on the present occasion, which we might, 
if his proceedings had been consistently 
humane, when the temptation to cruelty 
was stronger, and there were fewer rea- 
sons of pohcy to prevent him from yield- 
ing to it. 

Submission of Thebes to Philip. Peace 

granted to Athens. 
The conquerors went from the field to 
Thebes, where they found a ready sub- 
mission. The government passed into 
the hands of the Macedonian pai-ty, and 
to make sure their ascendency, the 



What was now the condition of Athens? — How had Demosthenes behaved in the l);itlle? — How did 
he avoid the popular indignation ? — What genera) was executed to satisfy the popular resentment? — What 
orator was sent to Philip ? — What had Pliilip already done ? — What motives are assigned for Philip's mod- 
eration towards the Athenians? 



174 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Cadmeia was garrisoned with a detach- 
meut from the array under PhiUp. The 
revolution now effected was not dis- 
graced with executions, banishments, 
or confiscations. The Boeotian towns 
were made independent, the numerous 
exiles restored, and all prisoners, both 
Thebans and others, set free, unran- 
somed. Philip next proceeded to show 
to Athens a still greater liberality. When 
it was known there that favour might be 
expected, an embassy had immediately 
been sent to wait on him. Meanwhile 
he had caused the bodies of the Athenian 
slain to be burnt, and the bones to be sent 
to Athens ; and he committed the proces- 
sion to the charge of his principal minis- 
ter, Antipater, whom he also appointed 
his ambassador to the people. He freely 
offered the renewal of peace and alliance 
on the former tenns ; and to testify his dis- 
position, as general of the Amphictyons, 
to do impartial justice between state and 
state, he procured the restoration of 
Oropus, which, belonging to Athens, 
had long been forcibly held by the The- 
bans. 

Murder of Philip. 
Philip was now beyond dispute the 
fh-st potentate of Greece. His kingdom 
was flourishing ; his enemies depressed ; 
his allies many and powerful, and com- 
pletely under his du'ection. Henceforth, 
at least, he might safely devote himself 
to increase the happiness of his king- 
dom, by peacefully cultivating its resour- 
ces and improving its government. But 
the rarest, as well as the most excellent 
of patriots, is he who, bred to war and 
accustomed to victory, has yet the wis- 
dom and virtue rightly to value the 
blessings of peace. Only one winter had 
elapsed after the battle of Chjeroneia, 
when PhiUp was preparing to attempt 
the conquest of Pei*sia. There can be 
little doubt that his principal motives were 
ambition, and the hateful love of war ; ' 
but his determination may very probably 
have been aided by a persuasion com- 
mon among the most liberal Grecian 
statesmen, that the turbulent spuit of 
their countiymen wanted a vent, and 
that the only effectual method of pre- 
serving tranquillity at home, was by 
uniting them against the barbarian, 
whom they were wont to consider as 



their natural enemy. At the proposal 
of Philip a general congress was assem- 
bled at Corinth. His views were ap- 
proved, and he was elected captain- 
general of Greece. In the midst of his 
preparations Philip was assassinated by 
a, young Macedonian of rank. But his 
plans of conquest did not perish with 
himself, like the similar projects of 
Jason the Thessalian ; for he left a son, 
the celebrated Alexander, of talents not 
inferior, and more unbounded ambition. 

SECTION IV. 
Alexander, king of Macedonia, chosen cap- 
tain general of the Greeks. 

The party of Demosthenes had re- 
covered its predominance in Athens, and 
the news of PhiUp's death was received 
there with the most unmanly exultation. 
The murderer had been slain, but high 
honours were voted to his memory. To 
reward the assassination of an enemy, 
especially if a king or tyrant, was a com- 
mon measure, which however detestable 
to the better taught moraUty of modem 
times, appears in Greece to have been 
extensively approved. But, in the pres- 
ent case, the conduct of Philip afler the 
battle of Chseroneia stamps the act with 
a character of ingratitude, which has 
shocked some of his warmest enemies. A 
saciifice of thanksgiving was ordered by 
the people, as if they had heard the news 
of a great victory; and Demosthenes, 
though he had recently lost his only child, 
and though custom, deemed sacred, for- 
bade all persons imder such a loss to 
show themselves except in mourning, 
appeared at the ceremony in a robe of 
white, and with a crown of fiowei-s on his 
head. 

The high natural gifrs of x\lexander 
had been improved by the best instruc- 
tions which the age could supply. As 
a patron of lettei*s, Philip was both li- 
beral and discerning; his court was 
the resort of many eminent philosophers, 
but the education of his son had been 
chiefly intrusted to Aristotle, the most 
eminent of them all. The murder of 
Philip seems to have been connected 
with a plot to set another member of the 
royal house upon the throne ; but all dis- 
turbance was prevented or suppressed by 
the promptitude of Alexander and the 



How did Philip treat the Thebans? — How the Athenians ? — What port did he cause to be restored to 
them ? — Where is Oropus ? 

WJiat was now Philip's condition? — For what did he prepare next ? — Where was a congress assembled 
at his proposal ? — To what office was he elected ? — What happened in the midst of his preparations for 
invading Persia? — What successor did he leave ? 

How was the news of Philip's death received in Athens? — How had Alexander been educated ? — Wbo 
was his teacher ? — What plot did Alexander and his ministers defeat ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



.175 



pmdence of the counsellors by whom he 
was surrounded ; and the young kmg 
then turned his attention towards Thes- 
saly, his father's surest and most valu- 
able aUy. The Thessalian states were 
readily persuaded to elect him as the 
chief of their confederacy, and to sup- 
port hirn in claiming the later and loftier 
acquisition of PhUip, the pohtical and 
militaiy leadership of all Greece. He 
then went to Thermopylae, took his seat 
among the Amphictyons, and obtained 
from that body a vote which constituted 
him captaia-general of the Greeks ; an 
important sanction to his claim, though 
not by itself sufficient to confer the de- 
sired authority without the consent of 
a more general congress of the states. 
Opposition was apprehended from Ath- 
ens and Thebes, of which the former had 
abundantly shown a hostile temper, 
while in the latter, though the adminis- 
stration was yet in the hands of Alex- 
ander's friends, the opposing party were 
fast recovering strength and boldness. 
Alexander suddenly entered Bceotia with 
an army. His presence confirmed the 
tottering power of his Theban friends, 
and deterred the Athenians from mani- 
festing their enmity in open opposition 
to the meeting which it was now pro- 
posed to call at Corinth, to consider the 
claim of Alexander to the leading of 
Greece. The meeting was called, and 
its debates would seem to have been 
free from the present terror of an over- 
awuig force, though influenced no doubt 
by the fear of after-resentment from the 
powerftil Macedonian. The vote which 
gave the command to Alexander was 
nearly unemimous ; the Lacedaemonian 
deputies alone protested, saying, " that 
their national inheritance was not to fol- 
low, but to lead." 

Alexander's northern expedition. 

The Grecian states were generally 
making ready to war against Persia 
under Alexander, who had himself re- 
turned into Macedonia to complete his 
own preparations, when his kingdom 
was threatened by an extensive combi- 
nation of the barbarians on its northern 
and western borders. He broke their 
measures by his energy and rapidity, 
defeated them, and then proceeded to 



take vengeance ; nor during a long and 
every where successful campaign, in 
which he carried his arms even beyond 
the Danube, did he fail to enforce the 
entire submission of ever}" tribe that 
had provoked him. His return was has- 
tened by alarming news from Greece. 

We have often seen the riches of 
Persia employed in fomenting the dis- 
sensions of Greece, and supporting the 
parties which seemed at the moment, 
whether from weakness or from what- 
ever cause, the least to be dreaded. 
Such a policy seemed now more than 
ever necessary, when the greater part 
of Greece was united avowedly against 
Persia; and, accordingly, the treasures 
of the king were largely dispensed in aid 
of the party hostile to Macedonia. The 
agent in these transactions was Demos- 
thenes, the determined enemy of Philip 
and Alexander, and now all-powerful in 
Athens ; and his detractors accused him 
of embezzUng much of the wealth which 
confessedly passed through his hands. 

Revolt of Thebes. 
The ascendency of the Macedonian 
party in Thebes had been protected by 
a ganison in the Cadmeia, under the 
joint command, apparently, of a Mace- 
donian ofiicer and a Theban paity chief. 
Both were assassinated by some The- 
ban exiles who secretly returned. An 
assembly was hastily summoned; the 
ruling party were sui-prised and dis- 
heartened ; the friends of the exiles full 
of hope and alacrity; and to heighten 
both these feelings, a report was spread 
that Alexander had perished in Illyria, 
The assembly voted that the liberty of 
Thebes should be asserted against Mac- 
edonian dominion, and siege was straight- 
way laid to the Cadmeia. 

The Theban revolution appears to 
have been part of an extensive scheme 
concerted at Athens. A large supply 
of amis was furnished by Demosthenes, 
probably at the expense of Persia ; and 
on his proposal the Athenian assembly 
voted succours to the Thebans. Troops 
were also voted by the Argians, Arca- 
dians, and Eleians; but the Pelopon- 
nesian succours were detained at tlie 
Isthmus, and the Athenian at home, 
through the wish to gain some insight 



What did he induce the Thessalians to do?— What did he obtain from the Amphictyons?— Who were 
ready to oppose his elevation ?— What was the effect of his entering Boeotia witli an army ?— What vote 
was passed in the meeting of the Grecian states at Corinth ?— What state dissented ? 

Where did Alexander now quell a rebellion ?— For what purpose was the wealth of the Persian men 
arch listed in Greece? — By whose agency ? 

Who maintained the Mac«diinian ascendency in Thebes ?— How did the enemies of Macedonia pro- 
ceed there?— What report was raised?- What vote taken? — By what other states was Thebes supported ? 



176 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



into the probable event of the war be- 
fore taking part m it. Such was the 
state of things when the Theban leaders 
learned with dismay that Alexander, by 
a rapid march through a difficult moun- 
tain region, had unexpectedly made his 
way into Boeotia in a time almost incredi- 
bly short. Their danger was gi'eat, not 
only from the Macedonian force, but 
from the reviving hopes of their fellow- 
citizens of the opposite party. They 
ventured the bold assertion that the son 
of Philip was certainly dead, and that 
it was another Alexander, the son of 
Aeropus, who was come against them ; 
and hereby they succeeded in silencing 
all proposals of accommodation. Alex- 
ander advanced towards Thebes, but did 
not immediately attack it, being willing 
to leave an opening for peace, and trust- 
ing to the strength of his party within the 
walls. 

Capture and destruction of Thebes. 

After Alexander had been for some 
time before the city, a skirmish, begun 
without orders by one of his officei-s, 
brought on a general engagement. The 
besiegers were victorious, and their van- 
guard, pursuing the enemies to the gates, 
broke in with them. The city was taken, 
unexpectedly alike to the conquerors 
and the conquered; and terrible was 
the destruction which ensued by the 
hands, not so much of the Macedonians, 
as of the Bceotians and Phocians, who 
were numerous in the invading army. 
These had deep wrongs to avenge ; and 
the Thebans now drank to the dregs the 
bitter cup which they had held to the lips 
of the Platseans, Thespians, and Orcho- 
menians. Old men, women, an d children 
were slaughtered in the streets, in the 
houses, and at the altai-s. When the 
butchery was over, the fate of the sur- 
vivors and of the city was referred by 
Alexander to the common decision of 
the confederate Greeks. It was decreed 
that the city should be levelled with the 
ground, and all the inhabitants sold as 
slaves, save only the priests and priest- 
esses, and such as were known friends 
of Macedonia. It was also voted that 
Plataea and Orchomenus should be re- 
stored. Alexander, an ardent lover of 
literature, is said to have procured that 



the house of Pindar, the great Theban 
poet, should be spared, and his posterity 
exempted from the doom of slavery. 
Otherwise the decree was ftiUy executed. 
It is reported that Alexander bitterly 
regretted the destruction of Thebes, not 
only for the amount of misery occasioned 
by it, but also because that city was the 
birth-place of Hercules, the boasted 
founder of his race. If, indeed, there 
was mingled with this fanciful motive 
for sorrow any real and lively concern 
for the calamities inflicted, his repentance 
is a rare phenomenon in the history of 
conqueroi-s : but even in this case little 
impoitance is to be attached to a vain 
and trtmsitory feehng, which never ex- 
erted any influence on his subsequent 
career. (B. C. 335.) 

Other Grecian cities had been ruined 
not less completely than Thebes, but in 
none had the sufferers been so many; 
and the extent of the calamity struck 
deep awe into all who heard it, though 
few regretted the downfal of a power, 
which had rested almost entirely on 
force, and little on good will or superior 
reputation. Its sudden and apparent- 
ly accidental capture gave strength to 
the opinion, extensively prevalent, that 
Thebes was labouiing under a divine 
retribution; and men's minds ran back 
through various deeds of oppression 
and bloodshed, which had stained the 
short period of Theban empire, to the 
treacherous seizure of Platsea, and the 
old but unforgotten crime of alliance 
with the Persian against the freedom of 
Greece. Those states, which had pre- 
pared for Thebes an aid too tardy to save 
it, but prompt enough to expose them to 
the vengeance of the conqueror, had 
more pressing subjects to consider than 
its guilt or its calamity. Alarmed at 
the perils which their miserable and 
treacherous policy had brought near 
their own doors, they mostly acted with as 
much meanness as before. The Arcadi- 
ans put to death their late advisers ; the 
Eleians restored the banished friends 
of Macedonia ; but the danger was 
greatest to Athens, as the nearest state, 
and the most offending. When the 
news came that Thebes was taken, the 
Eleusinian mysteries were in celebra- 
tion ; but they were immediately inter- 



What news dismayed the Theban leaders .'—What assertion did they make? — What did Alexan- 
der do ? 

How was Thebes taken ? — By whom was the destruction of the inhabitants in the contest chiefly ef- 
fected ? — To whom did Alexander refer the fate of the city? — What was their decision? — What cities 
were restored ? — What exception did Alexander procure ? — Did he regret the fall of Thebes ? — How did 
the Greeks regard the destruction of Thebes? — How did the late allies of Thebes behave? — How was 
the news of its fall received at Athens? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



177 



rupted, and all hands employed in car- 
rying every thing valuable within the 
walls. An embassy was sent to Alexan- 
der, chiefly made up of the friends of 
Phocion ; but it is probable that De- 
mosthenes accompanied it, and that we 
may refer to this occasion the story told 
of him by ^Eschines, — that, being sent 
ambassador to Alexander, he went no 
farther than the Bceotian border, but 
returned in fear, either of Alexander 
or of his republican Greek allies. Alex- 



ander demanded that Demosthenes, and 
nine others, should be given up to him, as 
authors of the battle of Chaeroneia, and 
of all the succeeding troubles of Greece. 
A second embassy was sent to deprecate 
this severity ; and Alexander, whether 
through respect to the fame of Athens, 
or through the desire to settle Greece 
without delay, and proceed against Asia, 
contented himself wdth requiring the 
banishment of Charidemus, one of the 
number. 



CHAPTER IX. 



OF THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER IN ASIA, AND OF THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE, FROM 
THE TIME WHEN THAT PRINCE SET OUT ON HIS ENTERPRISE TO HIS DEATH. 



Affairs of Persia. — Artaxerxes II. 
The long reign of the second Arta- 
xerxes had closed with a shocking tissue 
of family dissension and bloodshed. To 
secure the succession to Darius, his 
eldest born, the old king had made him 
a partner in the sovereignty: but he 
was rewarded with presumptuous in- 
gratitude, and a quarrel ensued, which 
ended in an attempt by Darius to assassi- 
nate his father, and in his death by the 
hand of the executioner. The few re- 
maining years of Artaxerxes were full 
of troubles : he took for his first minis- 
ter Arsames, his natural son; Arsames 
was murdered, and the deed was im- 
puted to the jealousy of Ochus, the 
only then living legitimate son. The 
same year an extensive revolt broke out 
in the western provinces; and Arta- 
xerxes died in the following year, which 
was that of the battle of Matineia. 
Ochus took the throne, but according to 
the bloody policy which has ever prevail- 
ed in Asiatic monarchies, he did not deem 
it secured till all his illegitimate breth- 
ren had been assassinated, in number 
eighty. He then first made known his 
father's death, and proclaimed himself 
king, taking the name Artaxerxes. 

Artaxerxet III. (Ochus.) — Reduction of 
Phctnicia and Egypt. 

The reign of Artaxerxes Ochus was 
a troubled one. The great western re- 



volt was speedily suppressed, and the 
king then setting himself to reconquer 
Egj^pt, sent thither several armies, 
which failed disgracefijlly. Artabazus, 
the satrap of Bithynia, revolted, and, 
by the aid of Grecian mercenaries, he 
maintained himself against all the 
strength of Asia, till his treasury failed, 
and, unable longer to supply his Grecian 
troops, he fled to the court of PhiHp. 
The Phoenicians too revolted. They had 
been, like the Grecian subjects of Per- 
sia, allowed to govern themselves by 
their own republican institutions, under 
the conti'ol of a satrap, who levied 
fi*om each city its stipulated tribute, and 
commanded the armies of the province. 
They were rich and prosperous through 
commerce ; they had ever been courted 
and respected by the sovereign, for as 
their ships and sailors mainly consti- 
tuted the nayal strength of the empire, 
it was most important that their ser- 
vice should be willing. The present 
satrap, jealous probably of their grow- 
ing power and rising pretensions, had 
attempted, injudiciously, to tighten the 
bands of authority. He was accused 
of arrogance and tyranny, and the Phoe- 
nicians revolting alhed themselves with 
Egypt. Ochus went in person against 
them, and reduced them to submission ; 
but his triumph was disgraced by a 
series of cruel and treacherous acts, 
which ended in the utter destruction of 



What did Alexander first require of the Athenian ambassadors? — What terms did he finally give 
them ? 

What events transpired in Persia towards the close of Artaxerxes' reign ? — Who succeeded him ? — How 
did Ochus secure himself on the throne? 

What country did Ochus first attempt to reconquer ? — With what success ? — What other people re- 
volted ? — With whom did they ally themselves ? — Who reduced them to submission ? 

23 



178 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Sidon by the despair of its inhabi- 
tants.* He next subdued the island 
of Cj^rus, which was also in rebellion ; 
and then prepared an expedition against 
Egypt. He assembled an overwhelm- 
ing force of Grecian mercenaries, and 
placed a division under Mentor, a Rho- 
dian soldier of fortune, who being sent 
by the king of Egypt to assist the Phre- 
nicians, had deserted to the Persians 
with 4000 Greeks, whom he command- 
ed. To his second employer Mentor 
was more faithful: Egypt was con- 
quered, and so gi'eat were Mentor's 
services, and such the opuiion which 
Ochus entertained of his ability, that he 
was set in command over all the mari- 
time provinces of Asia Minor. His 
sister was wife to the rebel satrap Ar- 
tabazus; and, at his intercession, Arta- 
bazus was pardoned, and restored to his 
command. For twelve years the west- 
em provinces enjoyed unusual quiet un- 
der the vigorous rule of Mentor and his 
brother Memnon, the confidential fi-iend 
and minister of Artabazus. At the end 
of that period, in the year after the 
battle of Chseroneia, Artaxerxes Ochus 
died. 

Darius Cqdomannus... 
It was believed that Ochus had been 
poisoned by the eunuch Bagoas, his 
chief minister and favourite, w^ho, still 
retaining his power, gave the diadem to 
Arses, the youngest son of the late king. 
The other sons were murdered, and Ar- 
ses also perished in the thu'd year of his 
reign, by the act of his all-powerfbl 
minister, whom he had dared to thwart. 
Codomannus, a descendant of the second 
Darius, and a man of tried valour and 
considerable military experience, was 
chosen as the successor. On ascending 
the throne he took the name of Darius. 
Bagoas died soon after ; and it was ru- 
moured that dissension had arisen be- 
tween the king and minister ; that Bagoas 
had prepared a poisoned draught for 
Darius, and had been himself compelled 
to drink it. 



Alexander enters Asia. — Battle of the Chan' 
icus. — Conquest of Asia within Taurus. 

Soon after the death of Ochus, Philip 
had undertaken to deliver the Greeks of 
Asia fi-om the Persian yoke, and had 
sent an army into iEolis, under Parme- 
nion, his ablest general. Parmenion was 
opposed by Memnon, with force enough 
to check, but not to crush him. The 
attention of the court was elsewhere oc- 
cupied, and it was not till Alexander was 
preparing to cross the Hellespont in per- 
son, that the Pei-sian government began 
to gather any considerable force by sea or 
land. Two years had passed shice Phi- 
hp's death, and four since the battle of 
Chseroneia, when Alexander, at the age 
of twenty-two, commenced the expedi- 
tion which was to change the dynasties, 
and remodel the political state of half 
Asia. On the Asiatic side of the Helles- 
pont, was the territory of ancient Troy, 
the stage of the principal actions cele- 
brated by Homer. The imagination of 
Alexander was naturally lively ; he was 
deeply tinctured with love of letters, and 
reverence for antiquity. Of this we 
have seen some instances in his conduct 
after the taking of Thebes. The Iliad 
of Homer was especially gratifying both 
to his poetical tastes and to his warlike 
propensities, and he is said to have made 
it his constant companion in his journeys 
and campaigns. But when he stood on 
the scene of his favourite story, his ad- 
miration of the poet and his heroes was 
exalted into passionate enthusiasm ; and 
while his army passed the strait unop- 
posed, under the direction of Parmenion, 
he was visiting the village and surround- 
ing fields, where the fallen city once had 
stood, and sacrificing to the deities of the 
place, and the chiefs and princes there 
entombed. The foot in the army some- 
what exceeded thirty thousand, of whom 
twenty-four thousand were heavy-armed, 
and about half of these Macedonian: 
the horse were nearly five thousand, 
chiefly Macedonian, Thessalian, and 
Thracian. In proceeding towards Ionia, 



* This is Diodonis's account. It must, however, be taken with some qualification, as we shall find 
the Sidonians again conspicuous about twenty years after in the wars of Alexander. Probably, the con- 
flagration related by the historian only extended to some particular quarter of the city, in which the most 
determined of the Sidonians may have maintained themselves, when the rest of the town had submitted 
to the conqueror. 



What island did he next subdue? — Against what country did he next prepare an expedition? — Who 
was Mentor ? — What service did he perform for Ochus ? — When did Ochus die ? 

Who succeeded Ochus ?— How long did Arses reign ? — Who succeeded him ? — What was his charac- 
ter ? — What name did he take ? 

Whom had Alexander sent to liberate the Greeks of Asia? — How was he situated ? — At what age did 
Alexander und£rtake his expedition into Asia ? — How did he employ himself at the site of ancient Troy ? 
— Where is Troas ? — What was his force ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



179 



it was resolved to skirt the eastern 
highlands of Ida. The neighbouring 
satraps gathered their forces to oppose 
him, as soon as they learned the direction 
of his march, and they were joined by 
Memnon, who had tUl now been en- 
gaged in protecting the coast. The 
assembled army consisted of twenty 
thousand Persian horse, and as many 
mercenary Grecian heavy-armed infan- 
try, with hght troops whose number is 
uncertain. Thus inferior in regular foot, 
it was Memnon's wish to avoid a battle, 
but to hang on the advancing enemy 
with a nmnerous cavahy, which should 
let him neither eat nor rest, to destroy 
the harvest in his way, and even the 
towns in wliich he could shelter. This 
mode of defence would probably have 
been the most effectual; but it earned 
with it an amount of public loss and 
private suffering, to which the Persian 
officers would not consent. It was 
therefore rejected, and a stand was made 
in a very advantageous position, at the 
ford of the Granicus, a rapid river, run- 
ning northwards fi'om Ida to the Propon- 
tis. Alexander forced the passage, and 
completely defeated the enemy, but not 
without a severe struggle, in which his 
person was exposed to imminent danger. 
This victory opened to him all Asia 
Minor. Sardis submitted without re- 
sistance, and he went into Ionia. The 
people of Ephesus had risen on the 
ohgarchy supported there by Persia, and 
Alexander arriving confirmed the ascen- 
dency of the democratical party, re- 
strained their violence, and established 
good order. Most Grecian cities readily 
alUed themselves with him, and in all 
these he set up democracy. Miletus 
and Halicamassus holding out for Per- 
sia were taken by force. The successes 
of Alexander were brilliant, his policy 
was liberal towards barbarians as well 
as Greeks. He won the Lydians by re- 
viving their ancient laws, which had 
been overborne by the Persian sati'aps ; 
and the Carians, by restoring the govern- 
ment to the legitimate heir, who had 
been deposed in favour of a Persian. In 
the course of a year by force and conci- 
liation he had made himself the master of 



Asia within Taurus, the vast mountain 
chain extending fi-om the Mediterranean 
to the Euxine sea ; that is, of aU Asia 
Minor, save the narrow maritime pro- 
vince CUicia. 

Meanwhile Memnon had returned into 
the iEgean sea with a fleet far outoum- 
bering any which Macedonia and -its 
confederates could support, and had 
raised a powerful body of Grecian mer- 
cenaries to co-operate vnth it. He had 
reduced the important islands of Chios 
and Lesbos, and struck a terror into the 
enemies of Persia, as far as Euboea; 
and negotiating vrith the Grecian states 
unfiiendly to Macedonia, he had per- 
suaded many of them, and among others 
Lacedsemon, to ally themselves with 
Persia. His intention was, after com- 
pleting the conquest of Lesbos, to pro- 
ceed to the Hellespont, when his irresis- 
tible fleet would cut off fi-om Alexander 
all communication with Europe. The 
small army of the invader might then 
be crushed by the collected forces of 
Asia, while Memnon himself, with hia 
Grecian allies, would overrun and con- 
quer Macedonia, and thus, in the lan- 
guage of the party hostile to Alexander, 
secure the hberty of Greece. In the 
midst of these projects Memnon died, 
and with him his designs. The land 
force of his armament was summoned 
to join the king in Syria. 

Battle of hsus. 

With the arrival of spring, Alexander, 
crossing Taurus, overran Cilicia. That 
province is separated fi*om Syria by a 
branch of Taums, on the opposite side 
of which the vast host of Darius was 
now assembled. For some time each 
army waited for the other to advance; 
for it was the wish of the Persians to 
engage in the plains of Syria, where their 
numerous cavalry might range at will, 
while the smaller and more stationary 
forces of the Greeks and Macedonians 
would have acted to advantage in the 
confined valleys of CiUcia. At length 
Alexander led his forces through the 
pass which opened into Syria. Darius 
immediately crossed the mountains by 
a different pass into Cilicia, and thus 



Under whom did the satraps unite to oppose his march ? — What was the Persian force ?— \Miat was 
Memnon's plan of defence ? — Why did not the Persian officers consent to it? — Where did they make a 
Btand ?— Where is the Propontis ? — What w as the result of the battle .' — What places submitted ? — Which 
places were taken by force ? — How did Alexander win the Lydians? — The Carians? — Of what territory 
aid he mai<e himself master: — Meanwhile what had Memnon done? — Where is Ionia? — Lydia? — Caria? 
— Where is Cilicia?— Chios ? — Lesbos? — Euboea? — Syria ?—l8su8 ? — What was his intention? — What 
transpired in the midst of these projects? 

What province did Alexander overrun in the spring? — How were the two armies now situated?— 
What movement did Alexander make ? — How did Darius take advantage of it ? 



180 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



placed himself in Alexander's rear. His 
object was probably, by occupying the 
passes, to prevent his enemy from re- 
turning into Cilicia, and at the same 
time to cut off from him all supplies and 
reinforcements; so that his army, de- 
baiTed from retreat, and deprived of all 
provisions, but what it could find in the 
country', might perish by want, and by 
the continual harassing of a superior ca- 
valry. But Alexander, though surprised 
by the movement, was prompt enough 
to secure the command of the principal 
pass, and he led back his army to attack 
the Persians, near Issus, at the enti'ance 
of Cilicia. Besides the Hght-armed sol- 
diers, they had thirty thousand heavy- 
armed Greeks, and a greater number of 
Asiatics armed and trained in the Gre- 
cian manner. The horse were thirty 
thousand. The whole was advanta- 
geously posted along the bank of a riv- 
er, and extending from the mountains 
to the sea. Nevertheless, after a hotly 
contested action, Alexander forced a 
passage. The slaughter was great both 
in the battle and in the pursuit. Darius 
escaped with a portion of his cavalry, 
but his wife, mother, and sister, and 
two daughters, were taken in his camp. 
They were treated by Alexander with 
kindness, and even with delicate re- 
spect; and so gi-eat it is said was the 
effect produced on Darius by a gene- 
rosity little usual either in Grecian or in 
Asiatic warfare, that when he heard it 
he prayed to have no other successor 
but Alexander, if it were God's will that 
he should no longer be king of Asia. 

Siege of Tyre. 
Having taken possession of Damas- 
cus, the capital of Syria, Alexander 
soon turned his eyes to the narrow, but 
rich, populous, and powerful countiy of 
Phoenicia. The small states of that pro- 
vince were popularly governed, though 
mosdy with a single chief at the head of 
the administration; and they seem to 
have been very subject both to internal 
dissension and to mutual quarrels and 
jealousy. Tyre, the wealthiest and most 
powerful, was also the most favoured 
by the Persian government, to a degree 
which gave offence in Sidon, its mother 



city, and the nominal capital of the pro- 
vince. The Sidonians invited Alexander, 
and he took possession of their city un- 
opposed. Others also submitted ; but the 
Tyrians, the most favoured of the favour- 
ed Phoenician nation, refused to transfer 
their allegiance to the conqueror. They 
professed their willingness to be strictly 
neutral, admitting within their walls nei- 
ther Persians nor Macedonians ; but this 
did not satisfy Alexander, and he be- 
sieged the city. Tyre was built on an 
island, strongly fortified, and vigorously 
defended. The assailants attempted to 
carry out a mole from the main land, for 
the support of towers and battering en- 
gines, such as were used in that age. 
These were burnt by the Tyrians from 
their shipping, and Alexander found that 
he could not succeed as long as they com- 
manded the sea. He raised a navy from 
such of the Phoenicians as were friendly 
to him, from the Cyprians, whose sup- 
port had been engaged by his successes, 
and from some of the maritime Greeks. 
His fleet was now too strong for the 
besieged, so that he soon confined them 
within their walls, and finally took the 
city by assault. Eight thousand Tyrians 
perished in the storming, the remainder 
of the people were sold into slavery; 
and of this great calamity it is nowhere 
stated that it ever disturbed the tran- 
quillity of the victor. 

Conquest of Egypt. — Foundation of Alex- 
andria, 

Alexander next proceeded to Egypt, 
which submitted without resistance. He 
gratified his new subjects by magni- 
ficent sacrifices to the gods of the 
country, and held a splendid festival 
after the Grecian manner, with contests 
in athletic exercises, poetry, and music. 
He then commenced a more permanent 
and more useful monument of his great- 
ness. The singularly rich and populous 
country of Egypt was without a conveni- 
ent haven ; and Alexander having select- 
ed a spot on the shore near the western 
branch of the Nile, where there was 
every advantage of situation for a great 
commercial town and port, resolved to 
make it the Grecian capital of Egypt, 
the seat of government, and the centre 



With what design ? — How did Alexander prevent the execution of this design ? — To what place did he 
lead his army back ? — What was his force? — What was the result of the action ? — Who were captured ? 
— How were they treated .' — What was the effect of this clemency on Darius ? 

To what country did Alexander next turn his attention ? — What Phcenician city submitted ? — What 
city held out against him .'—Did he besiege ?— Were his land operations defeated ? — By whose aid and in 
what manner did he take the city ? — How were the Tyrians treated ? — Where is Tyre ? — Sidon ? — Ph(S< 
nicia ? 

Whither did Alexander next proceed ? — Where did he found a city ? — For what purpose ' 




liiilii 



i 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



181 



of trade. He gave the name of Alexan- 
dria to the new city, which was largely 
colonized by Greeks, and soon became 
and long continued wealthy, populous, 
and flourishing. It retains, even now, 
the ancient appellation, and though fallen 
from its former greatness is still a con- 
siderable town : but its decUne must be 
progi'essive ; for its excellent harbour is 
fast verging to ruin from the changes of 
the coast and the constant gathering of 
shoals, which have already in great 
measure choked it up. While engaged 
with his new capital, Alexander learned 
that the Persian fleet had been complete- 
ly broken up through the defection of 
the Phoenicians and Cyprians, and that 
all the Grecian islands alUed with Persia 
had returned to the Macedonian confed- 
eracy. (B. C. 332.) 

Visit to the Temple of Ammon. 

During his stay in Egypt he undertook 
an expedition of no political or military 
importance, but yet too singular to pass 
unnoticed. In the sandy desert which 
stretches westward fi*om the boundary 
of Egypt, there are scattered spots, Uke 
green islands in the waste, where springs 
of water give fertihty to the elsewhere 
barren and burning soil. On one of 
these stood the ancient and far-famed 
oracular temple of Jupiter Ammon. 
The difficulty and danger of approaching 
it diminished the number of votaries, but 
suiTOunded the shrine with a more 
mysterious sanctity. In sending Alex- 
ander thither, we may well beUeve that 
religion had a share ; but it was proba- 
bly combined with curiosity, with the 
habitual love of extraordinary things, 
with the vanity of imitating Perseus and 
Hercules, his boasted progenitors, both 
of whom were said to have visited the 
oracle, perhaps with some project of 
discovering a communication with the 
interior of Afi*ica for purposes of trade. 
He set out with a detachment of his 
army, reached the land of Ammon, con- 
sulted the oracle, and returned in safety ; 
but not without experiencing the perils 
and sufferings which arise, in crossing 
the deserts, from the intolerable heat, 
the want of water, and the shifting nature 
of the sands. 



Battle of Gaugamela. 
In the next spring he went against 
Darius, crossed the great rivers Eu- 
phrates and Tigris unopposed, and found 
the enemy at Gaugamela near Arbela, 
on the eastern bank of the latter. The 
country was favourable to cavalry, in 
which the Persian army was stronger 
than that defeated at Issus ; it had also 
elephants, and scythe-armed chariots, but 
it was weak in Grecian foot. A hard 
fought battle ensued : great gallantly was 
shown by the Persian leaders, and some 
skill ; but they could not withstand the 
superior discipline of the Greeks and the 
ability of their commander, whose con- 
duct on this occasion gave the highest 
proof of mihtary science, and original 
genius for war. Their army was com- 
pletely destroyed: Darius fled towards 
the northern provinces, the most war- 
like and the most attached to himself; 
and Alexander seized on the rich pro- 
vinces of the south almost unresisted. 

Persian intrigues in Greece. — War of La- 
cedeemon with Macedonia. 

Darius was now at Ecbatana, the 
capital of Media; and his only hope 
was to maintain himself in that and the 
adjoining provinces, till Alexander might 
be called away by troubles at home. 
Of this there was no small prospect, 
for an important contest had indeed 
arisen, but it was decided about the time 
when Alexander was conquering at Gau- 
gamela. The Lacedaemonians had ever 
disallowed the claim of Macedonia to the 
supremacy of Greece, and had laboured 
to place themselves at the head of a 
hostile league. Their hopes had been 
weakened by the death of Meranon, by 
the breaking up of the Persian fleet, and 
by the battle of Issus; but their party 
was still powerful, especially when se- 
conded by the gold which the agents 
of Persia still supplied m considerable 
abundance. Three hundred talents (up- 
wards of 60,000^.) were offered to the 
people of Athens, to induce them to 
join the confederacy. The offer was re- 
fused; but there was still in Athens a 
powerful party headed by Demosthenes, 
which though unable to induce the 
people to side with the enemies of Alex- 



What did he call it? — What news did he hear at Alexandria? — Where is Egypt ?— Alexandria ? 

For wh;it purpose did Alexander go into the desert west of Egypt ? — What were his motives for tbii 
proceeding? 

Where did Alexander next meet the enemy ? — What ensued ?— Which party conquered ? — Whither did 
Darius flee ? 

Where was Darius posted ? — What states were opposing the Macedonian power in Greece ? 



182 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



ander, was yet strong enough to prevent 
them fi'om effectually supporting his 
friends. Eleia, Achaia, all Arcadia, ex- 
cept Megalopolis, took part with Lace- 
daemon ; and their army was strength- 
ened witii ten thousand mercenaries, 
probably supported by Persia. On the 
opposite side were Argos and Messenia, 
the constant enemies of Lacedsemon, 
with most of the states north of the 
Isthmus. Athens stood aloof fi'om the 
contest ; but the intriguing policy of De- 
mosthenes was successfully employed in 
exciting a revolt among the Thessalians. 
Antipater, one of Philip's ablest min- 
isters, had been left by Alexander as 
his vicegerent. He quelled the dis- 
turbances in Thessaly, and then suc- 
ceeded in obtauiing from the states of 
the confederacy a force which, when 
joined with such of the Macedonian 
ti'oops as could be spared, might enable 
him to meet the hostile league with ad- 
vantage. The Lacedaemonians and their 
alhes had already formed the siege of 
Megalopolis, and its fall was expected 
daily, before Antipater could enter Pelo- 
ponnesus to reUeve it. It held out, 
however, till his anival. A well fought 
and bloody battle ensued, but the Lace- 
daemonians were overborne by superior 
numbers. Agis then* king fell fighting 
after his phalanx was broken. The 
Lacedaemonians sued for peace, and An- 
tipater referred their ministers to a con- 
gress which was held at Corinth. It was 
decided that the fate of Lacedaemon 
should be decided by Alexander, and that 
fifty of the noblest Spartans should be 
given as hostages that their state would 
submit to his determination. 

Murder of Darius. — Persian empire entirely 
conquered. 

Meanwhile Alexander had advanced 
into Media with the beginning of sprmg. 
Surprised by his rapidity, and disap- 
pointed of expected succours, Darius 
was again compelled to fly, and the 
Median kingdom yielded to the con- 
queror. Darius escaped into Bactria, 
where Bessus, the satrap of the province, 
and some others, conspired against him, 
made him prisoner, and finally murdered 
him. When overtaken by the cavalry 



of Alexander, the body was found by the 
Macedonian prince, and taken up and 
sent to be buried in the royal sepulchre 
in Persia. Bessus declared himself the 
king of Asia, but he soon was driven 
from his satrapy, and delivered by his 
followers to the mercy of Alexander, who 
put him to death as a murderer and 
traitor. But the resistance of the nor- 
thern provinces under different chiefs 
was long continued and frequently re- 
newed ; and it was not till the third year 
after the battle of Arbela, that the Per- 
sian empire was enth'ely subdued. The 
dominions of Alexander then reached 
to the Caspian sea, and the river lax- 
artes (the Sin-,) which divided them fi'om 
the wilds of the wandering Scythians. 
There was little temptation to cross the 
river with any view of conquest ; and 
though Alexander once carried his arms 
agamst the Scythians, it was only to 
chastise theu' turbulence. But the sub- 
jugated provinces included nearly all the 
most valuable districts and principal cities 
of central Asia. Sogdiana, the most nor- 
therly, had for its capital Maracanda, 
which will easily be recognised as the stiU 
flourishmg Samarcand. In the city of 
Bactra we find Balkh, and Candahar in 
Alexandria, a Grecian colony founded by 
Alexander, and named, like his Egyptian 
capital, fi'om himself. These names wiU 
show how far the empire extended to- 
\Aards the northeast; its southern and 
western hmits have been indicated suffi- 
ciently in describing the coui*se of the 
M acedonian conquests. 

Difficult situation of Alexander. — Character 
of his policy.— Deaths of Philotas and 
Parmenion. 

The difficulties of Alexander's situa- 
tion were great. In a few yea; s he had 
made himself the lord of many nations 
of various mannei-s, but all widely dif- 
fering from the comparatively scanty 
band of Greeks and Macedonians, by 
whom all were to be held in subjection. 
The very rapidity of his progress had 
precluded the growth of any habitual 
principle of loyalty, so that nearly his 
whole empire was in the state of a 
newly conquered province, only kept in 
obedience tlirough force and fear. It 



What states favoured it ? — What state kept aloof? — Who was Alexander's vicegerent in Greece ? — 
What city was besieged by the Lacedaemonians ? — Who came to its relief? — What was the result ot' the 
battle which endued ? — To whom was the fate of the Lacedaemonians referred ? 

What kingdom did Alexander next conquer? — Whither did Darius flee? — What happened there? — 
How did Alexander treat Darius's murderer? — How much time was occupied in subduing Persia? 

What were the difficulties of Alexander's situation? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



183 



was necessary to conciliate his new sub- 
jects, lest his small army should be 
harassed and worn out with continual 
service: it was necessary to retain the 
affection of his Grecian followers, since 
it was by their power only that he could 
seciu'e a single province. These objects 
he endeavoured to reconcile, by distri- 
butmg offices of trust and favour both 
to Europeans and to Asiatics, retaining, 
however, the sword almost entirely in 
the hands of the former, while the civil 
administration was principally com- 
mitted to the natives of the country. A 
more questionable part of his poUcy 
was the adoption of the Median dress, 
and the exaction from all alike of the 
Asiatic homage of prostration, which 
seemed to the Greeks an act of de- 
grading servility when tendered to any 
mortal. To justify the demand, his 
flatterei-s asserted that Alexander was 
really more than man; that his deeds 
had far exceeded those of the ancient 
heroes, his o^vn ancestor Hercules, and 
Bacchus the conqueror of India, who 
were woi*shipped as gods by all; and 
the fable was spread, that he, like them, 
had something of divinity in his origin, 
as well as in his actions, and that he 
was really the son, not of Philip, but of 
Amraon, the great divinity, to worship 
in whose temple he had already under- 
gone so much toil and danger. These 
extravagant pretensions were far less 
shocking to the Greeks than to persons 
educated in a purer religion : for even 
those who most condemned them wor- 
shipped mortals not more distinguished 
than Alexander, and having only this 
advantage, that they had lived in a dis- 
tant age. The result, however, was ge- 
neral dissatisfaction, and heart burn- 
ings between Alexander and some of 
his trustiest followers. It is probable, 
that views of poUcy were less the mo- 
tive to his present conduct than the ex- 
cuse by which he coloured to himself a 
weakness, of which he would otherwise 
have been ashamed; and that he was 
really actuated by the overweening spirit, 
which unparalleled successes had fos- 
tered in a youth of temper naturally ve- 
hement and ambitious. The Persians 
had, indeed, been accustomed to honour 
their kings almost as divinities, and 
Alexander might fear that their respect 



for him would be lessened by observing 
that others acted differently. But the 
Persian great well knew that Grecian 
manners differed from their own, and 
they were prepared, by repeated expe- 
rience of Grecian superiority in policy 
and war, to respect the peculiarities of 
their conquerors, and associate them 
with the ideas of power and ability. 
With regard to them, the present claims 
of Alexander could not have been ne- 
cessary, but might, perhaps, if unre- 
sisted, have been advantageous: to the 
Greeks and Macedonians they were 
deeply disgusting; but to all the king 
must have been degraded, by appearing 
as the eager claimant of a homage which 
was either refused, or extorted with 
difficulty. Fresh matter was given for 
dissension, already too prevalent in the 
camp. The republican Greeks and the 
Macedonians were mutually jealous, and 
the latter were again divided into factions 
among themselves. These discords had 
recently been much exasperated. Philo- 
tas, the son of Parmenion, was an excel- 
lent officer, and high in trust, but boastful, 
profuse, and extravagant in self-opinion. 
He was accused of treason, and condem- 
ned to death by the assembled Macedo- 
nians, under circumstances, if not of 
proved guilt, at least of strong suspicion. 
His father was also put to death on 
slighter evidence, and without the oppor- 
tunity of making a defence. Tliis most 
unjust precipitation was probably occa- 
sioned by the fear, that if time and warning 
were given to the accused, his power and 
popularity might enable him to resist the 
authority of the government; but it 
leaves a deep stain on the character of 
Alexander, especially as both he and 
Philip owed more gratitude to Parme- 
nion than to any other individual. The 
ferment caused by the ruin of the se- 
cond family in Macedonia had scarcely 
subsided, when fresh heats were kin- 
dled by Alexander's demand to be hon- 
oured after a manner wholly alien from 
the habits and principles of the Greeks. 

Death of Cleitua. 
Among those who saw with displeas- 
ure the rising arrogance of Alexander, 
and his gro\ving preference of oriental 
customs, was Cleitus, the companion of 
his youth, and now one of his most fa- 



What was it necessary for him to do ? — How did he endeavour to effect these objects ? — What did he 
require of his followers? — How was this justified ? — What was the result of this behaviour? — Was it ne- 
cessary in order to keep his Persian subjects in obedience? — Between whom did tactions exist? — For 
what were Pliilotas and Parmenion put to death ? — Wliy was not Parmenion fairly tried ? — Who bad 
been deeply indebted to him ? Who was Cleitus ? 



184 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



voured generals, who had saved his life 
in the battle of the Granicus. It hap- 
pened at a banquet that some flatterers 
of the king, after pursuing their accus- 
tomed theme of the superiority of his 
exploits to those of Bacchus, went on 
further to pay their court to him by de- 
preciating the actions of his father — an 
unworthy homage, equally disgraceful 
to those who offered, and to him who 
accepted it. Cleitus rebuked their base- 
ness with honest resentment, took up 
the praise of Philip, and drew a com- 
paratively disparaging picture of the 
actions of Alexander ; but he was un- 
fortunately heated with wine, and after 
replying to the courtiers, he addressed 
himself to Alexander, with intemperate 
and unmannerly violence. The prince, 
mad with wine and anger, attempted to 
rush upon him, but was held by some of 
his companions, while others forced Clei- 
tus out of the room. All was vain ; he 
snatched a weapon, and following Clei- 
tus, who returned to brave him, killed 
him on the spot. The deed was scarcely 
done when he was seized with the bit- 
terest repentance. For three days he 
kept his chamber, and would neither eat 
nor drink ; but his friends at length per- 
suaded him to resume the duties of his 
station. He never seems to have formal- 
ly renounced the extravagant pretensions 
which led to this murder, and to other 
mischiefs, which are recorded by his 
historians ; but he seems to have found 
the dislike of the Macedonians to the new 
ceremonies insurmountable, and to have 
felt it necessary no longer to insist upon 
their universal observance. 

Invasion of India. 
Scarcely had the empire of Darius en- 
tirely submitted, when the odious lust of 
war and conquest was already driving 
Alexander to more distant enterprise. 
Southeastward lay the wide and fertile 
India; and into it he advanced, fully 
bent on subduing the whole. For his 
previous course of action, some excuse 
may be found in the enmity subsisting 
between Greece and Persia. It might 
concern the security of the Greeks, or at 
least of those in Asia, thatDarius's power 
should be curtailed ; though, assuredly, 
no lawful object could demand the entire 
subjugation of his empire. But the pre- 



sent expedition was neither prompted by 
provocation, old or recent, nor covered 
even with the flimsiest pretext of political 
necessity; it was undertaken avowedly 
in the spirit of the robber, who seizes 
every thing indifferently which his eye 
covets and his hand can master. He 
carried his arms with uniform success 
to the great river Indus, and considera- 
bly beyond. But his soldiers were wea- 
ry with toils and dangers, and alarmed 
at the prospect of warfare endlessly re- 
newed by the wild ambition of their 
chief: their discontent at length broke 
out in open remonstrance; and Alexan- 
der, after a passionate attempt to change 
their resolution, was obliged to give way. 
He returned to the Indus, which he in- 
tended to make the Eastern boundary 
of his dominions, and proceeded down 
the stream to the Indian ocean, reduc- 
ing all on the right bank who stiU refiised 
obedience. 

Projects of improvement. — Voyage of Ne- 
archus. 

The most praiseworthy point in Alex- 
ander's character was his attention to the 
welfare of the conquered nations ; and his 
capacity was most commendably shown 
in the originality and wisdom of some 
of his plans for their improvement. This 
does not remove the guilt of his am- 
bition. It is injustice for any, with- 
out lawful authority, violently to force 
upon a nation even what may be for its 
good; it is fearful presumption to kill, 
bum, and pillage through a continent, 
in the hope of outweighing the certain 
miseries of war by the beneflts of wiser 
administration in the chance of victory. 
It is not for a prince to judge whether 
his neighbours would be happier under 
their existing government or under his 
own ; nor can his territories in any wise 
be rightflilly extended, except by the 
free consent of his new subjects, or some- 
times when, by a most rare combination 
of circumstances, conquest has become 
necessary to protect his people from ag- 
gi'ession. The original iniquity of Alex- 
ander's invasions is not excused by any 
merit in his government, and can be 
extenuated only by considering the loose 
morality of his age and the misfortune 
of a princely education. Even consi- 
deiing his career in the most favourable 



Where and how did he offend Alexander .'—What was the consequence ?— What was the effect of this 
act on Alexander?— Did he give up his pretensions to oriental homage from the Macedonians? 

Which way is India from Persia?-- With what views did Alexander undertake to conquer India ?- 
How far did he carry his conquests ?— What obliged him to return ? — What was the eastern boundary 
of his empire ?-- -To what point did he follow the course of this river? 

What was the best point in Alexander'!] character ?— Does this justify his invasions i 




a 

a> 

'^ 

& 

s 
i 



' ~ "'''mk^^\\\-^i\mimiiH\'' ''/^/' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



185 



light, we cannot but look with hoiTor at 
a boy rushing headlong upon the work 
of devastation and blood, to make him- 
self to be talked about; yet it must not 
be denied that he showed a more liberal 
ambition and thoughts more enlarged 
than form the ordinary character of a 
mere conqueror. Notwithstanding the 
vast extent of his subject provinces, 
and the short time allowed to the re- 
gulation of each, his officers were mostly 
well chosen, while he was himself ever 
ready to hear complaints and punish 
oppressions ; so that Asia, during his 
brief reign, appears to have enjoyed 
considerably more than its usual por- 
tion of quiet and good order. He 
founded many Grecian colonies in va- 
rious regions, with the double purpose, 
probably, of securing the obedience of 
the people and advancing their civilisa- 
tion. He sedulously encouraged com- 
merce, and first conceived the idea of 
opening a communication between India 
and Europe. Near the mouth of the 
Indus, he had fortified a place for a 
principal haven and trading station ; and 
from hence a fleet was sent to explore 
the coasts of the Indian Ocean to the 
Persian Gulf, and finally to proceed up 
the gulf to the Euphrates. Great hard- 
ships were endured, and great diffi- 
culties overcome, by the crews of the 
exploring squadron ; but the voyage 
was completed, and knowledge gained 
that might faciUtate bringing the mer- 
chandise of India to Babylon and the cen- 
tral part of Asia by the Persian Gulf, 
or by the Red Sea to Egypt. Goods 
landed in Egypt might be brought 
by canals into the Nile, and down the 
Nile to Alexandria, and thence dispersed 
through Europe by the Mediterrsinean 
and its communicating seas. Both these 
became and long continued important 
channels of trade — ^the former, as long 
as the countries round the Euphrates 
were flourishing and wealthy ; the lat- 
ter, till the bolder spirit of modem navi- 
gation had explored a passage round the 
continent of Africa. The latter traffic 
especially enriched every people engag- 
ed in conducting it, and made Alexandria 



long one of the greatest cities on the 
earth. 

Return to Babylon. 

Before the sailing of his fleet fi-om the 
Indus, Alexander had commenced his 
march towards Persia. That he might 
provide for the rehef of his crews at 
various stations along an unknown and 
inhospitable coast, he led a division of 
his troops through the diy and baiTen 
desert which stretches fi'om the confines 
of India along the sea, the grave of 
eveiy aniiy wliich had hitherto attempt- 
ed to cross it. The perilous march 
was not completed Avithout the loss of 
many by fatigue and thirst; but the 
spirits of the soldiers were kept up by 
the fortitude of their commander, who 
took his fiill share in eveiy hardship ; 
and, instead of riding among his cavahy 
according to his usual custom, dis- 
mounted, and walked in fiill armour, 
beneath the burning sun, at the head of 
the infantry. It happened once, when 
all had long been sufieiing from thirst, 
that some soldiers found a small pool, 
and filling a helmet with water, brought 
it to the king. Alexander thanked them, 
but declared that he would have no re- 
hef in which all the araiy could not share, 
and taking the helmet, poured the wa- 
ter on the gi'ound. The effect, we are 
told, was as if every man had drunk the 
water. Thus cheered and supported by 
the example of their leader, the troops 
completed their march into the fertile 
country beyond, where they were re- 
jobied by their comrades, who had been 
sent by the safer and easier route through 
the higher regions. 

Political arrangements and death of Alex- 
ander. 

The attention of Alexander was now 
directed to the punishment of satraps 
and other officers, who had abused their 
authority in his absence, and to the bet- 
ter internal administration of his empire. 
He wisely strove to establish harmony 
between the different races of his sub- 
jects, and to throw into the shade, as far 
as might be, the distinctions of European 



What was the state of Asia under his dominion ? — For what did he found Grecian colonies? — What 
did he particularly encourage ? — What idea did he originally conceive ? — From whence did he send a 
fleet ? — For what purpose ? — What knowledge was thus gained ? — By what route could the merchandise 
of India be conveyed to Babylon? — By what other route to Egypt and Europe? — Were these routes 
actually used ? — What city was enriched in consequence ? 

Towards what country had Alexander commenced his march? — Why did he lead a part of his army 
along tlie slioresof the Arabian Sea and Persian Gulf? — What sufftrings did they undergo? — What anec- 
dote is related of Alexander? 

To what was Alexan''er's attention directed after his . etu a ? — Hovi lid he fv to unite his 'Grecian and 
Asiatic subjects ? 



24 



186 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



and Asiatic, the conqueror and the 
conquered. The veiy highest offices of 
trust and favour were still in the hands 
of Macedonians; but, in general, the 
administration was shared in such a 
manner between the nations, as to tes- 
dfy the impartiality of the sovereign, and 
his desu-e of ensuring equal protection to 
all his subjects. The army was exten- 
sively recruited mth Asiatics, trained in 
the Grecian disciphne, many of whom 
were admitted into the choicest and most 
distinguished bodies, both of foot and 
horse. Intermaniage between the diffe- 
rent races was encouraged, and the 
king himself, who had already been 
united with a Bactiian princess, con- 
tracted a second maniage with one of 
the daughters of Darius. These things 
were not done without opposition. The 
pride of conquest and of Grecian blood 
ill brooked to be associated on equal 
terms with vanquished barbarians ; and 
though much of Alexander's conduct 
only showed a just and liberal impai*- 
tiality, there were parts of it which 
overstepped that boundaiy, and seemed 
to show an unworthy preference given to 
the more servile principles and more 
submissive manners of his Eastern sub- 
jects. Peucestas, being made satrap of 
Persia, learned the Persian language, 
and habitually used it to the people of 
the country. He was justly praised 
by Alexander, and most unreasonably 
censured by the Macedonians. But he 
also took the Median dress, as had been 
done long since by Alexander himself; 
and this was complained of, not unjustly, 
both in the king and the satrap. By 
learning the language and manners of 
Persia, Peucestas could address himself 
both to Asiatics and Europeans, with 
equal convenience and equal respect. 
By the change of dress, he seemed to be 
disowning the country of his birth, and 
affecting to consider himself rather as a 
Persian than a Macedonian. The offence 
which had been given by Alexander's 
adoption of Eastern manners was re- 
vived by his approval of similar conduct 
in his officer. All these causes swelled 
the murmur which had now begun to 
prevail, that Alexander had subjected, 
not Asia to Greece, but Greece to Asia ; 
and the result was a most perilous 
mutiny, and the threatened desertion of 



nearly all the Macedonians in the army. 
The commotion was however quelled by 
the energy and eloquence of Alexander, 
and his unbounded personal popularity 
among the soldiers. 

The short remainder of his life was 
chiefly spent in the improvement of 
Babylon, the ancient capital of the Ba- 
bylonian, Chaldsean, or second Assyrian 
empire, which he chose for the seat of 
his government in preference to Susa 
or Ecbatana, the capitals of the Pei-sian 
and Median monarchies. The reasons 
for the selection were manifold. A wide 
and fruitful plain, and two mighty rivers, 
the Euphrates and the Tigris, on the one 
of which the city was built, while with 
the other it commanded a ready com- 
munication by numerous canals, made 
it a spot singularly fit for the support 
of a great collected population, and for 
all the purposes of trade, both inland 
and foreign. It was fiirther recom- 
mended by its more central situation, 
and especially its lying nearer than the 
other capitals to Lower Asia and Europe. 
Babylonia, like Egypt, owed its extraor- 
dinary fertility entirely to the overflowing 
of its river ; and to regulate this overflow 
the old monarchs had constructed chan- 
nels, dams, and various other works, 
of great extent. These had fallen into 
decay under the Median and Persian 
kings, who resided in the upper pro- 
vinces, and comparatively neglected 
the Babylonians; but Alexander ap- 
plied himself vigorously to the work 
of restoration, and was rapidly bring- 
ing back the province to its ancient 
fruitfulness and prosperity, when, in the 
second summer of his residence at Ba- 
bylon, as he was overlooking the works, 
with his wonted activity and careless- 
ness of his person, in an open boat 
among the unwholesome marshes, he 
was seized with a fever, and shortly after 
died, in the thirty-third year of his age, 
and the thirteenth of his reign. By 
some writers it has been represented 
that his sickness was rendered fatal by 
intemperance; and a report was after- 
wards current among the Macedonians, 
which imputed his death to poison. But 
neither of these statements is counte- 
nanced by the most authentic records 
existing with respect to his last moments. 
(B. C. 323.) 



Whom did he marry? — What conduct of Peucestas was disapproved by the Macedonians? — Did Alex- 
ander justify it ? — What ensued ? — How was the mutiny quelled ? — How was the rest of Alexander's 
life passed ? — What advantages of situation had Babylon ? — What works of its ancient monarchs had 
fallen into decay ?— Did Alexander begin to restore them ? — What occasioned bis death ? — When did 
he die ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



187 



Exile of jSEschines. 
During the latter years of Alexander, 
Greece was generally quiet, and little 
remarkable occurred, except some con- 
siderable party struggles in Athens. 
Before the battle of Chaeroneia, when 
strife ran highest in that city, Ctesiphon 
had proposed a decree, to honour Demo- 
sthenes with a golden crown, for his 
eminent pubhc sendees. The crown 
being voted, iEschines arraigned the 
decree, as irregular iu form, and false 
in statement. It was passed, he said, 
while Demosthenes was accountable for 
an office, which he held, though the law 
expressly forbade the crowning any man 
while he had an account to render; it 
appointed that the crown should be pre- 
sented at a time and place other than 
that which the law prescribed; and it 
declared, that Demosthenes merited re- 
ward for eminent services; whereas, 
in truth, he was justly punishable for 
gross misconduct. On these grounds, 
iEschines impeached Ctesiphon, the pro- 
poser of the decree, and instituted 
proceedings agaiust him for a penalty 
of fifty talents, upwards of ten thousand 
pounds. Soon after its commence- 
ment the prosecution was dropped, and 
slept for many years, till at leist, while 
Alexander was warring in eastern Asia, 
it was resumed as a ready method of 
attacking Demosthenes, who then held 
the lead in Athens. The speeches of 
iEsciiines for the prosecution, and of 
Demosthenes for the defence, are the 
most elaborate works of their respective 
authoi-s; and the latter in particular, 
which is commonly known as the Oration 
on the Crown, might alone prove De- 
mosthenes the fii-st of orators. The 
charge of informaUty may be considered 
as established; but that was, as well 
with the judges as with the advocates, a 
question very subordinate to the compa- 
rison mstituted between the characters of 
the rival orators, and the merits of their 
respective systems of pohcy. Ctesiphon 
was acquitted, and the accuser failing to 
obtain a fifth of the votes, became liable 
to a heavy fine ; — so far had he under- 
rated the power of his opponent's elo- 
quence or interest. Unable to pay the 
fine, or perhaps unwilling to live under 
his triumphant enemies, ^Eschines quitted 
Athens, and retired to Rhodes. 



Exile of Demostheneg. 
Not long after the death of Alex- 
ander, Demosthenes also went into ba- 
nishment. The circumstances which led 
to his retreat were these: Harpalus, 
an early and favoured fiiend of Alexan- 
der, being left at Babylon as satrap of 
the province, and treasurer over a more 
considerable portion of the empire, had 
abused his trust so grossly that on the 
king's return he was driven to rebellion 
by the fear of punishment. He had 
gathered six thousand soldiers, and with 
those he landed in Laconia, in the hope, 
it may be supposed, of engaging the La- 
cedaemonians to renew their op]:)osition 
to Alexander. Faihng there of suppoit, 
he left his army, and went to Athens 
as a supphant, but carrying with him 
money to a large amount. His cause w;is 
taken up by many eminent orators, hos- 
tile to Macedonia; and Demosthenes 
himself, who had at first held back, was 
prevailed on to espouse it. It failed, 
however ; the Athenians adhered to the 
existing treaties; and Harpalus, being 
obliged to quit Athens, carried his troops 
into Crete, and there perished by assas- 
sination. It was said that his gold had 
been largely distributed among his Athe- 
nian supporters, and a prosecution was 
instituted against Demosthenes and his 
associates, as having been bribed to 
miscounsel the people. Demosthenes, 
finding probably the popular current 
sti-ong against him, and wishing, there- 
fore, to take his trial before a more dis- 
passionate tribunal, procured a decree to 
refer the matter to the x^reiopagus. The 
court pronounced against the accused; 
and Demosthenes, being fined in the sum 
of fifty talents (upwards of 10,000^.,) 
withdrew to iEgina. 

State of Philosophy. — Antisthenes and the 
Cynics. 

The age of Philip and Alexander is 
remarkable no less in the philosophical 
than in the political history of Greece ; 
and it is pleasing to turn from those two 
great idols of the \iilgar, the fury of tlie 
conqueror, and the busy keenness of the 
state-intriguer, to energies more guilt- 
less and triumphs more lasting. The 
death of Socrates was soon repented by 
the Athenians ; and so general was the 
admiration of that excellent man, that 



What was the state of Greece during the latter years of Alexander? — Before the battle of Chsroneia 
who had proposed to honour Demosthenes ? — How ? — Who had arraigned the decree ? — On what grounds .' 
— Against whom did he institute proceedings ? — Was this prosecuti >n dropped .' — When was it renewed ? 
— What is said of the speeches made on the occasion ? — What was the result ? 

Wliat occasjuned the revolt of Harpalus? — Whither did hf take his troops? — What brought him to 
Athens ?— Who espoused his cause ?— Did it fail ?— Whither did he then fly ?— What befell him there ?— 
With what was Demosthenes charged ? — What was the result ? — Whither did h« fly ? 



186 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



there were few succeeding philosophei'S 
who did not own his teaching as the 
fountain from which then* doctrines 
were ultimately derived. His careless- 
ness of outward splendour and patience 
m hardship were imitated by his scholar 
Antisthenes ; but that which was in the 
master a genuine indifference to all but 
moral and intellectual pre-eminence, and 
an equal estimation of wisdom and vir- 
tue, whether in rags or in purple, be- 
came in the pupil an ostentatious pre- 
ference of poverty. Antisthenes was 
the head of a sect which made it their 
boast to discard all prejudices, all ar- 
bitrary hidings and dislikings, and to 
hve by the dictates of pure reason, with- 
out regard to the habits and opinions of 
men. But they who glory in freedom of 
thought are sometimes misled as fai' by 
the love of paradox as others by preju- 
dice. The followers of Antisthenes ri- 
diculed those who placed their happiness 
in the ostentation of riches; yet they 
were no less vainly boastful in the dis- 
play of their filth and raggedness: 
they ridiculed all who hved according 
to other men's opinions, and not to their 
own ; and they pursued their maxims 
even to the disregard of the most na- 
tural and necessary decencies. In speali- 
ing of the business, pomps, and pleasures 
of tfie world, they were apt to use a satiri- 
cal bitterness, that savoured more of 
spleen than of philosophical contempt. 
From their rude and slovenly manner of 
life, and their snarling moroseness, they 
were known by the name of Cynics, or 
dog-philosophers. Of this sect was the 
celebrated Diogenes. 

ji endemics and Peripatetics. — Aristotle. 

Far more important ai*e those phi- 
losophers who grew up in the school 
of Plato ; the Academics, headed by 
Speusippus, Plato's nephew, and Xeno- 
crates, the Chalcedonian ; and the 
Peripatetics (walkers,) the followers of 
Aristotle, who was bom at Stageirus, a 
Grecian city in Thrace. The former 
were named from the hall and grove of 
Academus, where Plato, and, after him, 
Speusippus, usually discoursed : the lat- 
ter fi'om Aristotle's manner of delivering 
his instructions while walking in the 
gardens of the Lycseum. The doctrines 
of both were nearly the same, for though 



Aristotle often opposes his master, Plato, 
it is commonly in points to which the 
Academics held but hghtly, or which 
they entirely gave up. But the different 
character of the teachers variously af- 
fected their followers. Among many 
eminent names, the Academy had none 
which could rival those of Socrates 
and Plato ; the first of whom was wont 
to say that, when the oracle styled him 
the wisest of men, it was because he 
knew that he knew nothing, while others 
thought that they knew much. These 
words have been inteipreted by many as 
directing them to acquiesce in universal 
skepticism : but it is plain, fi'om the ge- 
neral tenour of his discourses, that So- 
crates rather meant to produce in his 
disciples a patient search for truth, a 
due distrust in themselves, and a wiUiug- 
ness to amend their most favourite con- 
clusions, should subsequent inquiry 
prove it needful. However understood, 
the declaration betokens, both in the 
speaker and in the approvuig reporter, a 
disposition very different from that of 
Aristotle, whose vast and varied erudi- 
tion and wonderful subtlety and acute- 
ness were joined with a somewhat dog- 
matical temper, and a strong desire to 
give to his treatment of every subject an 
air of scientific completeness. Hence it 
comes that while the individual reputa- 
tion of Aristotle was almost unrivalled, 
his school was comparatively barren of 
eminent men: whereas most of the 
greatest Grecian philosophers in after 
times are found in the Academy and its 
many off-sets. For among the fol- 
lowers of Aristotle, improvement has 
ever been trammelled by the opinion 
that they had in his works a perfect 
system of human knowledge : this made 
them consent to explain and enforce his 
conclusions, without pursuing them far- 
ther or inquiring into their evidence; 
and sometimes rendered them loth to 
examine a questionable position of their 
master, lest by loosening a single stone 
of the connected fabric they should dis- 
joint and weaken the whole. 

The faults of Aristotle have probably 
contributed, as well as his merits, to the 
astonishing influence which his writings 
have exercised over ages so various and 
nations so widely scattered, as those in 
which his name has been regarded with 



What philosopher imitated Socrates ?— What were the principles of the sect of Antisthenes?— What 
were their faults .'—What were they called ?— Who was the most celebrated among them ? 

Who headed the Academic philosophers ?— The Peripatetics .'—From what were they respectively 
named.'— Who were the most distinfznished of the Academic philosophers.'— What was Socrates wont 
to say .'—What did he mean to produce in his disciples.' — What was Aristotle's character.' — What WM 
tbe opinion of his works entertained by his followers .' — How is Aristotle described I 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



189 



an almost idolatrous veneration. He 
was, however, a man of understanding, 
at once the most comprehensive and the 
most discerning ; the father of philoso- 
phical criticism ; the ablest of Grecian 
speculative politicians; an acute and 
curious obseiTer of all remarkable phe- 
nomena, whether in the material or in 
the intellectual world. In attemptmg to 
demonstrate the conclusiveness of de- 
monstration, his logical works are essen- 
tially unphilosophical ; but they are ad- 
mirable as a classification of the forms 
which ai-gumeuts may take, and the 
conditions necessar}^ to render them 
conclusive. His power of systematic 
arrangement Avas indeed extraordinary, 
and the talent was accompanied by the 
disposition to riot in its exercise. This 
is peculiarly striking in his ethics, in 
reading which we can hardly fail to be 
impressed with the idea that, while Plato 
teaches men to feel and act, the object 
of Aristotle is rather to instruct them how 
to define and classify then* actions. On 
abstract questions, especially of morals, 



he wants Plato's liveliness and distinctness 
of conception ; and hence his treatment 
of such subjects is comparatively dry and 
ban*en. Inaccuracies are pointed out, 
and language and airangement improved ; 
but little is done to open the mind to the 
reception of truth. It is where out- 
wai'd observation furnishes the materials 
on which reason is to work, that his 
superiority appears; and the more in 
proportion to the complexity^ of the con- 
siderations embraced in the question. 
And here he is as pre-eminent, as Plato 
is, where the premises and the reason- 
ing process are both from within. But 
these unfortunately are not the passages 
which have chiefly attracted his undis- 
ciimmating adorers : and hence, in those 
times when his authority' has been most 
blindly reverenced ; though his writings 
have often excited some degree of m- 
tellectual activity among those whose 
minds would otherAvise have slept in 
contented ignorance, they have often also 
misdirected that activity to unprofitable 
subtleties and idle verbal disquisitions. 



CHAPTER X. 



OF GREECE, A^^) OF THE MACEDONIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE DEATH OF AliEXANDER, 
TO THE DEATH OF PTOLEMY AND SELEUCUS, AND THE INVASION OF GREECE BY 
THE GAULS. 



Disputes about the succession to Alexander. — 
Arrhidceus king, and Perdiccas protec- 
tor. — Distribution of provinces. 

The sudden death of Alexander seemed 
to leave his diadem as a prize to be 
fought for by his generals. A contest 
was threatened between different bodies 
of the army, but the wiser heads suc- 
ceeded in effecting a peaceable settle- 
ment. Alexander had left two infant 
sons by Persian mothers, and a brother, 
Arrhidseus, wliose weakness of mind un- 
fitted him for rule, but whose claim was 
nevertheless supported by the body of 
the Macedonian infimtry. It was agreed 
that AiThidseus should take the kingly 
title, with the name of Philip, while Per- 
diccas, an eminent general, held, as pro- 
tector, the actual sway. The satrapies 
were distributed among the principal 
leaders, and mostly according to Alex- 
ander's appointment. Ptolemy was made 
the viceroy of Egypt, Antipater of Mace- 
donia, Lysimachus of Thrace, Antigonus 



and Eumenes of different provinces in 
Asia Minor ; all men of note in Alexan- 
der's wars, and about to become yet more 
remarkable in those which were waged 
to acquire distinct kingdoms for them- 
selves. 

Insurrection of Grecian settlers in Upper 
Asia. 
The first commotion which disturbed 
the Macedonian empire arose from the 
Grecian colonies established by Alexan- 
der in Upper Asia. The settlei-s were 
mostly disabled soldiers, or such as, weary 
of a seemingly interminable warfare, 
which carried them daily into regions 
more remote, prefen-ed a gi*ant of lands, 
with immediate quiet, to the chance of 
one day revisiting their native country 
with the fruits of theii* successful valour. 
Many soon began to regi'et then choice, 
and to pine for Greece and Grecian cus- 
toms and modes of living ; and it was 
only the fcai- of Alexander which pre- 
vented their return. On heaiing of liis 



What is said of his logical works ?— His ethics ?— In what was he inferior to Plato ? 
What was tho effect of Alexander's death?— Who was made king?— Who was made protector ?— How 
were the satrapies distributed ? 
Why did the Greeks in Upper Asia rebel ? 



190 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



death, they generally quitted their dwel- 
lings, assembled in a body of twenty 
thousand foot and three thousand horse, 
and began their march. They were met 
by Pithon, who had been commanded by 
Perdiccas to oppose them, and had gladly 
undertaken it, hoping to win them to his 
interest, and to make himself powerful 
by their means. With the aid of treach- 
ery in one of then* chiefs, he vanquished 
them in battle : and then he offered them 
permission, laying down their arms, to 
return to their dwelhngs. Oaths were 
mutual! \^ given and received, and the 
disarnied and defenceless Greeks mingled 
fearlessly among the Macedonians. But 
Penliccas, suspecting the secret purpose 
of Pithon, had strictly charged him to 
slaughter them, and to distribute the 
spoils among his soldiers ; and the Mac- 
edonians, whether through obedience 
to the protector, or for the sake of the 
booty promised, fulfilled to the letter his 
bloody command, in defiance of their 
leader's wish, and of the faith just pledged. 

tVar of Antipaier with Athens. 
Antipater was soon at war with a con- 
federacy headed by the Athenians and 
^tolians. The cause of quarrel was a 
promise given by Alexander, and en- 
trusted to Antipater for fulfilment, to 
restore all Grecian exiles to their several 
cities. In many states this would shake 
the government, in some would overturn 
it: and suspicion and resentment were 
the more excited, as there could be no 
doubt that whatever power was vested 
in the restored exiles would be exercised 
by them in entire subsei'viency to Mace- 
donia. Among those offended were the 
Athenians, who had recently colonized 
a part of Samos, which, if the measure 
of Antipater were carried through, they 
would be obliged to give up to the former 
owners. The richer part of them dis- 
liked the war, but the majority of the 
people approved it, and a vote was passed 
that the Athenians would assert the liberty 
of Greece, and free the cities which were 
held in awe by Macedonian garrisons. 
Fleets and armies were levied, and am- 
bassadors sent to rouse the (Tieoks into 
action ; and the iEtolians, Thessalians, 
Argians, and many others engaged in the 



enterprise. The Boeotians were bound 
to Macedonia by the possession of the 
Theban lands, which had been parcelled 
among them when the city was destroyed ; 
and then' defeat was the first exploit of 
Leosthenes the Athenian commander. 
Antipater, unable to raise an army equal 
to that of the hostile confederacy, tried 
one battle unsuccessfully, and then retir- 
ing to Lamia, a towTi of Thessaly, was 
there besieged by Leosthenes. In the 
coui-se of the siege Leosthenes was killed, 
and Antiphilus succeeded him. 

The place was strong, and well de- 
fended, but the garrison was already 
starving, when the eminent Macedonian 
general Leonnatus raised the seige. Hav- 
ing thus far attained his object, in the 
battle which ensued he was defeated 
and killed; and Antipater effected a 
junction with the beaten army, but still 
was weaker than his enemies. The scene 
was changed, when another army came 
upj under Craterus, the best, in Alexan- 
der's judgment, of all his commanders 
since the death of Parmenion. The Mac- 
edonians had already been twice victo- 
rious by sea, and they now attained a 
decided superiority on the land. Ambas- 
sadors came fi'om the Grecian league to 
ask for peace ; but Antipater refused a 
general treaty, and required that each 
state should negotiate separately ; and 
the war being pushed on briskly, fear 
drove aU the cities successively to make 
terms for themselves, leaving the Athe- 
nians and iEtolJans alone in opposition. 
Antipater led his host to Athens. While 
he was shut up in Lamia, peace had 
been denied him on any terms but un- 
conditional surrender. It was now the 
turn of the Athenians to sue for a capitu- 
lation, which Antipater refused to grant. 
Alike unable to stand a siege, and to ob- 
tain conditions, they gave themselves up 
to the conqueror's mercy, and their treat- 
ment was milder than they had reason to 
expect. They were left in possession of 
the city and its temtory, and of all pro- 
perty, both public and private : but the 
democracy was abolished, and the poorer 
citizens entirely shut out from the powers 
of government. To such as wished to 
quit the city, Antipater offered lands in 
Thrace, and more than twenty-two thou- 



Who was sent against them ? — By what promise did l:e induce them to surrender? — Why did the Mac- 
edonians slaugliter them ? — Did Pithon consent to it? 

With whom was Antipater viceroy of Macedonia at war? — For what cause? — Why was Athens of- 
fended ? — Whnt vote was passed ? — Who joined Athens ? — What was the first exploit of their general. 
Leosthenes? — Whither did Antipater retire ? — What happened there ? — Who raised the siege of Lamia r 
— Where is Lamia? — On wliat river?— Under whom did another Macedonian army come up? — What 
successes did the Macedonians gain ? — Who now refused to treat for peace? — Who submitted? — On 
what terms ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



191 



sand persons accepted the proffer. The 
rest remained untouched in person and 
property, but politically subjected to the 
privileged class of about nine thousand cit- 
izens, whose fortunes reached the stand- 
ard fixed by Antipater. The laws of 
Solon were again adopted, as the rule of 
government, and all subsequent changes 
annulled. To guard against a counter- 
revolution, a Macedonian garrison was 
placed in Munychia, one of the ports of 
Athens : and Antipater having done these 
things returned into Macedonia. Thus 
ended what was called the Lamian war, 
in the year after the death of Alexander. 
(B. C. 322.) 

Second exile and death of Demosthenes. 

The recovered ascendency of the party 
hostile to Macedonia had led to the 
recall of Demosthenes : but Antipater's 
victory and approach to Athens again 
obliged him to retire. A decree of the 
people was passed in his absence, con- 
demning to death both himself and those 
associates who had fled with him. In 
ordinary cases this would only have 
operated as a sentence of perpetual 
banishment ; but Antipater had been 
deeply and repeatedly offended by the 
fugitives, and his character was unforgiv- 
ing. He sent emissaries to seize them in 
all the cities whither they had fled, and 
all who were arrested were brought to 
him and put to death. Demosthenes had 
taken refuge in Calauria an island sacred 
to Neptune, near the port of Trsezen, and 
being found there, that he might not fall 
into the hands of Antipater, he swallowed 
poison. 

Of the many states so lately leagued 
against Antipater, the iEtolians only had 
not submitted ; and they still held out, 
when the Macedonian leaders entered 
their country at the head of an army such 
as they could not cope with in the field. 
The weaker towns were abandoned, the 
stronger garrisoned and provided for 
a siege, while the mass of the people re- 
tired to the mountains, where bold and 
active men, acquainted vnth the country, 
might readily foil the powerfiil but cum- 
brous phalanx of the enemy. The Mac- 
edonians attempting to drive them fi-om 
their fastnesses were repulsed with loss ; 



but Craterus prudently gave up the en- 
deavour, and prepared to quarter his 
troops for the winter in the open country. 
The case of the ^tohans now seemed 
hopeless. Remaining among the barren 
and snowy heights, unprovided and un- 
sheltered, they might perish with cold 
and hunger : coming down into the plain 
they must fight and be beaten, for their 
enemies were far superior in. numbers as 
well as in discipline and in the ability of 
their commanded. Submission, there- 
fore, seemed inevitable, till they were 
unexpectedly reUeved by news arriving 
fi'om Asia, 

Alliance of Antipater and Craterus with 
Ptolemy against Perdiccas. 

Perdiccas seeking, while his ascendency 
was doubtful, to connect himself closely 
with Antipater, had asked and obtained 
his daughter in maniage. His ambition, 
however, had risen with his fortunes, 
so that he now aimed at notliing less 
than the royalty of Macedonia and its 
conquests ; as a step towards which he 
wished to put away his ^vife, and marry 
Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander. Aware 
that Antigonus, a fiiend of Antipater, 
and an able soldier and statesman, had 
penetrated his design, and was hkely to 
oppose it, he endeavoured to destroy him 
by false accusations. Antigonus escap- 
ing to Europe, carried his tale to Anti- 
pater and Craterus, who made a hasty 
peace with the JEtoUans, and prepared 
for war with Perdiccas. They allied 
themselves Avith Ptolemy, who was no 
less threatened than themselves. Per- 
diccas went in person against Ptolemy, 
but he sent a powerful araiy against 
Antipater, under Eumenes, an excellent 
officer, who had formerly been Alexan- 
der's confidential secretaiy. 

Craterus Sefeated and killed by Eumenes.—- 
Death of Perdiccas. 

Eumenes found the enemy already in 
Asia, but he succeeded in falling on the 
division of Cratenis when separated 
fi-om the rest. Craterus fell in the bat- 
tle, and his army was defeated ; but this 
success came too late to benefit Perdic- 
cas. That commander's Egyptian cam- 
paign had been tedious and unsuccessful. 



What place was garrisoned by the Macedonians ? — When did the Lamian war end ? 
What had led to the recall of Demosthenes? — What obliged him to retire again ? — What decree was 
passed in his absence ? — What did Antipater do ? — Where was Demosthenes taken ? — Why did he take 

E>i8on ? — Who held out against Antipater ? — Whither were they driven ? — What was their condition ?— 
ow were they relieved ? . 

Whom had Perdiccas married ? — Why did he wish to divorce her? — Who informed Antipater of this ? 
— What did Antipater and Craterus then do? — Who was their ally? — Who went against Ptolemy? — 
Who against Antipater i With what success ? 



192 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



and time was given for his troops to scan 
the characters of the rival leaders, and 
to draw conclusions far from being fa- 
vourable to then' own. Perdiccas was 
violent, arbitraiy, and often cruel ; Pto- 
lemy, mild and affably kind to his fol- 
lowei-s, and, at least by comparison with 
Perdiccas, liberal to his enemies ; he was 
also, like Alexander, remarkable for prow- 
ess as a combatant, and habitually pro- 
fuse m the exposure of his person, quah- 
ties ever highly conducive to the popu- 
larity of a general. The result was 
discontent in the ai-my of Perdiccas, 
which mcreased with eveiy new delay 
and failure, and rose at length to such a 
height that Perdiccas was assassinated in 
his tent. The troops transfeiTed their 
obedience to Ptolemy, and the news of 
Eumenes's victory, which arri\ing sooner 
would probably have prevented their 
revolt, now only produced a vote of 
death to Eumenes, and to fifty of his 
officers. 

Antipater protector. — Rise of Antigonus. 

For a short time after this, Emydice, 
the wife of king An'hidseus, and niece 
of Philip, contended for power with 
Pithon, whom the soldiei's had chosen 
protector m conjunction with another 
general. Pithon, finding himself the 
weaker, resigned his office ; but Antipa- 
ter, being elected sole pretector, quelled 
the intrigues of Eurydice. He then 
made a new allotment of various satra- 
pies, whereby Babylonia was entiiisted 
to Seleucus, and Susiana added to the 
former commands of Antigonus, who 
was also appointed to conduct the war 
against Eumenes, with the authority of 
captain-general of Asia Minor, while 
Antipater, with AiThideeus, fixed his 
residence in Macedonia. Antigonus de- 
feated Eumenes in a great battle, and 
obliged him to take refuge with a scanty 
band of followers in the strong hold of 
Nora, where Antigonus besieged him, 
having first suppressed the remaining 
friends of Perdiccas. The siege was 
long protracted by the resolution and 
ability of Eumenes, and still continued, 
when the death of Antipater gave a wi- 
der field to the ambition of Antigonus. 
(B. C. 318.) 



Polysperchon protector. — Cassander. 

Antipater left the regency to Poly- 
sperchon, one of the oldest of Alexan- 
der's surviving generals. This was high- 
ly displeasing to Cassander, Antipater's 
son, who had himself expected to suc- 
ceed to it; but his party being too 
weak for open resistance, he escaped 
into Asia, and besought the aid of 
Antigonus. Both Antigonus and Pto- 
lemy promised then* assistance, profes- 
sedly through fiiendship for his father, 
but really to promote their own ag- 
grandizement and secm*e their indepen- 
dence by embarrassing Polysperchon, 
and weakening the general government. 

In the Grecian towns which had been 
ganisoned by Antipater, or in which 
the constitution had been altered and 
the ruling party changed by him, the 
leading men mostly favoured Cassander. 
Polysperchon therefore undertook to 
make these states his own by undoing 
all that Antipater had done. He pro- 
claimed himself the patron of univei*sal 
independence; re-established democra- 
cies in place of the ohgarchies set up by 
Antipater, and recalled the exiles ban- 
ished for opposing him. Moreover, he 
procured that the chief partisans of 
Antipater, in each state, should suffer 
exile, confiscation, or death, though it 
was to Antipater chiefly that he owed 
his present greatness. His party was 
strengthened by the accession of Eu- 
menes, and of 013'^mpias, the mother of 
Alexander, a violent woman of some 
ability, and an inveterate enemy of Anti- 
pater and his son. 

Troubles of Athens, 

Since Athens submitted to Antipater, 
a Macedonian garrison had constantly 
held Munychia. We have seen several 
instances of a like proceeding, and par- 
ticularly in the occupation of the Athe- 
nian citadel by the Lacedaemonians 
during the tyranny of the Thirty, and of 
that of Thebes, after the treachery of 
Phcebidas. In both these instances, the 
object was at once to ensure the ascen- 
dency of a ruling party, friendly to the 
foreign power, which maintained the 
garrison, and to keep the city not only 
in alliance, but in a kind of subjection. 



What led to the assassination of Perdiccas ? — What was the vote against Eumenes ? — Who was elected 
sole protector? — Whose intrigues did he quell? — Where did he reside? — Who defeated Eumenes? — 
Where was Eumenes afterwards besieged ? — When did Antipater die ? 

Who was appointed protector by Antipater ? — Who opposed the new protector? — Who promised to 
assist Cassander ? — How did Polysperchon endeavour to gain popularity ? — Whom did he persecute ? — 
By whom was his party strengthened? 

Where had a Macedonian garrison been posted by Antipater? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



193 



Accordingly the troops were command - 
ingly posted in the AcropoUs, and all 
political measures were concerted with 
the Lacedsemonian commander, and 
carried through by his support. But 
the present government of Athens was 
on a different footing. The chief au- 
thority remained with Phocion, who 
was recommended by his superior cha- 
racter and talents, and by the high 
esteem in which he was kngwn to be 
held by Antipater. He was not a per- 
son hkely to aim at power by holding his 
country in subjection to foreigners ; but 
it is probable that the mildness of 
the terms which were granted to the 
city was chiefly produced by respect 
to Phocion, and by the wish to settle 
affairs in such a manner, that he 
and his friends might honourably ex- 
ercise the powers of goverament. The 
part}' of Phocion was the weaker in 
numbers, and that weakness was the 
more dangerous, as in the turbulent 
times which had just been passing, 
both the authority of the laws had 
been considerably shaken, and the cha- 
racter of the people deteriorated. In 
these circumstances the greater part 
were probably not unwilhng that a force 
should be at hand, which might en- 
courage their friends, dishearten their 
enemies, and, perhaps, turn the scale, 
should it be necessary, in case of se- 
dition or civil war. And if Phocion 
himself, or any others of the sterner 
patriots among them, dishked an ar- 
rangement which trenched so far on the 
independence oftheir country, they would 
nevertheless be obliged to submit to it, 
as the only means of giving to Antipater 
that confidence in the stability of their 
government, which would induce him to 
abstain from harsher measures of coer- 
cion. But the Macedonian force was 
posted neither in the city, nor m Peii*aBeus, 
but in one of the inferior ports; its 
commander was not consulted in any 
measures of the government, nor were 
his troops employed m carrying them 
into effect ; and their presence was only 
designed as a security to Antipater 
against the danger of hostility on the 
part of the government ; and to the go- 
vernment, against that of popular in- 
surrection. 



Death of Phocion. 
Immediately on the death of Antipater, 
and before it was known at Athens, 
Cassander had sent Nicanor, an officer 
entirely devoted to him, to take the 
command of the garrison in Munychia. 
When the breach with Polysperchon 
had become decided, Nicanor urged the 
Athenian people to remain in friendship 
with Cassander ; but the support of the 
new protector had again given courage 
to the democratical party, and the an- 
swer made was a requisition to withdraw 
his troops, according to the royal pro- 
clamation. He persuaded them to grant 
a few days respite, during which he 
secretly gathered strength to stand a 
siege. The Athenians sent ambassadors 
to ask for aid of the king and Poly- 
sperchon, and held repeated assembUes 
to deliberate on the conduct of the war ; 
but Nicanor in the meantime raised 
a powerful force of mercenaries, and 
issuing one night unexpectedly from 
Munychia, made himself master of 
Peiraeeus. The Athenians now ap- 
pointed an embassy, with Phocion at 
its head, to require that Nicanor would 
desist from his aggression, and restore 
to them their independence, as the king 
had commanded. Nicanor at first re- 
ferred them to Cassander, under whose 
authority he was acting ; but when their 
demand was backed by letters from 
Olympias, and by the approach of an 
army under Alexander, the son of Poly- 
sperchon, he became alamned, and 
promised to evacuate the place. He 
delayed, however, to perform his pro- 
mise, and Alexander arriving, soon 
proved that his intention was not to 
restore their ports to the Athenians, but 
to retain them for himself. Meanwhile 
the Athenian people held an assembly, 
with every circumstance of tumult and 
confusion, in which they voted the com- 
plete re-establishment of democracy, and 
the death or banishment of all who had 
borne office in the oHgarchy, of whom 
the most conspicuous was Phocion. 
The exiles fled to the camp of Alexan- 
der, and were sent by him to his father's 
court, and recommended to his favour. 
They were followed thither by an Athe- 
nian embassy, sent to accuse them, and 
to demand their surrender. Polysper- 



Who had held the chief power at Athens ? — Was his party strong in numbers ? 

On the desith of Antipater how had Cassander endeavoured to secure Athens to his interest? — Who 
urged the people to remain in friendship with Cassander? — Wliat was the answer? — What fortress did 
Nicanor siege ? — What did the Athenians do? — Did Nicanor comply with their wishes ? — What alarmed 
him ? — How did Alexander proceed on his arrival ? — What did the Athenians vote ? — Where did Pho- 
cion and his friends take refuge i 



25 



194 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



chon had now repented the treachery 
which he had meditated against the 
Athenians, but which shame and fear 
had prevented him from fulfilling, and 
he hoped by a second act of baseness to 
soften the resentment excited by the 
fii'st. He gave up the fugitives, in 
words, to stand their trial, but, in truth, 
to perish by the party fuiy of their bit- 
terest enemies. When the victims were 
brought before the assembly, their voices 
were drowned by the clamour of their 
judges, who were mostly of the persons 
newly restored to a share in the govern- 
ment, from which they had been ex- 
cluded after the victory of Antipater. 
Every one was hooted down, who at- 
tempted to speak in favour of the ac- 
cused, and a tumultuous vote was 
passed, condemning all the prisoners to 
death. They were for the most part 
men of distinguished rank and respecta- 
ble character, and while their hard fate 
affected many with pity and consterna- 
tion, there were othei's who vented in 
insults that envious malice which, while 
its objects were in prosperity, had been 
prudently suppressed. One of these 
wretches is said to have spit on Phocion, 
as he was led to prison ; but the outrage 
failed to ruffle the composure of the 
captive, who only looked towards the 
magistrates, and asked — "Will no one 
stop this man's indecency ? " Before he 
drank the hemlock, he was asked if he 
had any message for his son ; he replied 
— "I bid hun cherish no resentment 
against the Athenians." Thus perished 
a statesman and warrior of eminent abil- 
ity ; but far more remarkable for the rarer 
gift of determined uprightness. The 
Athenians soon repented of their deed ; 
they erected to him a statue of brass, 
and honoured with a public funeral his 
remains, which had at first been cast out 
unburied. His principal accuser was 
put to death, and the others driven into 
exile; the people hoping, as in many 
other instances, to atone for their crime 
by punishing their advisers. 

Polysperchon repulsed from Megalopolis. 

Shortly afterwards Cassander landed 

in Peiraeeus, with four thousand soldieiu 

He was there besieged by Polysperchon, 

who soon, however, found himself in 



want of provisions to maintain his army; 
and therefore, leaving a division of his 
forces at Athens, he proceeded with the 
greater part into Peloponnesus, in the 
hope of enforcing the obedience of the 
Megalopolitans, who were warm sup- 
porters of Cassander. Meanwhile Cas- 
sander sailed against the iEginetans, 
and readily brought them over to his 
party. The Salaminians, refusing com- 
pliance, were besieged and brought to 
extremity, when Polysperchon sent an 
armament, which obliged Cassander to 
retire. The protector then returned 
into Peloponnesus, and called a meeting 
of the cities, and to such as did not 
attend it he sent ambassadors. He 
offered alliance to all, on the conditions 
that they should establish democracy, 
and put to death their oligarchical 
rulers estabhshed by Antipater. The 
greater part immediately entered on a 
course of bloody executions ; the friends 
of Antipater were slain or banished; 
democracy was everywhere embraced, 
and with it the alliance of Polysperchon. 
The Megalopolitans alone fii-mly clung 
to the party of Cassander ; they secured 
their moveables within the city, strength- 
ened their walls, enrolled and numbered 
the inhabitants, both slaves and free, 
and appointed to each his particular 
province in the defence; they did all, 
in short, which befitted resolute men 
when preparing to be besieged by an 
enemy of overwhelming force. The 
Macedonian host was highly formidable 
both by numbers and discipUne ; and it 
was well provided with skilful engineers. 
A breach was effected, and desperate 
attempts made to cany it ; but all were 
foiled by the courage of the besieged, 
and the able conduct of their leader. 
The besiegers had elephants, which are 
now first mentioned, as used in Greece, 
though they had long been common in 
the wars of Asia. The approaches to 
the breach were levelled, and it was 
attempted to force a passage with the 
elephants; but spikes had been set to 
pierce their feet, and prevent their ad- 
vancing, while they were plied with 
darts till many fell, and the rest recoil- 
ing trampled down their employers, — a 
danger which has always attended the 
use of such uncertain auxiliaries. In 



Why did Polysperchon deliver them up? — How were they treated ? — How did Phocion bear his misfor- 
tunes ? — What incidents are related of him ?— How did the Athenians manifest their repentance ? 

Where did Cassander land ? — By whom was he besieged ? — When unsuccessful whither did Polysper- 
chon go? — What island did Cassander gain? — What transpired at Salamis? — Which way is Salamis 
from jEgina? — What did Polyspercho offer to the cities of tireece and on what conditions? — What en- 
sued ? — Wliat city adhered to Cassander?— How did they prepare for the siege? — What animals were 
employed in the siege ? — With what success ■* 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



195 



the end Polysperchon was obliged to 
raise tlie siege, and attend to matters of 
deeper interest. His failure determined 
most of the Grecian cities to seek the 
friendship of Cassander. The Athe- 
nians, unable otherwise to recover their 
ports, negotiated for peace, and peace 
was made on the terms that they should 
enjoy their city and tenitory, with all 
their ports, except Munychia, which Cas- 
sander should hold during the war ; that 
he should nominate an Athenian citizen 
to be at the head of the administration ; 
and that aU, whose property fell short of 
ten minae (about 34Z.,) should be ex- 
cluded from the government 

Olympias. — Death of Arrhidaus and Eury- 
dice. — Victory of Cassander. 

The conduct of Polysperchon had 
been but weak, and the queen Eurydice 
appears to have succeeded in that which 
was her constant endeavour, to supplant 
him in the management of her feeble 
husband, and the government of Mace- 
donia, To recover his lost power, he 
brought Olympias into play. He ad- 
vanced with her into Macedonia, and 
Eurydice and xAjtrhidaeus led their forces 
to oppose him; but the Macedonians 
refused to fight against the mother of 
Alexander, and Eurydice and her hus- 
band fell into the power of Olympias. 
She mercilessly abused her success; 
the royal captives were put to death, 
with circumstances of studied cruelty ; 
and the chief friends of Cassander were 
sought out for slaughter, including his 
brother, with a hundred of the most 
eminent Macedonians. But the hour of 
vengeance was not far off. Cassander 
had been united with Eurydice, by the 
closest friendship certainly, and, if pre- 
vailing report be trusted, by unlawful 
love. He was now hastening to avenge 
her death, and that of his brother and 
friends. By vEist activity he made his 
way into Macedonia, though great en- 
deavours had been made by the friends 
of Polysperchon to occupy the passes. 
The barbarity of Olympias had disgusted 
the Macedonians, and she now obtained 
from them but little support. She was 
besieged through the winter in Pydna, 



and in the spring the town was obliged 
to submit, and Olympias surrendered, 
only stipulating for her life. 

Death of Olympias. 
The sequel is an abominable tissue 
of treachery and murder. Amphipohs 
still held out for Olympias, and it was 
only by her bidding that Aristonous, the 
commander, was induced to surrender 
the place. The high character of Aris- 
tonous excited apprehension in Cassan- 
der, who had adopted the base policy of 
destroying all whose ability was such 
that their opposition might be dange- 
rous. He procured the death of Aris- 
tonous; and then proceeded by dark 
and crooked ways to fulfil his revenge 
against Olympias. Some of the kindred 
of those whom she had murdered were 
prevailed on to accuse her in the Mace- 
donian assembly; she was absent, and 
had none to speak fbr her ; and the as- 
sembly condemned her to death. Cas- 
sander sent some of his own friends to 
advise her to secret flight; he offered 
to provide a ship which should convey 
her to Athens ; and this he did that, by 
her flight, she might appear to acknow- 
ledge the justice of her sentence, and 
might then be put to death in the course 
of the voyage. She refused to escape, 
and demanded to be heard in her defence 
before the assembled Macedonians ; but 
Cassander, dreading the effect of her 
presence, withheld his consent. He then 
selected two hundred soldiers to despatch 
her ; they entered the house, but on see- 
ing her their resolution failed, and they 
retired. At length the execution was 
performed by the kindred of her victims. 
She died with the greatest firmness. 
(B. C. 315.) 

Cassander lord of Macedonia. 

Cassander was now the undisputed 
lord of Macedonia, and, to confirm his 
ascendency, married Thessalonica, the 
daughter of Philip, and half sister of 
Alexander. As a permanent memorial 
of his greatness he founded a city in 
the peninsula of Pallene, and named 
it Cassandreia. He transported thither 
the inhabitants of Potidsea and of se- 



What was the effect of Polysperchon 's failure at Megalopolis ? — On what terms did Athens make peace 
with Cassander ? 

Who supplanted Polysperchon ? — How did he endeavour to recover his power? — Where did he meet 
Alexander and Enrydice? — What befell them and the chief friends of Cassander? — Who advanced into 
Macedonia to revenue them ? — Where was Olympias besieged and captured ? — Where is Pydna ? 

Where is Amphipolis ? — What events transpired there ? — Relate the proceedings of Cassander against 
Olympias ' — How did she die ? — Whose mother was Olympias ? 

Whom did Cassander marry? — What city did he found ? — Where is Cassandreia? — Who composed its 
Snhabitanta ? 



196 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



veral neighbouring cities, and their he 
planted the remnant of the unfortu- 
nate Olynthian people. The territory 
allotted to the settlement was large and 
fruitful; it grew and flourished, and 
became the most powerful of the Mace- 
donian cities. Cassander also rebuilt 
Thebes in the twentieth year after its 
destruction by Alexander, many Grecian 
states, and especially Athens, assisting 
in the work. 

tVar between Antigonus and JSumenes. — 
Death of Eumenes. 

On learning the death of Antipater, 
Antigonus had attempted to win over 
Eumenes to his interest, and had offered 
as the price of his support to restore his 
satrapy and to grant him yet higher 
honours than he had before enjoyed. 
While the negotiation was pending, 
Eumenes escaped from Nora, and again 
made head in Cappadocia: and when 
Polysperchon had been declared pro- 
tector, and Antigonus had openly dis- 
claimed the royal authority, Eumenes, 
having declai*ed himself in favour of the 
king Arrhidaeus, and of Polysperchon 
who then governed in his name, was 
appointed commander in chief of the 
royal forces, and soon found himself 
again at the head of a powerful army. 
His situation was still veiy difficult and 
dangerous. Eumenes was a Thracian 
Greek, of Cardia in the Chei-sonese, 
and the pride of the Macedonian offi- 
cers and soldiers ill brooked to be 
commanded by a foreigner ; nor was it 
likely to be forgotton, in any time of 
discontent, that he had already been 
condemned to death by a vote of the 
anny. The means which he took to 
mitigate the envy attaching to his station 
curiously illustrates the character of the 
age and of the people. He declined a 
present of five hundred talents offered 
by the king, on the ground that he did 
not need it, for he wished not to be placed 
in any situation of power or splendour, 
but had unwillingly accepted his present 
command in compliance with authority 
which he was bound to obey. He then 
related a remarkable dream. He had 
thought, he said, that he saw king 
Alexander sitting on his throne, and 
issuing orders to his generals : and from 
thence he gathered the direction that a 
golden throne should be set forth, with 



the diadem, and sceptre and other en- 
signs of royalty; that sacrifice should 
be performed to it, as if the deified spirit 
of the departed hero were actually there 
present ; that all councils of war should 
be held before the throne, and all com- 
mands issued in the name of Alexander, 
as if he were living. The proposal was 
adopted. The load of envy that weighed 
on Eumenes was greatly Ughtened when 
the orders ran not in his name, but in 
that of Alexander. The affections of 
the Macedonians were gratified and 
their superstitious hopes excited by the 
imagination that they were warring 
under the patronage and guidance of 
their late invincible king: and the ad- 
vantage which Eumenes had gained by 
adroitly practising on the superstition of 
his followers, was so improved by his 
uniforai affabiUty and courtesy, both to 
chiefs and soldiers, that he soon brought 
the army mto a temper favourable to 
cheerftil obedience and zealous service, 
and long maintained them in it, in spite 
of several attempts to stir up mutiny 
which were mqide both by Ptolemy and 
Antigonus. The war was continued 
through several campaigns, with various 
success, and with signal proof of abil- 
ity in both the opposing leaders. But 
Eumenes was surrounded with chiefe 
who were inchned to dispute his autho- 
rity, and whose influence in the army 
was greater than his own ; and not all 
his skill could for ever convert jealous 
rivals into obedient lieutenants. By the 
desertion of one of his principal officers, 
he lost a battle when the victory seemed 
within his grasp: and in the following 
night, while he was urging the division 
of his troops which had been victorious 
to try the fortune of another struggle, 
they secretly negotiated with Antigonus, 
and made their peace by betraying their 
commander. He was deUvered to Anti- 
gonus, and soon after put to death. This 
happened in the same year with the 
death of Olympias. 

Expulsion of Seleucus. — League of prince* 
against Antigonus. 

The grasping desires of Antigonus 
now knew no bounds, and to gratify 
them he spared neither treachery nor 
blood. Pithon, the satrap of Media, 
lured into his power by professions of 
fiiendship, was accused, condemned, and 



What city did Cassander rebuild ? 

By whom was the alliance of Eumenes sought? — To whom was it given ? — To what office was he ap> 
pointed? — What rendered his situation difficult? — By what singular artifice did he gain popularity ?—> 
What enemies existed in his own camp? — How did he lose a battle? — How his life? 

What was the character now manifested by Antigonus ?— How did he treat Pithon ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



197 



executed. Seleucus the ruler of Baby- 
lonia had served him eminently in the 
war, but this did not prevent Antigonus 
from seeking to despoil him. He led his 
forces to Babylon, v^'here they w^ere en- 
tertained in the most friendly manner. 
On arriving he demanded an account of 
the revenues arising from the province. 
Seleucus repUed that he owed him no 
account for the government which had 
been freely given to himself by the Mace- 
donians in reward for his services in the 
wars of Alexander. A quarrel ensued, 
and Seleucus, warned by the fate of 
Pithon, saved himself by flight. He 
arrived in the court of Ptolemy, who 
received him with all kindness; and a 
league was quickly formed between 
Ptolemy, Lysimachus, Cassander, and 
Seleucus, to curb the threatening am- 
bition of Antigonus. 

It is needless to dwell on wars in 
which there was no pohtical principle 
in question, nor any object even of 
national ambition : in which the lust of 
personal aggrandizement deigned not 
even to veil its gross features with the 
flimsy cover of narrow and exclusive 
patriotism; but subject milUons were 
only considered as the counters and the 
stake in the game of conquest, and pro- 
vinces with their inhabitants were lost 
and won, as if they had been estates with 
the live stock required for their cultiva- 
tion. In Greece, indeed, disorganized as it 
had been by the frequent interference of 
Macedonian kings and generals with its 
political relations, it was still necessary 
to make pretence of some attention to 
the pubUc good. Each contending po- 
tentate proclaimed aloud to the Greeks 
that he fought to free them from the 
tyranny of his opponent ; each found 
a party to support him in various ci- 
ties: for in every state there was war 
without and strife within, with the cer- 
tainty that whether the friends of Cas- 
sander prevailed or those of Antigonus, 
they would be equally bound down in 
unlimited subserviency to their too pow- 
erful ally. 

Seleucus recovers Babylonia. 

Hostilities were actively carried on by 
land and sea, in Europe and in Asia, 
and many battles fought with various 
changes of success and defeat. The 
party of Antigonus gained ground in 



Greece; and in Peloponnesus particu- 
larly, as well as in Boeotia and Locris, 
it became decidedly superior. Mean- 
while, Antigonus being employed in pur- 
suing the war in Greece and in Asia 
Minor, the defence of Syria was enti-usted 
to Demetrius his son, a youth of great 
spirit and abihty. In the third year of the 
war, (B. C. 312.) Demetrius was com- 
pletely defeated at Gaza by the forces 
of Ptolemy and Seleucus. The opportu- 
nity was inviting, and Seleucus resolved 
to attempt the recovery of his satrapy. 
He had been, like Ptolemy, honourably 
remarkable among the chiefs of his time 
for mildness of character and attention 
to the welfare of his subjects: and so 
confident was he in his popularity among 
the Babylonians, that if Ptolemy had been 
unwiUing to furnish troops for the enter- 
prise he would have gone up attended 
only by his sons and personal friends. 
As it was, he carried with him but eight 
hundred foot and two hundred hoi^se; 
but the people flocked from all sides to 
his standard; he soon became master 
of the province, almost without resist- 
ance, and then went on to conquer the 
neighbouring satrapies of Susiana and 
Media — so rapid and easy was his 
change from a destitute wanderer to a 
powerful prince, from a mere dependant 
of Ptolemy to a valuable ally ! 

Demetrius, son of Antigonus in Athens. 

At the time when the Athenians 
agreed to receive as their governor a 
citizen of their own who should be 
nominated by Cassander, Demetrius of 
Phalerum, one of the smaller ports of 
Athens, was chosen to the ofiice, which 
he exercised with great moderation and 
benevolence. The government continu- 
ed in the form in which it was then esta- 
blished tUl the year B. C. 307, when 
Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, anriv- 
ing in Greece with a powerful fleet and 
army, and with a commission to hberate 
all the cities, but especially Athens, com- 
menced his operations by making him- 
self master of Peiraeeus. The majority 
of the Athenian people was already 
friendly to Antigonus, from whom they 
expected the restoration of democracy: 
it was vain to resist, and Demetrius the 
Phalerean consented to go at the head 
of an embassy to the son of Antigonus. 
He stipulated according to his instruc- 



How did he treat Seleucus ?— Where did Seleucus take refuge ?— What new alliance was then formed ? 
Whose party gained ground in Greece ?— Who was Demetrius ?— Where was he defeated .'—How did 
ealeucus profit by his defeat ? 
To what office was DemetriuB of Phalerum chosen ?— To whom did he surrender Athens ? 



198 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



tions for the independence of the com- 
monwealth, and personally also for 
safety to himself: and both demands 
being granted, he rethed with a safe- 
conduct to Thebes, and afterwards to 
the court of Ptolemy, where he employ- 
ed himself in hterary pm*suits during the 
remainder of his hfe. 

Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, 
being admitted into Athens, invested 
Munychia, which was still held by the 
soldiers of Cassander. An accom- 
plished commander in every respect, 
he was especially remarkable for invent- 
ive genius as an engineer, and skill m 
conducting sieges, insomuch that he was 
popularly distinguished by the title of Po- 
liorcetes, signifying The Besieger. Mu- 
nychia, though a place of great strength 
and well defended, was soon taken ; and 
Demetrius completed his work of giving 
freedom to Athens by demoUshing the 
fortress which had held it in subjection. 
The democracy was re-estabhshed in the 
fifteenth year after its suppression by 
Antipater: and the people went on to 
express their gratitude by exti'avagant 
honom's paid to Demetrius and his father. 
Golden statues of them both were set on 
chariots near to those of Harmodius and 
Aristogeiton; massive golden crowns 
were voted to them, and aitai'S erected at 
which they were honoured as gods, and 
with the title of saviours : and as eveiy 
Athenian ward [phyle] had its protecting 
hero after whom it was named and to 
whom its members paid a peculiar wor- 
ship, two new wards were added to the 
ten ahead y existing, and were named 
respectively after Antigonus and Demet- 
rius. 

Naval victory of Demetrius. — Antigonus and 
other potentates declare themselves kings. 

Demetrius now, in obedience to in- 
structions sent by his father, called a 
meeting of deputies from the allied cities 
to take counsel for tlie interests of Greece, 
and himself proceeded to dislodge the 
forces of Ptolemy from Cyprus. He had 
defeated the opposing army there, and 
shut it up in the city of Salamis, when 
Ptolemy came in person with a powerful 
armament to the aid of his officers. A 



gi'eat and well contested sea fight ensued, 
in which Ptolemy being defeated with- 
drew to Egypt, and gave up the island. 
On receiving the news of this great 
success, Antigonus and his son assumed 
the kingly diadem, and the example was 
followed by Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and 
Seleucus, (B. C. 306.) In the following 
year Antigonus attempted to decide the 
war by invading Egypt : but the maritime 
coasts and the banks and mouth of the 
Nile were so strongly guarded and active- 
ly defended, that his fleet could not make 
good a landing nor his army force the 
passage of the river, and he was obliged 
to retke with loss. 

Siege of Rhodes. 
The Island of Rhodes had anciently 
been divided among three cities, Lindus, 
lalysus, and Cameirus ; but towards the 
close of the Peloponnesian war the inhab- 
itants had united themselves in one city, 
and called it by the name of the island. 
They were oligarchically governed, when 
under Lacedaemonian supremacy ; demo- 
cratically, when under Athenian ; but the 
state flourished under both. When 
Rhodes combined with Chios and Byzan- 
tium in revolt against the Athenians, the 
democracy seems to have been still main- 
tained : but after the teraiination of that 
war it was overthrown by an insurrec- 
tion of the wealthy Few and their adhe- 
rents, assisted by Mausolus the king of Ca- 
ria. Under its new government, Rhodes 
continued to increase in trade and ship- 
ping : from which it may be inferred that 
the administration was not inattentive to 
the wishes and interests of the people ; for 
maritime power always strengthened the 
popular party, and a jealous and arbitrary 
ohgarchy would therefore have discour- 
aged rather than favoured the growth of 
the navy. We are told, indeed, in one 
fi*agment of a contemporaiy historian 
(Theopompus, quoted by Atheneeus,) that 
there was a time when all power was in 
the hands of a small knot of profligate 
men, who supported each other in every 
outrage which their fierce passions or 
brutal caprices could prompt. But what- 
ever chances may have enabled a small 
faction to exercise for awhile so hatefiil 



On what terms ? — Whither did he retire ? — How did he pass the remainder of his life ? — What fortresa 
did Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, take from the soldiers of Cassander ? — What was Demetrius, the son 
of Antigonus, called ? — How did he complete his work of giving freedom to Athens ? — What honours were 
paid to him and his father? 

Where was Demetrius next engaged ? — Whom did he defeat in a sea fight ? — Whither did Ptolemy re- 
tire? — What chiefs now assumed the kingly diadem ? — What was Antigonus's success in Egypt? 

What was now the chief city of Rhodes? — How had the Rhodians been governed by Lacedaemon? — 
How by Athens ? — After the revolt from Athens how was Rhodes governed ? — What was its condi- 
tiou ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



199 



a tyranny, it must have quickly fallen, 
and the government have reverted to the 
great body of citizens having certain 
quaUfications of birth and propeitj'. In 
the ordinar}"^ state of the Rhodian aristoc- 
racy, its conduct vras moderate and up- 
right ; so we are told by ancient vsaitei-s, 
and their testimony is confirmed by the 
prosperity of the commonwealth, and 
by its continual increase in commercial 
wealth and naval power. When all the 
Grecian seas were swarming with pirates, 
the Rhodians alone for the common good 
undertook and effected their suppression. 
They were highly respected by Alexan- 
der, though he kept a garrison in their 
city, which, on receiving the news of his 
death, they immediately expelled. As 
the Macedonian supremacy appears to 
have been generally favoin-able to oligar- 
chy, not^vithstanding the patronage which 
Alexander, in the outset of his career, 
found it expedient to bestow on the demo- 
cratical interest in Asia Minor, it is prob- 
able that this change was accompanied 
with an increase of power in the great 
body of the people. The Rhodians stood 
aloof fi'om the quarrels of the chiefs who 
divided the empire of Alexander, and 
kept friendship with them all, thus enjoy- 
ing peace when every other state was at 
war. This could not last forever. Their 
habits and interests especially inclined 
them to close connexion with Ptolemy 
and Eg}^pt: and though they avoided 
giving any just cause of offence to Anti- 
gonus, his violent spirit would be satisfied 
with nothing short of unquahfied sup- 
port. This being refused, he commis- 
sioned officers to seize the Rhodian tra- 
ders bound for Egypt ; and when the 
execution of the order was resisted, he 
prepared an armament against the island. 
The Rhodians endeavoured to pacify 
him by compliments and submissions, 
but finding him inexorable they made 
ready for defence. 

In the year which followed the attack 
of Antigonus on Egypt, (B. C. 304) De- 
metrius laid seige to Rhodes. The Rho- 
dians sent to solicit the aid of Ptol- 
emy, Lysimachus, and Cassander, and 
took measures to increase to the utmost 
their military force, and to unite the hearts 
and quicken the zeal of all who were in 
the city. Strangers and foreign residents 



were invited to join in the defence, but all 
unserviceable persons were sent away. 
It was voted that slaves, who fought with 
courage and fideUty, should be purchased 
from their masters, emancipated, and 
made citizens : that every citizen, who fell 
in battle, should have a pubUc funeral ; 
that his surviving parents should be sup- 
ported, and his children educated by the 
state; that marriage portions should be 
given to his daughters, and a suit of ar- 
mour publicly presented at the feast of 
Bacchus to each of his sons on coming 
of age. The rich men fi-eely gave their 
money, the poor their labour, the artificers 
their skill ; all strove to surpass each other 
in zeal and exertion. The besieging 
army was numerous and disciphned, weU 
supplied, and well appointed, and provid- 
ed with every variety of warlike engines 
which the science of the age and the 
mechanical genius of the commander 
could furnish. Assaults were made by 
land and sea, in various fashions and with 
various success ; but no decisive advan- 
tage could be gained over the resolute and 
active defendei-s of the city, who not only 
kept the walls, but made several vigorous 
sallies, in some of which they succeeded 
in destroying many ships and engines of 
the besiegei-s. Demetrius at length gave 
up the hope of successfully attacking them 
fi'om the sea, and turned all his attention 
to his operations on the side towards the 
land. The Rhodians, taking advantage 
of this to employ their ships in distant 
crtiises, made prize of many vessels be- 
longing to Antigonus, and intercepted 
some convoys, which were coming to the 
enemy's camp. Meantime the siege was 
pressed by land, and the walls were 
shaken in many places, all which the 
Rhodians made good by new defences 
built within ; and just as they were 
beginning to be discouraged by the power 
and perseverance of their adversary, their 
confidence was renewed by the anival of 
an Egyptian fleet, with supplies in great 
abundance. 

The siege was protracted for a year. 
A second fleet was sent by Ptolemy, 
which brought large supplies, and a 
considerable reinforcement of troops. 
Ambassadors came from Athens, and 
fi'om many other Grecian states, to in- 
treat that Demetrius woidd be recon- 



What was the usual character of its aristocracy? — What evil had the Rhodians suppressed? — How 
were they regarded by Alexander ? — How )iad they behaved during the late quarrels of Alexander's suc- 
cessors? — How did Antijionus force them into a war? — When did Demetrius lay siege to Rhodes? — 
Whose aid did the Rhodians seek? — What preparations did they make for the siege? — What rewards 
were offered to such of the people as should distinguish themselves ? — What was the condition of Deme- 
trius's army? — When unsuccessful in attacking the city by sea how did Demetrius proceed ? — How did 
the Rhodians take advantage of this ? — fiy whom were they twice relieved ? — How long did the siege last ? 



200 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



ciled with the Rhodians. He yielded so 
far as to grant a suspension of arms, 
and commence a negotiation ; but the 
terms could not be agreed on, and the 
war was renewed. He then attempted 
a surprise by night. Under cover of the 
darkness, a chosen body of soldiers en- 
tered the town through a breach which 
had been made ; and the rest of the army 
supported them at daybreak by a general 
assault on the walls. But the Rhodians 
were cool and firm. AH who were 
defending the ramparts remained at their 
posts, aud made them good against the 
enemies without ; while the rest of the 
citizens, with the auxiharies from Egypt, 
went against those within the city. In 
the violent contest which ensued the 
townsmen were victorious, and few of 
the storming party escaped out of their 
hands. 

Letters now came from Antigonus, di- 
recting his son to make peace with the 
Rhodians, on what conditions he could ; 
and Demetrius accordingly wished for 
an accommodation on any terms that 
would save his credit. The Rhodians 
were no less anxious for peace ; and the 
more so, as Ptolemy had written to them, 
promising further aid in case of need, 
but advising them to put an end to 
the war on any reasonable conditions. 
Peace was soon concluded on the terms 
that the Rhodians should be indepen- 
dent, and should retain aU their reve- 
nues; but that they should assist An- 
tigonus in all his wars, excepting against 
Ptolemy, and should give one hundred 
hostages, in pledge of fidelity to their 
engagements. Thus released from dan- 
ger, the Rhodians proceeded to fulfil 
their promises, and reward those who 
had served them well. Fit honours 
were bestowed upon the bravest combat- 
ants among the free inhabitants, and 
freedom, with citizenship, given to such 
of the slaves as had desei*ved it. Statues 
were erected to Ptolemy, Lysimachus, 
and Cassander, all of whom had assisted 
them largely with provisions. To Ptol- 
emy, whose benefits had been by far 
the most conspicuous, more exti'ava- 
gant honours were assigned. The or- 
acle of Ammon was consulted, to leam 
whether the Rhodians might not be 
allowed to worship him as a god, and, 



permission being given, a temple was 
actually erected in his honour. Such 
instances have already occiured in the 
case of Alexander, and in that of An- 
tigonus, and Demetrius at Athens ; but it 
must be remembered that such a practice 
would not bear, in Grecian eyes, the same 
unnatural and impious character which 
it does in ours, since the step was easy 
from hero-worship, which had long form- 
ed an important part of their religion, to 
the adoration of distinguished men, even 
while alive. 

Demetrius sailed to Greece to oppose 
Cassander, expelled his garrisons from 
Sicyon and Corinth, and from many othejr 
important places, and assembled a con- 
gress at the Isthmus, by which he was 
elected captain-general of the Greeks. 
He had generally the people in his favour ; 
so that his conquests were easy and sure, 
and he had seldom occasion to weak- 
en his army by garrisons. Meanwhile 
Cassander and . Lysimachus planned an 
expedition against Antigonus, and Lysi- 
machus, leading an armament into Asia, 
gained considerable successes; while 
Cassander remained in Thessaly to check 
the progress of Demetrius, Lysimachus 
was obhged by the approach of Antigonus 
to act on the defensive, while Seleucus 
was coming down from Upper Asia to 
help him; but he contrived at the ap- 
proach of winter to withdraw his army 
fi'om the camp in which it was besieged 
by Antigonus, and Antigonus declining to 
follow him, the thi'ee kings dispersed their 
forces into winter quarters. 

Battle of Ipsus. — Antigonus slain and hi» 
kingdom divided. — Fortunes of DemetriuS' 
In the following year (B. C. 301) the 
three kings again took the field, and 
Demetrius having been recalled from 
Greece to join his father, a decisive ac- 
tion took place near Ipsus in Phrygia, 
The armies were nearly equal, and the 
victory was hotly contested ; but in the 
end Antigonus was slain, and his aimy 
completely defeated. The victors pro- 
ceeded to divide the possessions of Anti- 
gonus ; but Demetrius escaping, marched 
to Ephft»as with five thousand foot and 
four thousand horse, and thence embark- 
ed for Athens, where he had left the chief 
part of his navy and his treasure. To 



What caused a auspension of arms ? — When the war was renewed how did the night attack suc- 
ceed ? — By whom were the parties advised to make peace ? — On what conditions was peace concluded? 
— What honours did the Rhodians confer on those who had served them well? — What extravagant hon- 
ours were conferred on Ptolemy ? — How was Demetrius next employed ? — To what office was he elected? 
— Who was opposed to him in Thessaly ? — How was Lysimachus employed ? 

wiiere was a battle fought next year? — Who was defeated? — Where did Demetrius seek a refuge? 




a 



p$ 



o 

D 




ANCIENT GREECE. 



201 



the gratitude of the Athenians he trusted 
for a refuge, and for assistance in the re- 
covery of his fortunes ; and the most bit- 
terly felt of all his present mortifications 
was when he was met by Athenian am- 
bassador, who requested that he would 
not approach their city, since the people 
had voted, not to receive within it any of 
the contending monarchs. But he sup- 
pressed his resentment, and sent to re- 
quest the restoration of his ships and 
money, which having obtained, he em- 
ployed them in a desultory warfare against 
Lysimachus. 

Seleucus had now transferred to Lysi- 
machus the jealousy, of which the fallen 
fortunes of Demetrius could no longer 
be the object; and hearing that Lysima- 
chus and his son had each received in 
marriage a daughter of Ptolemy, he 
thought it would conduce to his security 
to marry Stratonice, the daughter of De- 
metrius. He also reconciled Demetrius 
with Ptolemy, and procured that he should 
marry Ptolemy's daughter ; but the con- 
cord existing between Seleucus and his 
father-in-law was soon destroyed by a 
quarrel relating to Cilicia, which Deme- 
trius had recently conquered from Pleis- 
tarchus, the brother of Cassander, and 
which Seleucus wished to purchase from 
him. 

Athens surrenders to Demetrius. 

Since the Lamian war the Athenian 
government had been completely disor- 
dered by the number of revolutions 
through which it had passed, and which 
had mostly been effected by foreign in- 
terference. There had recently been 
struggles within the city, in which one 
Lachares had obtained the supremacy as 
tyrant ; and through the present confusion 
and wealaiess of the state Demetrius 
hoped to make himself its master. Hav- 
ing failed in his first attempt, he gathered 
powerful reinforcements, again blockaded 
the city, and reduced it to extremity by 
famine. He defeated a fleet which Ptol- 
emy, who was now again at variance with 
him, had sent to reUeve the place, and 
obhged the Athenians to submit them- 
selves to his mercy ; but he made use of 
no severities, and contented himself with 
securing their obedience by a garrison. 
He defeated the Lacedaemonians near 
Mantineia, and penetrated to Sparta ; but 



in the midst of his successes he received 
the alarming news that all his cities in 
Asia had been taken by Lysimachus, 
and all in Cyprus, excepting Salamis, by 
Ptolemy. 

Demetrius king of Macedonia. — His expul- 
sion, wanderings and death. 

Another field of action now was open- 
ed by the death of Cassander (B. C. 296) 
and the quarrels of his sons, Antipater 
and Alexander. The mother, Thessa- 
lonice, favouring Alexander, was mur- 
dered by Antipater; but Alexander 
called to his aid both Demetrius and 
Pyrrhus, the young king of Epirus, and 
AjQtipater flying to the court of Lysima- 
chus, whose daughter he had mamed, 
was, notwithstanding their connexion, 
put to death by him. Before the ar- 
rival of Demetrius, Pyrrhus being 
nearer had perforaied the service, and 
had rewarded himself with a consid- 
erable poition of the Macedonian king- 
dom. Demetrius's coming was now 
unwelcome to his ally; and jealousy 
arising between them, Alexander at- 
tempted his fife, but was counterplotted 
and slain, and Demetrius obtained the 
kingdom of Macedonia. 

Most of Greece was already in the in- 
terest of Demetrius, and he twice con- 
quered the Boeotians, who were hostile 
to him, and twice took the city of Thebes, 
though not without a vigorous resistance, 
in the course of which he was severely 
wounded. But his most formidable 
enemy was Pyrrhus, a restless prince, 
but a brave and skilful commander. 
He was a descendant of Achilles, and a 
kinsman of Alexander ; and his gi-eatest 
ambition was to emulate the deeds of 
those celebrated blood-shedders. His 
signal proofs of warlike ability had 
won him the hearts of the Macedo- 
nians, which Demetrius had forfeited by 
haughtiness, hcentiousness, and insolent 
contempt of the feehngs of his people. 
Yet so dreaded by the other monarchs 
were the talents and spirit of Demetrius, 
that Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus 
combined ^vith Pyrrhus to crush him. 
In the sixth yeai- of his reign, his king- 
dom was at once invaded on different 
sides by Lysimachus and Ptolemy. He 
found that he could not trust his soldiers 



Wbat reception did he experience from the Athenians f — To whom did he marry his daughter ? — To 
whom was he reconciled ? 

How did Demetrius reduce the city of Athens? — How did he treat the Athenians? — Where did he 
defeat the Lacedaemonians ? — Where is Mantineia? — What news did he receive there ? 

When did Cassander die?— Which of his sons did Demetrius favour? — What befell Antipater? — What 
was Alexander's fate ? — Who obtained the kingdom of Macedonia ? — Who were in his interest ?---What 
city did he twice take ?— Who was Pyrrhus and what was his character ? — What princes united against 
Demetrius ? 



26 



202 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



against Lysimachus, and he, therefore, 
led them against Pyrrhus; but they 
soon broke out into open mutiny, and 
Demetrius was obliged to steal away in 
the habit of a common soldier, while 
Pyrrhus, coming up, received the sub- 
mission of his army, and easily occupied 
his kingdom. (B. C. 287.) Demetrius 
sailed into Asia, hoping to gain some of 
the provinces of Lysimachus, but his 
forces were insufficient, and after a toil- 
some campaign he was driven into CiU- 
cia, which belonged to Seleucus. Hence 
he wrote to Seleucus calling to mind 
their affinity, and entreating pity for his 
fallen condition: but after considerable 
hesitation Seleucus's compassion yielded 
to his feare and jealousies, and he led an 
army against his father-in-law. Deme- 
trius defended himself with the fury of 
despair, and in most encounters had the 
adVantage ; but he was at length desert- 
ed by his soldiers, and made prisoner. 
He was closely confined, but otherwise 
honourably treated, for the rest of his life, 
which was shortened by intemperance. 
Such was the end of a man, whose tal- 
ents, courage, and natural generosity of 
disposition, if chastened by temperance, 
and directed by philanthropy, would have 
made him truly glorious ; but whose rare 
gifts were alternately drowned in bound- 
less debaucheries, and perverted to the 
purposes of selfish and wasting ambi- 
tion. 

Pyrrhus, Lysimachus, Seleucus, successively 
kings of Macedonia. 

Pyrrhus was driven fi-om Macedonia, 
after seven months' possession, by Lj'^- 
simachus, who held it five years and a 
half, at the end of which he fell in battle 
against Seleucus. Both Ptolemy and 
Demetrius had died in the year preced- 
ing this event, and in that which followed 
it Seleucus was assassinated by another 
Ptolemy sumamed Ceraunus, who had 
fled to his court from that of Lysima- 
chus, and had been most kindly enter- 
tained. The year of Seleucus's death 
(B. C. 280) was also that when Pyn-hus 
passed into Italy, to assist the Grecian col- 
ony of Tarentum against the Romans, and 
it was the same in which the Achaian 
league first revived, a portion of history 



which will form the subjectof partof the 
next chapter. 

Seleucus was killed in the course of 
an expedition to take possession of the 
kingdom of Lysimachus : and the mur- 
derer seized on Macedonia, and held it 
till he was slain in battle by the Gauls, 
which took place sixteen months after the 
death of Lysimachus, and nine after that 
of Seleucus.* 

Migrations of the Gauls. 
These barbarians were sprung from 
that vast portion of the European con- 
tinent, which extends fi-om the Rhine to 
the Pyrenees, and fi*om the Alps to the 
ocean, and comprises France and the 
Netherlands. They were a turbulent 
and warlike race, little skilled in the arts 
which minister to human subsistence. 
If such a people outgrew their territory, 
their resource was not to increase its 
fertility by more artfiil and laborious 
culture, but rather to supply their wants 
at the expense of others, by rapine, 
conquest, or emigration. When their 
tiibes were mutually unconnected, the 
result must have been a state of continued 
disquiet, like that of early Greece already 
described. Large bodies of men were 
seeking for abodes; the fiigitives fi-om 
one place were the conquerors in anoth- 
er; and the commotion lasted till the 
sword had destroyed the excess of popu- 
lation, or till some channel was opened 
for its removal. Such a vent was often 
found in the military service of foreign 
states ; and Galhc mercenaries were much 
employed, especially by Carthage. But 
the spirit of migration took a dififerent 
form, when large tracts were united under 
a single government. If an outlet were 
then to be provided for an overflowing 
population, wider conquests were neces- 
sary, and greater power was collected to 
achieve them. From every neighbouring 
state the needy and the ambitious flocked 
to the hope of brilliant enterprise and eli- 
gible settlements ; and all were poured in 
one gathered stream upon remoter and 
more cultivated regions. Many instan- 
ces of this are to be found both in Orien- 
tal and in Roman story; but the most 
memorable of all are contained in the his- 
tory of those northern hordes, by whose 



* See Clinton's Fast. Hellen. 



Which of his enemies did Demetrius march against? — What obliged him to leave his army to Pyrrhus 
— Where did he take refuge ? — Who opposed him in Cilicia ? — What was the result ? — How did Deme- 
trius die ? — What was his character? 

What was the fate of Lysimachus ? — Of Seleucus ? — When did they die ? — What other events happen 
ed the same year? — Who succeeded Seleucus ? — How and when did his successor die ? 

How was the country of the ancient Gauls bounded ? — What was the character of the people ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



303 



invasions the Roman empire was finally 
overthrown. 

Such a crisis is said to have arrived in 
Gaul about the year B. C. 588, when the 
largest part of it was subject to the tiibe 
of the Bituriges and their king Ambi- 
gatus. Two mighty hosts of emigrants 
were formed, under the king's two sons, 
Bellovesus and Sigovesus. Bellovesus 
crossed the Alps. Fresh swarms of ad- 
venturers quickly followed, and all the 
north of Italy was conquered, and re- 
ceived the name of Cisalpine Gaul, or 
Gaul on the hither side of the Alps. 
About two centuries after, when the 
Gauls again found their territory too 
narrow, and sought to enlarge it with 
pait of Etruria, being provoked by the 
Romans to march against them, they 
destroyed the greater part of the city, 
and obliged the inhabitants to purchase 
their retreat with money. Such is the 
historical fact, when stripped of the fables 
with which it has pleased the Roman 
writei-s to embeUish it. 

Invasion of Macedonia and Greece. 

Sigovesus followed a course very dif- 
ferent from that of his brother. He pen- 
etrated into Hungary, and settled on the 
Danube, in the country called by the Ro- 
mans Pannonia ; and the courage, fierce- 
ness, and rapacity of his colonists, were 
long the dread of surrounding nations. 
The Pannonian Gauls were those who 
marched against Ptolemy Ceraunus, and 
fought the battle in which he perished 
with his army. They overran all Mace- 
donia, afflicting the country with every 
kind of waste and cruelty ; and in the next 
year they invaded Greece, and advanced 
to the pass of Thermopylae, where a 
powerful Grecian army was assembled to 
oppose them. 

The Gauls were by far the more nu- 
merous; they were taller, larger, and 
stronger than their adversaries, and they 
were full of impetuous courage ; but they 
were inferior in arms, skill, and discipline, 
and in that deliberate valour, which en- 
sures to the soldier of a civilized people 
his superiority over the savage. They 
had no defensive armour except a shield ; 



their weapons were a javelin and a large 
pointless cutting sword; their mode of 
fighting was nregular : and they vainly 
strove to penetrate the firm barrier of 
Grecian spears, that stretched entirely 
across the narrow valley. To add to 
their distress they were plied unceasingly 
with missiles from an Athenian fleet, 
which was brought as near to the shore 
£is the shoals would admit ; and they suf- 
fered much, and effected little, till their 
leaders gave the signal fbr retreat, which 
soon became a disorderly flight, so that 
many were trampled to death in the nar- 
row passage, or buried in the morasses. 
The chief command in the confederate 
army had been given to the Athenians, 
in deference to their ancient fame ; which 
in this day's work they supported so weU, 
that their merit was acknowledged to be 
the greatest in the action. 

Brennus,* the Gallic chieftain, now be- 
thought himself to weaken his opponents 
by drawing off^ the ^tolians, who were a 
numerous body, to the defence of their 
homes. A division of his forces crossed 
the mountains into ^Etolia, and sacked 
the town of Callion, slaughtering all the 
males, and brutally abusing the women. 
The news was brought to the camp ; the 
^tolians hastened homewards, and were 
joined by those whom they had left in 
the towns ; the very women were roused 
to arms by the enormities of the invaders ; 
and the motley assemblage received an 
important addition of strength in the 
Achaians of Patrae, an excellent body of 
heavy-armed soldiers. The returning 
Gauls were met in fi"ont by the Patrian 
phalanx, and harassed on the flanks by 
the less regular forces of the iEtolians : 
and the blood that was shed, and the suf- 
ferings that were inflicted at Callion, were 
avenged, for not half of the perpetrators 
escaped to rejoin their countrymen in 
Thessaly. 

Meantime the Gauls had opened Ther- 
mopylae. By the track which the Per- 
sians had used to a like purpose against 
Leonidas and his band, a division of forty 
thousand men under Brennus now cros- 
sed the mountains to place itself on the 
rear of the Greeks. The resistance of the 



* From the frequent occurrence of this name, as applied to Gallic leaders, it seems probable that it 
was not an appellative, but a title of command. 



Under whom did two hosts of them emigrate in 588 ? — What country did Bellovesus conquer and set- 
tle ? — What city was partly destroyed by the warriors of Cisalpine Gaul two centuries afterwards ? 

Where did Ligovesus settle ?— What country did the Pannonian Ganls overrun ? — What country did 
they invade next year?— Where were they opposed? — What advantages had the Gauls? — What disad- 
vantages ? — What was the result of the battle ? — Whose merit was greatest in the action ? — ^Vhither did 
Brennus send a force to effect a diversion ? — What town did they seek ? — How was the outrage reveng- 
ed ?~ Where is iEtolia? — Callion ?— Patre ? — Who defended the pass of Thermopylffi against the Gauls? 



204 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Phocians, who guarded the pass, gave 
time for their allies to escape by sea ; they 
were safely embarked in the ships of the 
Athenians, and then dispersed to their 
several homes. The pass was clear ; but 
Brennus and his followers not waiting for 
their fellows pressed on towards Delphi, 
in the hope to engross the rich plunder of 
the temple. 

Alarmed at their approach, the Del- 
phians consulted the oracle; and they 
were answered, as before, when the tem- 
ple was threatened by the Persians, that 
they should not fear, for the god would 
protect his own. The townsmen had 
been joined by the rest of the Phocians, 
by the Amphissians, and by some of the 
iiEtolians, the greater part of whom had 
gone against the main body of the inva- 
ders: they were animated by religious 
zeal as well as patriotism, and further en- 
couraged by thunders, hghtnings, and va- 
rious phenomena which they considered 
as signs that heaven was fighting on 
their side. The Gauls were beaten back. 
In the following night they suffered 
dreadfiiUy by the cold and the fall of 
snow: and at daybreak they were at- 
tacked in fi*ont by the main body of the 
Greeks, while the Phocians profited by 
their knowledge of the mountains to come 
round upon theu* rear. They were driven 
to flight, and it was not till nightfall that 
they halted and encamped. The impiety 
of their enterprise, which struck the 
Greeks with horror, was probably not 
without its effect on the imagination of 
the barbarians : for in most forms of an- 
cient heathenism there was a striking 
likeness of character, and every people 
acknowledged divinity in the gods of 
other nations, even in those whom it did 
not worship.* The consciousness of 



guilt, brought home to them by imexpect- 
ed and overwhelming calamity, made 
them feel as men devoted to destruction. 
In the dead of the night a few of them 
thought that they heard a horse-tramp 
as of an approaching enemy : the alarm 
soon spread, and the whole camp was in 
commotion. They thought the Greeks 
were among them ; and so wild were they 
with terror, that they slew each other, 
not distinguishing their native language 
and habit. Encouraged by this new 
disaster of their enemies, the Phocians 
pressed them closer, and famine soon 
followed to complete their miseries. In 
the battles against the Greeks but six 
thousand Gauls had fallen ; but upwards 
of ten thousand are said to have perished 
in the stormy night, and in the panic ter- 
ror, and as many more in the succeeding 
famine. 

The miserable remnant of the army 
under Brennus arrived at last in the en- 
campment of their countrymen ; when 
their leader, who had been dangerously 
wounded, is said to have wilfiilly has- 
tened his death through shame. Dimi- 
nished and disheartened by the ruin of 
their detachments, the Gauls now com- 
menced their retreat: but they were 
harassed by the reassembled forces of the 
Greeks, especially by the iEtolians ; and 
on reaching the river Spercheius, they 
found the passage beset by the Thessa- 
lians and Malians. They are said to 
have been here cut off to a man, in the 
second year of the invasion. (B. C. 278.) 
By their utter destruction, and by the 
defeat of another division in Macedonia, 
through a stratagem practised by Anti- 
gonus, their countrymen were deterred 
from any further attempt on Greece : 
but a body soon after crossed into Asia, 



* The nations of Canaan allowed that the God of Israel was a great divinity, but they trusted that their 
own would prevail against him. When they were defeated in the hills, " The God of Israel," they 
said, " is a God of the hills :" and if they fought in the valleys they hoped for victory. Again, when 
the ark had been taken by the Philistines, and placed in the temple of Dagon ; "When they of Ashdod arose 

early on the morrow, behold Dagon was fallen upon his face to the earth before the ark of the Lord. • 

But the hand of the Lord was heavy upon them of Ashdod, and he destroyed them, and smote them 
with emerods, even Ashdod and the coasts thereof. And when the men of Ashdod saw that it was so, 
they said. The ark of the God of Israel shall not abide with us ; for his hand is sore upon us, and upon 
Dagon our god." 1 Sam. v. 3-7. Accordingly, after carrying it to other cities with a like result, the 
Philistines sent it back to the children of Israel with a trespassoffering ; but still Dagon, and not the 
God of Israel, continued to be the object of their ordinary worship. Nebuchadnezzar also did not re- 
nounce his belief in the deities of the Babylonians, when he was convinced that the God of Shadracb, 
Meshach, and Abednego was mightier than they. " Therefore I make a decree, that every people, na- 
tion, and language, which speak anything amiss against the God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, 
sh^l be cut in pieces, and their houses shall be made a dunghill ; because there is no other god that can 
deliver after this sort." Dan. iii. 29. The Persians form the only exception to the general willingness 
to acknowledge the gods of other nations. 



What was gained by their defence ? — What did the Gauls attempt after passing Thermopylffi .' — What 
assurance did the Delphians receive from the oracle? — Who joined the Delphians .'— What was the re- 
sult ? — How many Gauls perished in the battles against the Greeks ? — How many in the succeeding dis- 
asters?— -Whither did the remnant of them retreat? — How did Brennus die.' — At what river on their re- 
treat was the entire remnant of these Gauls cut off? — When ? — Were the Gauls deterred from any fur- 
ther attempt on Greece ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



305 



invited by Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, 
and made themselves masters of the 
province which vs^as called from them 
Galatia. (From Galatai, the Greek form 
of their national appellation.) 

For three years after the death of 
Ptolemy Ceraunus, the Macedonian 
diadem was disputed by various pre- 
tenders. It finally remained with Anti- 
gonus, the son of Demetrius, or Anti- 
gonus Gonatas, as he is frequently 
called, from the town of Goni, in Thes- 
saly, where he was brought up. But 
before proceeding, we must shortly touch 
on the affairs of Sicily. 

Affairs of Sicily. — Agathocles, tyrant of 
Syracuse. 

There was quiet in Syracuse for many 
years after its tranquilhzation by Timo- 
leon : but at length the commonwealth 
became disordered, and a revolution 
took place, which estabUshed oligarchy. 
Among those who fled at the time of the 
change was Agathocles, a young man 
orignaUy so poor that he hved by the 
trade of a potter ; but his personal ac- 
comphshments won him a patron, who 
enriched him and procured him a mili- 
tary command ; and he quickly made 
himself considerable by ability in war 
and fluent boldness in the assembly of 
the people. Provoked by a personal 
wrong, he had warned the Syracusans 
against Sosistratus, who headed the 
party of the Few : he could not, there- 
fore, safely tarry in Syracuse after the 
revolution, but he went to Italy, and 
there subsisted as a soldier of fortune. 
Another change re-established demo- 
cracy in Syracuse ; and Sosistratus, with 
his fiiends, being driven into banish- 
ment, Agathocles was enabled to return. 
The Carthaginians took up the cause of 
the exiles, and a war ensued, in which 
Agathocles distinguished himself emi- 
nently both in subordinate and principal 
commands, till his conduct giving rise to 
a suspicion that he was aiming at the 
tyranny, he was again obhged to quit 
the city. The exiled friends of Sosistra- 
tus were readmitted into Syracuse, while 
Agathocles remaining in banishment 
gathered an army which made him 
formidable both to Carthage and to 
Syracuse. The fear of his power pro- 



cured his recall, and he returned xmder 
an oath that he would not injure the 
democracy : after which he professed 
himself the champion of the Many, and 
courted them so dexterously, that he 
was chosen general and guardian of 
the pubhc tranquiUit}^, till the lately 
discordant factions now united in the 
city should he brought to dwell to- 
gether in harmony and confidence. He 
still wanted a force more subservient to 
his purposes than the body of armed 
citizens. Having, therefore, obtained a 
commission to levy troops according to 
his discretion, he embodied the soldiers 
who had followed him in his last exile, 
men devoted to himself, and hostile alike 
to the Syracusan Many and the Few ; 
and he added such of the poorer citi- 
zens, as were embittered by envy or made 
desperate by want, so as readUy to join 
Avith any adventurer, or take part in any 
revolution, if they might thereby better 
their own condition, without regard to 
the form of government to be established 
or overthrown. 

Six hundred principal Syracusans had 
shared in the ohgarchy estabhshed by 
Sosistratus ; and against these the at- 
tack was first directed. Agathocles in- 
vited their leaders to a conference, ar- 
rested them and tried them before his 
army, alleging that the six hundred had 
plotted to seize him because of his zeal 
for the popular cause. The multitude 
cried out that he should straightway pu- 
nish the offenders, and he gave the word 
to march to Syracuse, to slay the guilty 
and plunder the houses of the six hun- 
dred and their adherents. The thing was 
done, and the city given up to bloodshed 
and pillage. Unprepared for attack and 
unconscious of provocation, many were 
killed when running out unanned to 
learn the cause of the disturbance. The 
slaughter was not confined to those 
against whom it was professedly directed, 
but avarice and private hatred ranged 
at will, and where riches were to be 
gained, the plunderers made httle dis- 
tinction between fiiend and foe. For 
two days the Syracusans endured, in the 
bosom of peace, and at the hands of fel- 
low-citizens, or of soldiers employed by 
the state, the worst that could have 
been inflicted by enemies exasperated 



In what province of Asia Minor did a body of them afterwards settle ? — With whom did the crown of 
Macedonia remain ? 

Which way is Sicily from Greece? — From Carthage ? — Who was Agathocles ? — How did he distitt- 
guiab himself in Syracuse ? — What occasioned his going to Italy? — His return? — In what war did he 
next distinguish himself? — What caused his second exile? — His return? — Whom did he court? — How 
did he raise a force ? — Against whom was tiia first attack directed ? — How ? — What was done at Syn- 



fm 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



with a wearisome siege and a perilous 
assault. Four thousand persons were 
murdered, six thousand escaped by 
flight ; and on those who fled, the cruelty 
of their enemies was satiated by brutal 
ill usage of their wives and children. 
When the wholesale butchery was over, 
Agathocles collected the prisoners, and 
putting to death the most hostile to him, 
drove the re^t into banishment. 

The author of these horrors now call- 
ing an assembly of the people inveighed 
against the Six Hundred, and against the 
oligarchy which they had formerly esta- 
blished; declared that he had cleared 
the city of all who aimed at power be- 
yond the laws, and entirely secured the 
fi-eedom of the people ; and professing 
that he wished to rest flom his labours, 
and to be as a private individual, he 
threw ofi* the ensigns of military com- 
mand and retired from the assembly. 
He well knew that his hearers were 
mostly deep in blood, and that the con- 
tinuance of his power was their only 
safeguard against retribution; while 
those who had been unwilling spectators 
of the massacre would be silenced by 
fear. Being loudly pressed, as he ex- 
pected, to retain his office, he consented 
on the condition that none should be 
joined with him in command. On these 
teiTns he was appointed general auto- 
crator, and thenceforward he exercised 
the power of a monarch, though without 
assuming the external state. His usur- 
pation was effected in the year B. C. 317. 

Agathocles had risen as the champion 
of the poor; and as such he had pro- 
mised what he now fulfilled, the abolition 
of outstanding debts, and a distribution 
of lands. In ordinary cases his rule was 
mild as well as able; and by benefits 
done to many, and affable behaviour to 
all, he grew widely popular in spite of 
his crimes, till fresh jealousies and dif- 
ficulties drove him to fi*esh executions, 
which made him hated by all. Unlike 
most other tyrants, he kept no guards 
about him, and was easy of access. 
But his ambition was the scourge of 
Sicily, and to fiirther it he spared nei- 
ther treachery nor blood : nor could his 
grasping spirit be satisfied with less than 
the dominion of the island. 

T^e power of the Syracusan tyrant 



spread daily wider, till all the Sicilian 
Greeks were brought to own it, except 
the subjects of Carthage. But their 
obedience rested on fear, and was un- 
stable through hatred; and when large 
reinforcements from Africa had enabled 
the Carthaginians to defeat him with 
great slaughter, his unwilling subjects 
gladly revolted, and Agathocles was 
obliged to defend himself in Syracuse, 
while the rest of the island submitted to 
Carthage. In this extremity he boldly 
resolved to attack his enemies at home ; 
and in the year after his defeat (B. C. 310) 
he passed into Afiica. But money was 
first to be raised, and provision to be 
made against the danger of revolution ; 
and these things he managed with his 
usual mixture of abiUty and wickedness. 
From every suspected family a brother 
or a son was chosen to accompany him, 
to be a pledge for the fidelity of the rest 
Knowing well that the rich were mostly 
his enemies, he professed to pity the 
sufferings of the citizens, and proclaimed 
that any who shrunk fi*om the hardships 
of a siege should quit the place with all 
their property. The wealthiest men, and 
those most hostile to the tyrant, availed 
themselves of this permission ; but Aga- 
thocles sent his mercenaries to slay 
them, and to sieze their goods. By this 
abominable treachery he gained the 
needful treasures, and cut oflT those 
whom he most feared to leave behind 
him. 

Agathocles played out his desperate 
game with siutable desperation. He 
crossed the sea, eluding the enemy, 
whose fleet was far superior; and on 
landing he bumt his vessels, that his 
soldiers might place all their hopes in 
victory only, and that his small force 
might not be weakened by the necessity 
of guardmg the ships. For awhile he 
was almost uniformly victorious against 
an immense disparity of force ; and he 
commanded the country, and captured 
the towns of the Carthaginians, his suc- 
cesses being aided by the hatred which 
the subject provinces bore to their harsh 
and arbitrary rulers. Meantime the 
Syracusans defeated the besieging army 
by a well planned ambuscade, and the 
commander, being taken, was cruelly 
tortured and put to death. The loss of 



How many were murdered ? — How were the prisoners treated ? — What did Agathoclea next do ? — On 
what terms was he appointed general autocrator ? — When ? — What did he do for the poor? — How did he 
become popular? — What <lid his ambition grasp at? — What part of the Sicilians owned his power? — Who 
did not ? — What caused a revolt ? — What drove Agathocles to Africa ? — How did he raise money and gel 
rid of his enemies at home ' — Why on landing in Africa did he burn his vessels? — How did he succMd 
Ib the Carthaginian territory ? — Meaatime did the siege of Syracuse continue ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



207 



the general caused dissension in the 
besieging camp ; for the Syracusan exiles 
and other Greeks, being numerous in 
the host, proposed then* own leader to 
succeed him, in opposition to the Cartha- 
ginian who had been second in com- 
mand. Nevertheless, the blockade was 
continued, and the besieged were suf- 
fering both by famine and by political 
disorders ; for so insecure was the gov- 
ernment of Agathocles, or so jealous the 
temper of those whom he had left in au- 
thority, that the latter had recently deem- 
ed it necessary to make another clearance 
of their enemies, and driven from the 
city eight thousand of those whom they 
considered as fi-iends of the exiles. En- 
couraged by the exhaustion both of the 
Carthaginians and Syracusans, the people 
of Acragas (or Agrigentum) offered them- 
selves as leaders to the Sicihans, inviting 
them to freedom from the dominion of 
both . The call was gladly answered , a«d 
many cities revolted from the Carthagin- 
ians ; while the Acragantine army active- 
ly helped them to expel the garrisons 
which had held them in awe, and pro- 
tected their lands against ravage by the 
forces whether of Carthage or of Syra- 
cuse. 

In this state were matters, when Aga- 
thocles quitted his victorious army, and 
returned to look afler his interests in 
Sicily. He arrived as his generals had 
just defeated the Acragantines, and im- 
mediately proceeded against divers of 
the cities which had asserted indepen- 
dence. Several quickly yielded ; but the 
rest united their forces under the com- 
mand of Deinocrates, a Syracusan exile, 
who had led the Greeks in the Cartha- 
ginian army ; and the confederate army 
was too strong for Agathocles, though he 
found an opportunity of separately de- 
feating the Acragantine forces. In return- 
ing to Africa, he was obliged to leave his 
Sicilian enemies unsubdued; and as he 
feared that the Syracusan people in his 
absence might call in Deinocrates and the 
exiles, he endeavoured to prevent the 
danger by another massacre of five hun- 
dred persons. Not long before at a pub- 
lic rejoicing he had mingled with the 
crowd, and drunk and jested unreserved- 
ly, being gifled by nature with a singular 



talent for pleasantry. In this he was 
partly prompted by the wish for popular- 
ity ; but he had also a deeper and darker 
purpose, for, when all hearts were opened 
by wine and merriment he had been dil- 
igently noting who appeared to be his 
enemies; and all those who were of 
any consideration perished in the mas- 
sacre. 

The affairs of the Carthaginians had 
recovered in great measure while Aga- 
thocles was away, nor could his return 
effectually arrest tne current of their for- 
tune. The revolted subjects of Carthage, 
who had swelled his forces, all returned 
to their original allegiance ; he saw that 
to preserve his conquests was impossible, 
and he, therefore, determined to abandon 
Africa. But he wanted vessels to trans- 
port his army, and if he had possessed 
them, the enemy commanded the sea: 
to force a passage was hopeless, and he 
despaired of obtaining one on any mode- 
rate terms of capitulation. He fled se- 
cretly, deserting his soldiers, who reven- 
ged themselves by kiUing his sons who 
were left behind : a cruelty which Aga- 
thocles most bloodily retahated, by slaugh- 
tering all the kindred of all those who had 
served with him in Africa. (B. C. 307.) 
This event happened nearly four years 
after he sailed for Africa. 

Agathocles found, on returning to 
Sicily, that his principal general had 
revolted to Deinocrates with the troops 
and the cities entrusted to his care. His 
dismay was such that he offered to recall 
the exiles and resign the tyranny. But 
the proposal came to nothing through 
the intrigues of Deinocrates, who coveted 
monarchical power, and hoped that in 
the confusion of war he might attain it ; 
while in the meantime he preferred his 
present situation to that of a private citi- 
zen under a democracy in Syracuse. 
Agathocles accused Deinocrates to the 
exiles, as having been the obstacle to the 
liberation of their country; and then made 
peace with the Carthaginians, allowing 
them to hold whatever they had posses- 
sed before the war. Being freed from 
their hostility, he pursued the war against 
the exiles, defeated them, and treacher- 
ously slaughtered seven thousand, who 
had laid down their 6urms under assu- 



By what were the besieged suffering ? — How many were exiled ? — What people now offered to free the 
Sicilians ? — Was the call accepted ?— On his return what did Agathocles do ?— Who opposed him .'—Was 
be obliged to return to Africa without having conquered his Sicilian enemy? — Relate the story of his 
treachery towards certain of the Syracusans. — What did he find on his return to Africa? — What did he 
resolve to do? — How did he escape from Africa? — ^How did his soldiers revenge themselves for this de- 
sertion ?— How did Agathocles retaliate ? — What did Agathocles find on his return to Sicily ? — Who 
intrigued successfully against him? — Willi whom did he make peace?— With wbom wai? — What 
treaciiery was be guilty of? 



208 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



ranee of safety. After this he received 
DeiDocrates into friendship, and appoint- 
ing him his general continued his favour 
to him to the end : a wonderful thing in 
one who was commonly as jealous as he 
was faithless, but who now put all trust 
in a reconciled enemy, and that a man of 
no integrity. 

Agathocles soon reconquered most of 
Sicily; after which he warred in vari- 
ous regions, and fully maintained the 
character of an eminent, prosperous, 
and powerful scourge of mankind. A 
daughter of his was manied to Deme- 
trius Poliorcetes. In his latter years his 
chief ambition was to make his king- 
dom a first rate maritime power; and 
this was nearly accomplished, when he 
was poisoned by Mfenon one of his 
intimates, in concert with his grandson, 
(B. C. 289.) The Syracusans forth- 
with re-established democracy, confis- 
cated their tyrant's property, and over- 



threw his statues. Meanwhile Maenon 
aspiring to sovereign power, assassinated 
the grandson of Agathocles, gained the 
mercenaries to his interest, and with 
them made war on the Syracusans. The 
Carthaginians aided Maenon, and the 
Syracusans were obhged to receive the 
mercenaries into their commonwealth: 
but fresh quarrels arose between the 
old citizens and the mercenaries, and it 
was finally settled that the latter should 
sell their property and quit the island. 
The departing mercenaries arrived at 
Messene ; where being received as friends 
in the houses of the inhabitants, they 
conspired to murder their hosts and seize 
their wives and their possessions. De- 
mocracy endured not long in Syracuse, 
but both this and the other cities fell 
again under tyrants ; and shortly after- 
wards the unhappy island became a bat- 
tle field for the Carthaginians and the 
Romans. 



CHAPTER XI. 



OF THE RISE or THE ACHAIAN LEAGUE ; AND OF THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE FROM 
THE INVASION BY THE GAULS TO THE END OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE ACHAI- 
ANS AND CLEOMENES, KING OF LACED^MON. 



SECTION I. 
Achaian union revived. 
The Achaian s were early distinguished 
among the Greeks for probity and good 
faith. So generally was this acknow- 
ledged, that at a time when the Grecian 
cities of Italy were full of bloody tumults 
and revolutions, the Achaians were called 
in, by common consent, to settle all quar- 
rels, and appoint the terms of a general 
peace; and again, in certain disputes 
which arose after the battle of Leuctra, 
the Thebans and the Lacedaemonians 
agreed to abide by their arbitration. But 
the character of the Achaian states was 
unambitious, and they were sun-ounded 
with neighbours stronger than them- 
selves; and hence, though widely re- 
spected for peaceful virtues, they are 
little conspicuous in histoiy till the latter 
times, when the good fortune of Greece 
brought them forward to take the lead. 

The constitution of the Achaian cities 
was by law democratical, and it is highly 
praised by the judicious historian Poly- 



bius, as affording fi-eedom of speech and 
action, and equal justice to all. While 
they were under the Lacedaemonian su- 
premacy the commonwealth was admin- 
istered by a privileged class of wealthy 
men: but the temper of the Achaians 
was quiet and orderly, and their attach- 
ment strong to their ancient institutions ; 
and it is probable that the ruhng few, 
for the most part, confined themselves 
to the functions of administration, with- 
out encroaching on the civil rights of in- 
dividuals, or on the authority of the pop- 
ular assemblies to regulate, and of the 
popular tribunals to ascertain and en- 
force them. The cities of the province 
were twelve; and they acknowledged 
some degree of political union, having 
common sacrifices in a common temple, 
and congresses assembled at intervals 
from all the states to consult for the 
good of the Achaian nation. It is worth 
remarking that a similar connexion ex- 
isted in early times between the Achaian 
colonies m Italy, Croton, Sybaris, and 



Whom did he receive into his friendship ?— Did he reconquer most of Sicily ?— Whom did his daughter 
marry ?— Who poisoned him ?— When .'—What did the Syracusans then do ? — Who then aspired to sove- 
reign power ? — Who aided him ?— Who were exiled ? — How did these mercenaries treat the Messeniana ? 
— Did democracy endure long in Syracuse ? 

Where is Achaia ?— What was the early character of the Achaians ?— What was the constitution of 
Ctaeir cities ? — Their number ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



209 



Metapontum. But the bond of con- 
federacy was slight, for we occasionally 
find particular states engaging in wars 
when the rest were neutral; and in- 
stances are not wanting in which dif- 
ferent Achaian cities were battling against 
each other either as auxiharies or as prin- 
cipals. 

After Alexander's death the Achaian 
league was broken up, and the cities 
became disunited and internally disor- 
dered. Most were garrisoned either by 
Demetrius or Cassander, and afterwards 
by Antigonus, the son of Demetrius, who 
succeeded at once to his father's ascen- 
dency in Greece, and, finalh', as we have 
seen, recovered his sovereignty of Mace- 
donia. Some had tyrants, especially 
those under the power of Antigonus, 
whose favourite policy was to estabhsh 
a petty monarch in every state. But at 
the era when Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and 
Seleucus, the last sur\d\ing princes bred 
in the school of Alexander, were swept 
from the stage, a brave attempt was 
begun for the fi^eedom and union of 
Achaia. 

In the year B. C. 280, the inhabitants 
of Pati-ae, (the modern Patras,) Dyme, 
Tritaea, and Pharse, combined for the 
purposes of reciprocal defence «.nd com- 
mon regulation. Nearly five years after, 
the citizens of JEgium expelled theh* 
Macedonian garrison, and those of Bou- 
ra killed their tyrant, not mthout assist- 
ance from the Achaian states already 
associated. Both of these were forth- 
with received into the league. The 
next admitted were the men of Ca- 
ryuia, whose tyrant Iseas took warning 
from the fate of the tyrant of Boura, and 
on receiving an assurance of safety from 
the Achaians, voluntarily gave up the 
sovereignty, and brought his people into 
the confederacy. During a considerable 
period the union comprehended these 
seven cities only. The common con- 
cerns of the league were administered 
by two generals and a secretary, elected 
yearly, and taken from all the cities in 
rotation. But in the twenty-fifth year of 
the confederation it was resolved that 
the presiding authority should thencefor- 
ward be entrusted to a single general. 
In the fourth year after this change (B. 
C. 251,) the Achaians were joined by the 
important state of Sicyon, a city not be- 



longing to the province, but fiir exceed- 
ing all the proper Achaian towns in 
riches, extent, and population. 

Aratus. — Sicyon joined with the Achaians. 

The Sicyonian commonwealth had 
long been unsettled, and tyrants were 
continually rising and falling there ; the 
power which was cemented with blood 
being commonly ended by violence, 
to make way for another equally op- 
pressive. Shortly before the union vnxh 
the Achaians, Nicocles was tyrant of 
Sj'racuse ; but Aratus, a noble youth, 
wliose father had been murdered in a 
former usuipation, was living an exile 
in Ai-gos, and cheiishing the hope to 
liberate Ms countiy. A few fellow ex- 
iles concurred in his purpose, and he 
was meditating the seizure of some 
sti'ong hold in the Sicyonian territory, 
when a recent fugitive from Sicyon told 
him of a place where he might scale 
the walls of the city itself. The attempt 
was made with singular boldness and 
address. Aratus and his httle band 
passed the ramparts undiscovered, and 
going sti-aight to the tyrant's palace, sur- 
prised and made prisoners his guard. 
Notice was sent to the friends of Aratus, 
who thronged to him fi'om all quarters, 
while the rest of the citizens gathered in 
the theatre, full of anxiety as to the 
occasion of the tumult. But procla- 
mation being made that Aratus the son 
of Cleinias offered hberty to the peo- 
ple, they joyfully crowded to fire the 
gates of the tja-ant. The palace was 
plundered, while its master fled by se- 
cret passages. Such was the good for- 
tune attending the entei-prise, that not a 
drop of blood was shed in it, whether of 
friend or foe. 

In ordering the commonwealth, Ara- 
tus, at the age of twenty, displayed wis- 
dom not inferior to his ability and daring 
in the surprise. He established a demo- 
cracy on the Achaian model, which had 
been the object of his early admiration : 
and he provided a safeguard against at- 
tacks from without and revolutions ^vith- 
in, by bringing Sicyon into the Achaian 
league. He restored almost six hundred 
exiles; but as their lands had mostly 
been given to othere, his hardest task 
was to settle the disputes between the 
old and new propri etors. Fortunately the 



When had the Achaian league been broken up ?— Who had garrisoned their cities ?— Who gave them 
tyrants ?— What cities united in 280 .'—How were the concerns of the league administered .'—What state 
joined it in 2.51 .' 

\Vhat had been the state of the commonwealth of Sicyon .'—Who was Aratus .'—Relate the circum- 
stances of his liberating Sicyon.'— What did Aratus establish .'—Who brought Sicyon into the Achaian 
leacue ? 



27 



210 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



king of Egypt was his friend, and sent 
him large sums of money, which enabled 
him to settle the business with little dis- 
tress to either party; and being ap- 
pointed abitrator, he adjudged matters 
to general satisfaction, and brought back 
peace and mutual good will to the dis- 
tracted city. 

Surprisal of the Acrocorinthus. — Corinth, 
Megara and other states join the league. 

The Acrocorinthus, or citadel of Co- 
rinth, one of the strongest fortresses in 
Greece, was the most important of all 
to any seeker of empire, being set on 
a lofty mountain in the Isthmus ; which 
gave to its possessor not only the com- 
mand of the rich and populous Corinth, 
but also the power of interruptuig or im- 
peding all land passage between the pe- 
ninsula and continent of Greece. Anti- 
gonus had long coveted, and finally 
gained it; but in the eighth year after 
the deUverance of Sicyon, Aratus being, 
for the second time, chosen general by 
the Achaians, undertook to win it from 
him by a nightly surprise. Tlie plot 
was managed ably and boldly, and sec- 
onded by singular good fortune; and 
by daybreak he was master of the for- 
tress, though not without gi'eat diffi- 
culty and danger. The Achaian army 
now approaching the city was joyfully 
admitted by the Corinthians, and Aratus 
came down from the citadel to the thea- 
tre, to address the Corinthian people 
there assembled. He delivered to them 
the keys of their gates, which had been 
long kept from them by their tyrants, 
and proposed to them to join the Acha- 
ian confederacy, which they gladly did. 
He gan'isoned the citadel with four hun- 
dred soldiers. He gained Lechseum, the 
port of Corinth, and in it he took twenty- 
five ships and five hundred horses be- 
longing to Antigonus. Before the expir- 
ation of his office he had prevailed on the 
Megarians also to associate themselves 
with the Achaians : the Trcezeniaus and 
Epidaurians soon followed the example ; 
and the confederacy was further strength- 
ened by alliance vsdth the king of Egypt. 

Athens under the power of Antigonus Gona- 
tas. — Policy of Aratus. 

The Athenians were then under the 
power of Antigonus. He had invaded 



their territory and besieged their city: 
and though they were succoured by 
an Egyptian fleet, and an army under 
Areus, the king of Lacedsemon, of 
the race of Eurysthenes, yet no effectual 
relief was given. They stiU held out 
for a considerable time after Areus 
had withdrawn his forces: but they 
were at length obliged to receive a 
gai'rison within the city, which Anti- 
gonus, however, soon after withdrew, 
conceiving, probably, that he could re- 
tain them in obedience less offensively 
by ganisons which he seems to have 
held in Peiiseeus, and other important 
posts. Aratus, after his success at Co- 
rmth, turned his views to Athens. He 
displayed the power of the Achaians by 
plundeiing Salamis, and endeavoured to 
concihate the Athenians by setting free, 
without ransom, all his Athenian pri- 
soner : but nothing important immedi- 
ately followed. 

Hencefoi-ward Aratus was chosen ge- 
neral of the Achaians as often as the 
law allowed, and even when out of office 
he guided their counsels. His aim was 
to put down all the tyrants in Pelopon- 
nesus, to exclude from the peninsula the 
Macedonians who supported them, and 
to unite all the Peloponnesian cities in 
one great confederation, such as that of 
the Achaians. In this he was continually 
opposed by Antigonus Gonatas, and his 
son Demetrius; and very often by the 
iEtolians, a rude, but numerous and 
warlike people. The struggle of the 
Achaians with the power of Macedonia 
continued till after the death of Deme- 
trius, and then gave way to a contest 
witli Cleomenes, king of Lacedaemon, 
assisted by the iEtoHans. 

SECTION II. 

Pyrrhus returns from Italy. — Attacks Lace- 
dcemon. — Attacks Argos. — His death. 

Cleonymus, the uncle of Areus, king 
of Lacedsemon, had opposed his nephew 
unsuccessfully as a rival claimant of the 
throne ; and subordinate honours and 
commands, which were largely bestowed 
on him, could not satisfy his ambition or 
quiet his craving for vengeance. In the 
thiity-seventh year of the reign of Areus 
(B. C. 272,) Pyrrhus returned from Italy. 
In his first campaigns there he had com- 
monly been victorious, but never without 



Who held the Acrocorinthus? — Who surprised it? — Did he liberate Corinth? — Did he brins: that 
state into the Achaian league ? — What others ? — Where is Sicyon ? — Syracuse of Sicyon ? — Corinth ? — 
Megarea ? — Troezen ? — Epidaurus ? 

Tnder whose power were the Athenians ? — Who attempted to conciliate them ? — How ? — Did he suc- 
ceed ? — What was the aim of Aratus ? — Who opposed him ? — How long did the Achaians resist the Mace> 
donian power? — To what did tlje Achaian power give way ? 

Who was Cleonvmus ?— Areus ?— Give an account of Pvrrhus's expedition in Italy ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



211 



considerable difficulty and loss. The 
war was resolutely maintained against 
him, and ever}^ battle weakened his 
anny, while that of Rome was inex- 
haustibly recruited from a wai'like peo- 
ple. Unsteady and impatient, he was 
easily wearied with a protracted struggle 
where the prospect of success was daily 
becommg more distant; and being in- 
vited by the Syracusans and other Sici- 
lian Greeks, to assist them against the 
Carthaginians, he gladly cauglit at the 
hope of speedier victory on a new scene 
of action. His success in Sicily was at 
first most brilliant, and he had nearly 
expelled the Carthaginians from the 
island, when his tjTannical conduct 
provoked revolt in the Grecian cities, 
and finally united them against him. 
Driven out of Sicily, he returned to 
Tarentum, and resumed his war against 
the Romans: but he was defeated and 
obliged to quit the country ; and straight- 
way, returning to Epirus, he made war 
upon Antigonus Gonatas, won a gi'eat 
battle, and nearly mastered all Macedo- 
nia. Cleonymus now saw in the restless 
character of the victor the means of 
glutting his ambition and revenge ; and 
he asked for aid to place him on the 
throne of Lacedeemon, which Pyrrhus 
wilUngly granted, beholding- in the pro- 
posal an opening to the conquest of Pe- 
loponnesus. He inv^aded the peninsula, 
pretending that he came to fi-ee the cities 
fi"om the yoke of Antigonus; but he 
soon gave the lie to his professions of 
upright intention, by ravaging Laconia 
unprovoked, and without declaration of 
war. He next advanced against the 
city. The Lacedaemonians were taken 
at great disadvantage, for the best of 
their strength was absent with Areus, 
who was warring in Crete ; but those 
who remained were diligent and resolute 
in preparation for defence under the 
command of Acrotatus, the son of xVreus. 
It was resolved to send the women into 
Crete, but they remonstrated against it ; 
*nd the queen Archidamia,* being ap- 
pointed to speak for the rest went into the 
council hall, with a sword in her hand, and 
said, "That they did their wives great 
wrong, if they thought them so faint- 
hearted as to live aft^er Sparta were de- 



sti-oyed." In the night before the assault 
the approaches to the city were fortified 
with trenches, and with wagons set fast 
by the wheels, which were sunk m the 
ground. The women, with the old men, 
Jaboured on the works, while the young 
men rested to prepare themselves for 
battle; and when the encounter was 
begun, the women were active in bring- 
ing arras and refreshments to such as 
needed them, and in carrying off the 
wounded. The struggle lasted through 
two days, though small hope remained 
for the thu'd, so many were the slain, 
and so few were those unhurt in the 
action ; but in the coui-se of the night 
the defenders were reinforced by a body 
of mercenaries in the service of Antigo- 
nus, and also by Ai*eus, who anived 
fi'om Crete with two thousand Lace- 
daemonians. The women and old men 
now retired to their houses. On the 
morrow P^^rrhus was beaten off, and 
soon after went to Argos, being invited 
b}'^ one of two leadei-s, who were there 
contending for superiority. He was here 
opposed by Antigonus and the Lacedae- 
monians. The Argians wished to be 
neutral, and requested that neither mon- 
arch would enter their cit)'. Antigo- 
nus, being the weaker, consented, and 
gave hostages ; Pyrrhus professed com- 
pliance, but refused all pledges to ensure 
the fulfilment of his word, which, in- 
deed, he did not mean to keep. A gate 
being opened by the friends of Prr\^hus, 
he entered the city, and Antigonus was 
called in to oppose him; the troops of 
Pyrrhus were overmatched and broken, 
and in endeavouring to cover their re- 
treat he was killed by a tile from a house- 
top, throA\Ti, as it is said, by a poor and 
aged Argian woman, who saw her son in 
combat with him, and almost overcome, 
Areus, falling in some obscure war, 
before Corinth, left the kingdom to his 
son Acrotatus, who had been mainly 
instrumental to the repulse of Pyrrhus. 
Acrotatus died in battle against Aristode- 
mus, the tyrant of Argos; and Leonidas, 
the son of Cleonymus, governed as pro- 
tector, in the name of the late king's in- 
fant son, for eight years, at the end of 
which the infant died, and Leonidas be- 
came king. 



* She seems to have been wife to Archidamus, one of the Procleid line, who was already reigning 
twenty-three years before. He was probably now dead, and his son a minor ; for, otherwise, Acrotatus 
would hardly have held the chief command. 



In Sicily ? — In Epirus and Macedonia ? — Who sought liis aid ? — What country did he invade ? — Against 
what city did he advance ? — Where was king Areus? — Give an account of the defence of Sparta ? — Whc 
relieved the besieged ? — Wliat was the result ? — What city did Pyrrhus next attack ? — How did he fall* 
— Who succeeded Areus ? — Who succeeded Acrotatus ? — Who succeeded his infant son ? 



213 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



State of LacedtBtnon. — Political reform at- 
tempted by king Agis, and opposed by 
Leonidas, his colleague. 

The manners and government of Lac- 
edaemon had long departed widely from 
the pattern set by Lycurgus. The equal- 
ity which he established among all the 
members of his commonwealth had been 
early confined within a privileged class, 
who engrossed all public honours, and 
claimed, as exclusively their own, the 
name of Spartans. (See page 120.) At 
the battle of Platsea, in a Lacedaemonian 
army of ten thousand soldiei*s, the Spar- 
tans had formed one-half; but in the 
time of Agesilaus their number was com- 
paratively small, and in that of which we 
are now treating there remained not above 
seven hundred Spartan families. This 
ell ge had been unforeseen, and unpro- 
vided for by the lawgiver ; but another 
had taken place yet more repugnant to 
the spirit of his institutions. Expensive 
wars, and various intercourse with stran- 
gers, liad banished the old severity of man- 
nei*s, and brought back the idolatry of 
gold. Those disorders had revived which 
the laws of Lycurgus had been chiefly di- 
rected to eradicate. The poor were bur- 
dened with debt — the rich vv^ere living in 
luxury and pomp ; discontent and envy 
were ranged on the one side, and pride 
and licentiousness on the other ; the influ- 
ence of wealth was completely restored, 
and that influence was centred in about 
one hundred of the seven hundred Spar- 
tan heads of families. 

Among the most determined contem- 
ners of the institutions of Lycurgus, was 
the king Leonidas, whose habits had been 
formed in the court of Seleucus. His 
colleague Agis was of a different stamp. 
From boyhood upwards he had endeav- 
oured to emulate the ancient plainness 
and austerity of life ; and when he became 
king he forthwith undertook to reform 
the commonwealth according to the mod- 
el of Lycurgus. As the departure of the 
state from its original principles was en- 
tire, it was necessaiy that its retura should 
be eflected by changes proportion ably 
sweeping and violent ; and the measures 
adopted by Agis to this end were the 
abolition of all debts, and the equal di- 
vision of landed property, two of Lycur- 
gus's Measures, but probably even more 
difliciilt to caiTy into execution now, than 
when Lycurgus succeeded in introducing 
them. 



On sounding the people to determine 

the chances of success, Agis found that 
the younger and poorer would be mostly 
on his side. The honest hoped to re- 
form the commonwealth ; the needy and 
profligate to cancel their debts and repair 
their losses ; and the extreme concentra- 
tion of property had so much lessened 
the number of those who were interested 
to defend it, that the revolutionary party 
were sure to be victorious, if it should 
come to a trial of force. Having ascer- 
tained his strength, Agis proposed his 
intended laws to the council of elders. 
His purpose was to abohsh the distinction 
between the Spartans and the common 
Lacedaemonians, retaining that between 
the Lacedaemonians and the Perioeci, or 
people of the towns. The number of the 
citizens was to be filled up from the Peri- 
CEci and from strangers, and all these, as 
well as the original Lacedaemonians, were 
to be trained in the strictest discipline of 
Lycurgus ; and among the citizens was 
to be distributed the proper territory 
of Sparta, being divided into four thou- 
sand five hundred equal parts, while the 
remaining territory belonging to the state 
was to be divided into fifteen thousand 
parts, and distributed among the Perioeci. 
When the proposal had been broached in 
the senate, and warmly contested, the 
Ephor Lysander assembled the people, 
and laid it before them. He was followed 
by other favourers of the measure ; and 
Agis, rising last, addressed the assembly, 
and said, that he would himself contribute 
largely to the reformation of the common- 
wealth ; for he would make common all 
his lands, and add six hundred talents in 
money; and so should his mother, grand- 
mother, kinsmen, and fi'iends, all of whom 
were the wealthiest in Sparta. The oflTer 
was warnjly applauded by the multitude ; 
but it was opposed by the rich men, with 
Leonidas at their head. The previous 
approbation of the senate was necessary 
to the vahdity of any decree which might 
be passed by the people ; and Leonidas 
and his party prevailed so far that, by a 
single vote, that approbation was with- 
held. 

An ancient law forbade that any of 
the race of Hercules should marry a 
stranger, or should dwell in a strange 
land. Leonidas had done both; and 
being now accused by Lysander, he fled 
to a sanctuary. As he did not appear 
when he was cited, he was deposed, and 



Find the Spartans declined from their ancient discipline? — In what respects? — How much was their 
number diminished ? — W^hat was Leonidas's character? — What were the designs of Agis? — Who were 
against him ? — W^hat were the particulars of his plan ? — Who laid the measure before the people ? — What 
offer did Agis make ? — How was the measure defeated ? — For what did Lysander accuse Leonidas '' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



213 



nis son-in-law, Cleombrotus, being also 
of the royal race, was made king. Mean- 
time Lysander's office expired, and the 
new Ephori, taking part with Leonidas, 
accused Lysanderand his friends of over- 
throwing the laws. The reforming party 
now despaired of carrying their point by 
peaceable measures ; and Agis and Cle- 
ombrotus going with their friends into the 
place of assembly, plucked the Ephori 
from their seats, and put others in their 
room. They armed their younger parti- 
sans, and opened the prisons; their ene- 
mies feared that a massacre would follow, 
but no man had any hurt. Leonidas fled 
tq Tegea. Agesilaus, the uncle of Agis, 
had laid men in wait to kill Leonidas on 
the way ; but Agis hearing of it sent some 
trust}'^ persons to accompany him, who 
brought him safely to his place of reflige. 

The reformers now had the mastery^, 
and their scheme of government might 
probably have been established, had all 
its supporters been sincere. But Agesi- 
laus being a great landholder and deeply 
indebted, his wish was to cancel his 
debts but keep his land. Accordingly 
he persuaded Agis that he could not 
caiTy all at once without a violent com- 
motion ; but that if he first won the land 
proprietors by annulling their debts, they 
then would easily and willingly agree to 
the division of the lands. If the landhold- 
er would allow of the spoliation of others, 
but would not sacrifice to the common 
good any interest of their own, it surely 
argued gross credulity to imagine that 
such con-upt and selfish persons would 
consent to a change injurious to them- 
selves, in consideration of one already 
made which was beneficial. The bait 
was swallowed, however. It was first 
decreed that all debts should be cancelled, 
and accordingly every bond and obligation 
was publicly burnt. But when the peo- 
ple called for the division of lands, Agesi- 
laus still found some pretext for delay, till 
king Agis was sent on a military expedi- 
tion to aid the Achaians against an ^to- 
lian invasion. 

The host of Agis was principally com- 
posed of the poorer sort, who were gainers 
by the revolution, and who naturally felt 



a strong attachment to its author ; and 
Agis was the better enabled to preserve 
strict discipline without impairing his pop- 
ularity, since every rule which he enforced 
upon others was rigidly observed by him- 
self. No soldier could for shame be disor- 
derly or luxurious, when his commander 
lived more regularly and fared more plain- 
ly than any in the camp. The army 
recovered its old temper of exact and 
cheerful obedience ; and though the over 
caution of Aratus allowed no opportunity 
for brilliant achievement, the conduct of 
the Lacedaemonian troops inspired in the 
allies an unwonted respect both towards 
their leader and his commonwealth. But 
on retuiTiing to Sparta he found that his 
work had gone to ruin during his absence. 
Agesilaus being one of the Ephori, while 
none was present whose authority could 
control him, had abused his power to 
every pui-pose of extortion and oppres- 
sion. To prevent all danger from private 
revenge or general insurrection, he went 
always strongly guarded by soldiei-s. He 
openly professed to make no account of 
king Cleombrotus, and to pay respect to 
Agis less for his office than because he 
was his kinsman ; and he gave out that 
he would be Ephor the next year, as well 
as the present. 

Death of Agis. 
The Many were disgusted at the ex- 
cesses of Agesilaus, and angiy that the 
lands had not been divided according to 
promise ; and hence they willingly suf- 
fered the enemies of Agis to recall Leoni- 
das and to reinstate him in the kingdom. 
Agis fled to the Brazen House, Cleom- 
brotus to the Temple of Neptune ; and 
Leonidas being more especially oflTended 
with Cleombrotus went first against him. 
He sharply taunted him that, being his 
son-in-law, he had conspired to depose 
him and drive him from his country. 
Cleombrotus made no answer: but his 
wife Chelonis, the daughter of Leonidas, 
who had quitted him on account of the 
injury done to her father, and had gone 
to sei-ve the latter in his advei-sity, now 
became an humble suitor in his favour.* 
At her intercession Leonidas spared his 



* The details of this transaction, as given by Plutarch, are too interesting to be altopether omitted, 
though they do not rest on the highest authority. The scene, however, having taken place in public, 
many of its particulars may have been recorded at the time j and hence we may reasonably give more 



Who succeeded him?— When Lysander's term had expired whom did the new Ephori favour?— How 
did Agis and Cleombrotus then proceed ?— How did Agesilaus now defeat the wishes of the reformers? 
— What now called off Agis ?— How did his discipline succeed in the army ?— How did Agesilaus pro- 
ceed in his absence? 

Who restored Leonidas ?— How did he treat Cleombrotus ?— How did Chelonis behave?— What favour 
did she obtain for her husband ? 



214 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Kfe, but banished him from the city. 
He removed the Ephori, and substituted 
others ; and then he plotted to get Agis 
into his power. First he urged him to 
quit the sanctuary, and to take his part 
in the regal authority; and declared 
that the citizens had forgiven him all 
that w^as past, well knowing that he had 
acted from patriotism and honourable 
ambition, but had been deceived and mis- 
led by the craft of Agesilaus. Agis was 
not deceived by this, but he was after- 
wards entrapped, and thrown into prison. 
" Then came Leonidas incontinently widi 
a gi'eat number of soldiers that were 
strangei-s, (mercenaries) and beset the 
prison round about. The Ephors went 
into the prison, and sent unto some of 
the senate to come to them, whom they 
knew to be of their minde : then they 
commanded Agis, as if it had been judi- 
cially, to account of the alteration he 
had made in the commonwealth. The 
voung man laughed at their hypocrisie. 
But Amphares (one of the Ephors) told 
him that it was no laughing sport, and 
that he should pay for his folly. Then 
another of the Ephors seeming to show 
him a way how he might escape the 
condemnation for his fault, asked him if 
he had not been enticed unto it by Agesi- 
laus and Lysander. Agis answered that 
no man compelled him, but that he only 
did it to follow the steps of the ancient 
Lycurgus, to bring the commonwealth 
unto the former estate of his grave ordi- 
nance and institution." — [JVorth'^s Plu- 
tarch.) Being asked again if he did not 
repent of it, he answered that though he 
should die for it he would never repent 
of so wise and virtuous an enterprise. 



He was condemned to death, and hastily 
executed, lest he should be rescued by 
the people ; and he was the first Spartan 
king who was put to death by order of 
the Ephori. His mother and grand 
mother were also strangled. The latter 
was that Archidamia, who had already 
played a distinguished part when Pyr- 
rhus besieged the city. His brother Ar- 
chidamus only saved himself by a hasty 
flight : his widow was forcibly taken by 
Leonidas out of her house, and married 
against her will to his son Cleomenes, 
though he was yet in extreme youth, 
(B. C. 240.) 

Cleomenes. — Achaian war. — Revolution in 
Sparta. 

Four years after the death of Agis> 
Leonidas died, and Cleomenes became 
king. He caught fi'om his wife's con- 
vei-sation a love for the memory of Agis, 
and a strong desire to effect his attempted 
refonns. Cleomenes exceeded Agis in 
ability and daring, but his ambition was 
gi'eater and less purely patriotic; and 
far fi-om hazarding his success, like Agis, 
by impolitic mildness, he was rather wil- 
ling to fulfil his project by whatever 
methods seemed the most effectual, and 
to trust that any violence would be ex- 
cused by his need and his good meaning. 
His ambition was turned to militaiy fame, 
no less than to that of a reformer ; and 
his wish to play a leading part in Pelo- 
ponnesus was quickened b\' the hope that 
the power and glory thus acquired would 
promote his purposes at home. Accor- 
dingly he undertook to wrest from the 
Achaians and restore to the Lacedaemoni- 
ans the lead in the peninsula. About the 



credit to t]ie biographer on this, than on many other occasions, when he professes to give a minute ac- 
count of things spoken or acted in darkness and privacy. The extracts are taken from the old translation 
by Sir Thomas North, whose language is livelier, and better expresses the character of the original, than 
any modern English version. Clielonis, we are told, sat down by her husband, and embraced him, hav- 
ing her two little sons on either side : •' All men wondering, and weeping for pity to see the goodness 
and natural love of this lady, who shewing her mourning apparel, and hair of her head flaring about her 
eyes, bareheaded, slie spake in this manner to her father : — ' O father mine, this sorrowful garment and 
countenance is not for pity of Cleombrotus, but hath long remained with me, lamenting sore your former 
misery and exile ; but now which of the two should I rather choose, either to continue a mourner in 
this pitiful state, seeing you again restored to your kingdom, having overcome your enemies ; or else 
putting on my princely apparel to see my husband slaine; unto whom you married me a maide .' who, 
if he cannot move you to lake compassion on him by the teares of his wife and children, he shall then 
abide more bitter paine of liis evil counsel than that which you intend to make him suffer. For he shall 
see his wife die before him, whom he loved more dearly than anything in the world. Also with what 
face can I look on other ladies, when T could never bring my father to pity by any intercession I could 
make for my husband, neither my husband intreat him for my father; and that my hap is to be born a 
daughter and a wife most unfortunate and despised of my owne !' Wherefore Leonidas commanded 
Cleombrotus to get him thence, and to leave the city as an exile ; and prayed his daughter for his sake to 
remaine with him, and not to forsake her father, that did so dearly love her, that for her sake he had 
saved her husband's life. This notwithstanding, she would not yeeld to his request, but rising up with 
her husband, gave him one of her sons, and herselfe took the other in her armes ; and then making her 
prayer before the altar of the goddesse, she went as a banished woman away with her husband." 



Whore did Agis find sanctuary .-' — Who were sent to him .' — Descrilie their interview and the heroic 
behaviour of Agis. — What was his fate .' — How were his relations treated .' 
Who succeeded Leonidas f — What was the character of Cleomenes ? — What did he undertake .' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



215 



tenth year of his reign (B. C. 226,) he 

commenced the war; and shortly after- 
wards he found the means of accom- 
pUsliing his political changes. 

He deluded his banished colleague 
Archidamus by the promise of recon- 
ciliation, induced him to return to Sparta, 
and treacherously murdered him : either 
fearing that he would be an instniment 
in the hands of the party adverse to 
reform, or through mere ambition, and 
the wish to rule without a rival. In this 
matter Cleomenes acted in concert with 
the Ephori ; but he secretly intended 
their desti-uction, and it was not long 
before he effected it. Having found a 
pretext to leave the Lacedaemonians of 
his army encamped in Arcadia, he went 
suddenly to Sparta with the mercenaries. 
He surprised the Ephori at supper, killed 
four of them, and wounded the fifth ; and 
several pei-sons besides were slain, who 
attempted to defend them : but those who 
stin-ed not were not harmed, nor was any 
one hindered fi-om leaving the city. The 
next morning Cleomenes banished eighty 
citizens by sound of trumpet ; and then 
assembled the people, and declared what 
he had done. He said that Lycurgus 
had entrusted the government to the 
king and to the senate, and that the par- 
amount authority which the Ephori had 
exercised was a mere usurpation. He 
proclaimed the aboUtion of debts and the 
equal division of lands; and hefii-st gave 
up his possessions to the public, and was 
followed by all his friends. The division 
was then made, and Cleomenes directed 
that a share should be assigned to each 
of the men whom he had banished, de- 
claring that he would receive them into 
the city as soon as the government was 
settled. The race of Procles was not 
extinct by the death of Archidamus, who 
had left two children ; but their rights 
could not resist the power of Cleomenes, 
who took his brother Eucleides for his 
colleague, so as nominally to preserve the 
double royalty, without substantially clog- 
ghig liis own authority. He increased the 
number of the citizens ; improved their 
arms and military training; and fully 
re-estabhshed the discipline framed by 
Lycurgus to regulate the education of 
youth and the diet and habits of men. 
His own life was plain and temperate, 



his conversation pleasant, his manners 
courteous and dignified ; and the influ- 
ence of his personal quahties combined 
with the feehng, that his measures had 
invigorated the commonwealth, to make 
him highly popular in spite of his vio- 
lence and ambition. 

SECTION in. 

Achaian league opposed by Antigonus GonO' 
tas and by Demetrius his son. — Death of 
Demetrius. 

The Achaians had withstood the at- 
tacks of Antigonus Gonatas though assist- 
ed by the ^tolians, and had given pro- 
tection to the JEtohans themselves against 
Demetiius, his son. Their power had 
extended far beyond the limits of the 
province. While Demetiius was living, 
Lysiadas, the tyrant of Megalopolis, had 
voluntarily given up the dominion of that 
city, and had brought it into the Achaian 
league ; and his abdication being made, 
whether through policy or public spirit, 
at least at a time when there was no im- 
mediate terror to constraiu him, he was 
rewarded ^vith the highest popular favour, 
and with fi-equent election to the chief 
oflices of the confederacy. In the year 
B. C. 229, after a reign of ten years, 
Demetrius died ; and now the prop was 
removed which had mainly supported 
the tyrants of Peloponnesus against the 
Achaians. Many yielded to the time, 
and followed the example of Lysiadas ; 
and among those who did so w^as Aristo- 
machus, the lord of the powerful city of 
Ai'gos. 

Victories of Cleomenes. 

When the war with Cleomenes began, 
the Achaians had received into their as- 
sociation all the states of Peloponnesus, 
except the Lacedaemonians, the Eleians, 
and some of the Arcadians. The war 
was boldly and ably conducted on the 
part of the Spartan king, and his first 
campaigns were ver}'^ generally success- 
ful. He defeated the Achaians near the 
mountain Lycaeum, in Arcadia, and again 
In the tenitory of Megalopolis. In 
this latter battle Lysiadas was killed; 
and it was shortly after that Cleomenes 
accomplished the revolution in Lacedae- 
mon. He then won a third and a more 
decisive victory near Dyme ; after which 
he ranged for awhile unopposed, per- 



When did he commence the war?— How did he treat his colleague •'—How did he treat the Ephori .'— 
How did he ju-^tify this act ?— What did he proclaim .' — Did he fully re-establish the discipline of Lycur- 
gus ? — What made him popular? 

Who opposed the Achaian ieatMie ' — Did his son ? — Who bro laht Megalopolis into the league ? — When 
did Demetrius die ? — Who now brought .\i;os into the league ? 

What Pelopotinesian states were in the leigue ? — Where did Cleomenes defeat the Achaians? — Who 
Waa killed ? — Where did Cleomenes gain a third victory ? 



21$ 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



siiading some, and compelling others to 
revolt from the Achaians to himself. He 
thus became master of Argos, and of 
most of the cities recently admitted into 
the hostile confederacy ; and his career 
of conquest did not stop till Corinth 
was added to the number of his allies. 

Alliance of the Achaians with Antigonus, 
protector of Macedonia. 

The Lacedaemonian arms were now 
decidedly superior, and their preponde- 
rance was likelj'^ to be increased by union 
with the forces of iEtolia. Some foreign 
aid was necessaiy to the Achaians ; and 
Aratus had forseen this emergency, and 
provided to meet it. He now considered 
Grecian hbeity to be threatened less by 
Macedonia than by Lacedaemon ; and 
mstead of further seeking to depress the 
Macedonians, he ^vished to use them as 
a balance to the more formidable power. 
He had, therefore, secretly smoothed the 
way to reconciliation with Antigonus, 
who was regent of Macedonia, in behalf 
of Philip, the infant son of Demetrius ; 
but he was himself unwilling to appear 
in the business ; for he feared to break 
the courage of the Achaians, if he seem- 
ed so far to despair of conquering unaid- 
ed, as to fly for succour to the ancient 
enemies of the commonwealth. 

The Arcadian chiefs of the Theban 
party, who presided at the founding of 
Megalopolis, had chosen its situation 
with a view to make it an effectual check 
on Lacedaemon. It commanded the prin- 
cipal roads by which an army could be 
marched from Laconia into Arcadia or 
Messenia ; and hence in wai- its posses- 
sion was most desii'able both to Lacedae- 
mon and its enemies. This circumstance, 
together with that of then proximity to 
the advei-sary, had thrown on the Mega- 
lopolitans far more than their share in 
the burden of this war. They had an- 
cient friendship with the Macedonian 
government; and it was, therefore, 
Siought that a negotiation undertaken 
by them with Antigonus, under the pres- 
sure of their own particular sufferings, 
would not be liable to the same objec- 
tions as if it came from the general admin- 
istration : for it would not imply the same 
distrust as to the issue of the war, nor 
hazard the reputation of the confederacy 
in case of failure ; and if it should yet 
appear that the Achaians were able to 



change the fortune of the contest by 
their own exertions, they would not be 
pledged to invite the interference of 
Macedonia, though the appUcation of 
the Megalopolitans should be favourably 
received. 

Aratus dealt with two of the friends 
whom he most trusted in Megalopolis, 
that they should propose to send an em- 
bassy to Antigonus, provided the assent 
of the Achaians could be obtained. The 
decree was passed, and the movers were 
appointed to go as ambassadors, first to 
the congress of the allies, and then, hav- 
ing got permission, to the regent of 
Macedonia. Permission was given, and 
the ambassadors proceeded on their er- 
rand. When they came before Antigo- 
nus, they briefly executed their commis- 
sion, as directed by the Megalopolitans, 
and then laid open the views of Aratus, 
and showed the dangers to be appre- 
hended both by Greece and Macedonia, 
should the rapacity of the ^tolians be 
united with the ambition of Cleomenes. 
As long, they said, as the ^tolians 
were quiet, the Achaians would maintain 
the war against Cleomenes ; but if suc- 
cess went against them, and their ene- 
mies were joined by the ^tolians, there 
would be need of Macedonian assistance ; 
and Aratus would point out the proper 
season to give succour, and would sug- 
gest such assurances, as should satisfy 
both parties, of a grateful return for the 
benefit conferred. The proposals were 
favourably received, and Antigonus wrote 
to the people of Megalopolis, to the ef- 
fect that he would come to their assist- 
ance if it should be agreeable to the vsdsh 
of the Achaians. 

In the next meeting of the confederates 
the Megalopolitans proposed to call in 
Antigonus, and the suggestion was gen- 
erally well received. Aratus then rising 
commended the conduct of the embassy, 
and expressed his pleasure in hearing 
the favourable disposition of the Mace- 
donian ruler : but before proceeding in 
the business, he advised the Achaians to 
make further trial of their strength, and 
not to ask the help of their friends, till 
they had lost the hope of otherwise pre- 
vaihng. His opinion was approved, and 
the matter rested till the Achaians were 
determined by their defeat near Dyme to 
apply forthwith to Antigonus. One ob- 
stacle existed to the conclusion of any 



What cities did he gain ? 

With whom did Aratus now prepare to form an alliance ? — Why did he employ Megalopolitan agents 
in the affair? — What did they propose to Antigonus? — Were they successful? — On their return what 
did Aratus advise? — What defeat determined the Achaians to apply for the aid of Antigonus? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



217 



treaty ; which was, that the Acrocorin- 
thus had been taken from the Macedo- 
nians, and was guarded by a body of 
Achaian troops. Antigonus required that 
the fortress should be restored, which 
could not be done without a breach of 
faith pledged to the people of Corinth. 
The Corinthians, however, removed the 
difficulty, by revolting to Cleomenes; 
and the Achaians then gave up the cita- 
del to Antigonus. 

Successes of the allies. 

Cleomenes, on hearing that the Achai- 
ans had obtained the alliance of Mace- 
donia, took a position on the Isthmus, 
intending to dispute the passage. The 
iEtolians also declared to Antigonus 
that if he came within Thermopylae they 
would oppose them by arms; but he 
nevertheless advanced through Thessaly 
and Euboea to the Isthmus. Meanwhile 
Aristoteles, an Argian leader of the party 
friendly to the Achaians, made insurrec- 
tion against the friends of Cleomenes, 
who were then in possession of the gov- 
ernment. The Achaians sent an army 
to Argos to support him, and Cleomenes 
also quitted his encampment on the 
Isthmus, to go to the succour of his par- 
tisans. An obstinate struggle took place 
Yirithm the city, but Cleomenes was in 
the end obliged to retire, and he then 
returned to Sparta. The Argians were 
re-admitted into the Achaian confederacy. 
Aristomachus, their former tyrant, on 
resigning the sovereignty, had been re- 
ceived into the highest favour by the 
Achaians, and had been chosen their 
general. But his abdication had been 
caused by fear ; and the rise of Cleo- 
menes giving him the hope of recovering 
his power, he had been the chief mover 
in the defection of the city. At the 
counter-revolution he was taken by the 
Achaians, and his infidelity was pun- 
ished with death; but no other execu- 
tion seems to have taken place. 

Mantineia taken by the allies. 
Antigonus advanced unopposed to 
Argos, and thence into Arcadia, where 
he took several places garrisoned by 
Cleomenes, and delivered them to the 
Megalopolitans. He then went to iEgi- 



um to confer with the congress of the 
Achaians, and was chosen by them com- 
mander-in-chief of the confederate army. 
He now laid up his troops in winter- 
quarters; but at the coming of spring 
he invested Tegea, and reduced it to sur- 
render, after which he invaded Laconia. 
Some shght skirmishes had taken place 
between his troops and those of Cleo- 
menes, whicb were posted for tlie de- 
fence of the country against him, when 
he heard that the forces of Orchomenus, 
in Arcadia, were newly come to the La- 
cedaemonian camp. He straightway led 
his army to Orchomenus, and took it by 
assault; and then he laid close siege to 
Mantineia. Before the present war this 
city had revolted fi*om the Achaians, 
and alMed itself with the ^tolians, and 
afterwards with Cleomenes. Since that 
it had been surprised and taken by Ara- 
tus : who, as soon as he was master of 
the place, issued an order to restrain his 
soldiers from plunder, and calUng toge- 
ther the Mantineians in assembly, declar- 
ed that then* goods and persons were 
safe, and that all he required was their 
re-union with the Achaians, on the same 
footing as before. The unexpected cap- 
ture of the city, exposing it to pillage and 
ruin, together with its no less unexpected 
release from danger by the humanity of 
the victor, must have raised a strange 
conflict of passions in the breasts of the 
inhabitants; but neither fear nor grati- 
tude could permanently keep down the 
favourers of the ^Etolians, nor those of 
Lacedaemon. The ruUng party requested 
a garrison of the Achaians, to strengthen 
them against their enemies both within 
and without ; the garrison was sent, but 
it could not hinder a party-contest from 
arising, in which the Lacedaemonians 
came in, and gave the victory to their 
adherents. The conquering faction 
slaughtered all the Achaians in the city ; 
and this bloody deed, when Mantineia 
was besieged by the Achaians under 
Antigonus, provoked a degree of severi- 
ty, which would else have been little 
consistent with the character of that peo- 
ple or of their leader. The siege was 
pushed till the inhabitants were reduced 
to an unconditional surrender, and all 
were sold for slaves. 



What citadel was given up to him ' 

Where did Cleomenes take a position and for what purpose ? — What other force opposed Antigonus ? 
— How far did he advance ?— What did Aristoteles do at Argos ? — Who sent an army to aid him ? — Who 
went to oppose him? — What ensued? — Whither did Cleomenes retire? — VVas Argos re-admitted to the 
league ? — Who was executed for causing the revolt of Arjios ? 

What places did Antigoims take? — To what office was he chosen ? — Where is Tegea? — Orchomenus? 
-.-Did he take these places? — What place did he besiege? — How bad the Mantineians treated all the 
Achaians in their city during the war? — How was this revenged by Antigonus? 



28 



218 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Megalopolis taken by Cleomenes. 
After the taking of Mantineia, Antigo- 
nus broke up his aiiny, retaining with 
him the mercenaries, but dismissing the 
Macedonians to winter at home. Cleo- 
menes took advantage of the respite thus 
allowed him for the sui'prisal of Megalo- 
polis. That city was difficult to defend, 
being large and thinly peopled ; for the 
Megalopolitans had suffered greatly in 
the former battles of this war, in which 
they had ever been the most forward. 
The gates were opened to Cleomenes in 
the night by some Messenian exiles living 
in the place, whom he had bribed. At 
daybreak the citizens heard of his en- 
trance, and immediately flew to arms. 
Three months before this he had gained 
admittance into Megalopolis, but had 
been driven out, and had narrowly 
escaped the ruin of his army. The re- 
sistance of the townsmen was now no 
less determined ; but they were greatly 
outnumbered, and the most commanding 
situations were preoccupied by the as- 
sailants. Driven out from their homes, 
they retired into Messenia; and hither 
Cleomenes sent messengers with the 
offer, that, if they would henceforth be 
his allies, their city should be restored to 
them unharmed. They, nevertheless, 
continued steadfast in their engagements 
to the Achaians ; and Cleomenes, find- 
ing that he could not wdn them, razed 
Megalopolis to the gi'ound. It was, 
however, afterwards restored under the 
patronage of Antigonus. 

Battle of Sellasia. — Cleomenes flies to Egypt. 
— Submission of Sparta. 

At the approach of spiing Cleomenes 
took the field, and approaching towards 
Argos, where Antigonus had wintered, 
ravaged the countiy under the walls. 
He hoped that his adversary would be 
compelled by the clamours of the people 
to fight at a disadvantage; or if not, 
that his credit would be lowered by suf- 
fering the property of his allies to be 
wasted before his face. The Argians 
demanded battle, and reviled Antigonus, 
who steadily refused to lead them out ; 
and Cleomenes returned in safety to 
Laconia, with his army highly gratified 
and laden with spoil. But as the season 



advanced, Antigonus, having gathered 
fi"om their several homes, remote and 
near, the Achaians and Macedonians, 
was once more in a condition to take 
the field with superior force. He ad- 
vanced to the frontier of Laconia, where 
he found Cleomenes posted at Sellasia 
to defend the pass. The battle which 
ensued was obstinately contested, with 
great skill and courage shown on both 
sides ; but at length the Lacedeemonians 
were iiTecoverably broken and put to 
rout. Cleomenes now gave up all 
thought of further maintaining the war. 
He fled to Sparta, and thence to Gy- 
thium, where he embarked for Alexan- 
dria; while Antigonus advanced from 
the field of battle to Spaita, and took 
possession of it unopposed. Thus the 
war of the Achaians vsdth Cleomenes 
was ended, three years after its com- 
mencement. (B. C. 222.) 

Death of Antigonus. 
Antigonus used his victoiy with libe- 
rality and moderation. He contented 
himself with restoring the Lacedaemo- 
nian goveiTiment to the state in which it 
existed before the changes made by 
Cleomenes; and having done this, he 
left the people independent. From 
Sparta he went to Tegea, and settled 
that commonwealth according to its 
ancient constitution; and thence he 
pursued his way by Argos towards Ma- 
cedonia, whither he had been called by 
the news of an Illyrian invasion. He 
came to Argos during the Nemean fes- 
tival, and was welcomed with joy and 
thanks unbounded; and the highest 
honours were voted to him, as well by 
the general congress of the Achaians, 
as by the people of each particular 
state. On arriving in Macedonia, he 
found the Illyrians still in the country, 
and defeated them; but in the course 
of the fight, while eagerly cheering and 
exhorting his soldiei-s, he broke a blood- 
vessel, in consequence of which he 
sickened and died. He was much re- 
gretted by the friends of Macedonia; 
for he was generally thought to have 
given fair promise, not only of ability 
in the field, but of prudence and be- 
nevolence. 



What did Antigonus do after the taking of Mantineia ?— How did Cleomenes take advantage of thig.> 
—Whither did the Mepalopolitans retire?— When he could not induce them do return what did Cleome* 
nes do ? — Who restored the city ? 

What territory did Cleomenes ravage in the sprinj ?— For what purpose ?— Did he succeed ?— After hit 
return to Sparia what did Antigonus do? — Where did lie and Cleomenes fight a battle? — Which con- 
quered ? — What events followed ? — How long had this war lasted ? 

What did Antigonus do at Lacedeemon? — At Tegea? — At Argos?— What happened on his return to 
Macedonia i 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



219 



CHAPTER XII. 



:F the first war maintained by the ^TOLIANS against PHII.IP, KINO OP 
MACEDONIA, TOGETHER WITH THE ACHAIANS. 



SECTION I. 

^tolians impatient of peace and hostile to 
the Achaians. 

The peace which followed the victory 
of Antigonus was grevious to the vEto- 
lians. This people, though numerous 
and brave, had ever been powerless 
through ignorance, poverty, and disu- 
nion, till the time when the political 
system of Greece was broken up by the 
Macedonian kings and leaders. It was 
then that the ^tolian tribes united in a 
league, which soon became a formidable 
power, and one of a spirit new to Greece. 
The ^Etohan wanior usually aimed less 
at empire than at plunder, and looked for 
his reward to the continuance of war, 
and not to its termination. His victories 
led to the gathering of booty, which was 
quickly consumed, and only whetted his 
appetite for more ; and not to the acqui- 
sition of permanent sources of revenue, 
which would have flowed with riches in 
time of peace, but which war would 
have inteiTupted and put to hazard. 
The law had ever been weak, the people 
rude; robbeiy, the vice of uncivilized 
nations, had prevailed unrestrained : and 
the efiect of the union was not to destroy 
the predatory habits of the ^tolians, but 
simply to make them hunt in concert, 
instead of preying on each other. Since 
their harvest time was the time of trouble, 
they little valued the provisions agreed 
on by civilized nations to abridge and 
soften war, and give security to peace ; 
they were therefore careless of the laws 
of arms, and the sanctity of covenants : 
and they were bloody as well as faithless, 
their moral sensibilities being coarse and 
dull, as their views of expediency were 
narrow. 

The growing riches of the Achaian 
confederacy had moved the envy and 
tempted the rapacity of the ^Etolians: 
its rising power alarmed their jealousy, 
and the more as its conduct was gene- 
rally favourable to peace and order, and 
adverse to that predatory warfare in 
which they delighted. They were there- 
fore always ripe for hostility to the 



Achaians, except when they needed their 
help against more dangerous foes. Ac- 
cordingly it was not diflicult to bring 
them into combination with Antigonus 
Gonatas for the destruction of the league. 
The joint attack was repulsed ; and after 
the death of Antigonus, when the iEto- 
hans were m danger ftom Demetrius his 
son, the Achaians were not prevented by 
the wrongs received from effectually 
aiding them. Nevertheless, the ^Eto- 
lians retained their ill will; and after 
the death of Demetrius they eagerly 
took part wdth Cleomenes against the 
Achaians. 

After the defeat of Cleomenes there 
was an interval of quiet, which the JEto- 
lians did not venture to disturb, as long 
as they were awed by the power and 
ability of the third Antigonus. His death 
emboldened them again to follow their 
habitual propensity to war and rapine: 
for they set at nought the unripe age of 
Philip, the young king of Macedonia, 
and they deemed themselves a match for 
the Achaians single-handed. 

Dorimachus. — Scopus. 
Dorimachus, a bold and turbulent 
young man of JEtolia, had been sent 
by his nation to Phigalea, on the Mes- 
senian border, professedly to govern 
and defend the city, which was a sub- 
ordinate ally of theirs. He had ga- 
thered about him robbers and pirates, 
whom in the general peace he knew 
not how to support or employ: he 
therefore suffered them to plunder the 
Messenians, though friendship subsisted 
between them and the ^toUans. At 
first the plunderers confined their de- 
predations to the flocks and herds that 
fed about the border ; but as they grew 
bolder, they advanced into the country, 
and nightly pillaged and destroyed farm- 
houses. Dorimachus shared in the spoU, 
and disregarded all remonstrances, till 
they came so thick that he could not 
wholly pass them by ; and then he said 
that he would go to Messene, to satisfy 
the complainants. He went accordingly; 



What was the character of the ^tolians? — Why did they hate peace? — Why were they hostile to tha 
Achaians ? — What three enemies of the Achaians had they successively joined ? — Were they ready after 
the death of Antigonus fur a fresh attack on the Achaians? 

Who was Dorimachus ? — Whither was he sent ? 



S30 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



but when the injured persons came 
before him, he laughed at some, and 
others he threatened and reviled. 

While Dorimachus was in Messene, 
the pirates attacked a house close by the 
city, killed all who resisted, and binding 
the rest of the servants led them away, 
together \vith the cattle. The Ephori, 
who were the principal magistrates of 
the Messenians, summoned Dorimachus 
to answer for his conduct ; and Sciron, 
an Ephor, and a man of high character 
and influence, advised that he should be 
detained in the city till the property taken 
should be restored, and the murders 
atoned for, by giving up the guilty to 
justice. The proposal being generally 
approved, Dorimachus took fire. He 
exclaimed that they were insulting, not 
himself, but the ^tolian community, and 
that they should suffer accordingly ; and 
he behaved so arrogantly, that Sciron 
was provoked to call him by the name of 
Babyrtas, a Messenian of the vilest cha- 
racter, whom he singularly resembled in 
person. The taunt was never forgiven : 
Dorimachus yielded for the present to 
necessity, promised satisfaction, and was 
released, but the insult of Sciron mainly 
determined him to do all in his power to 
kindle a war. 

Dorimachus could not propose to the 
iEtolians to go to war for a word of con- 
tempt addressed to himself by an indi- 
vidual, and in the original quarrel he had 
been evidently and grossly in the wrong. 
But he hoped to gain his end through 
his kinsman Scopas, who chiefly directed 
the administration of the commonwealth. 
He reminded him that little was to be 
feared from the Macedonians, who had 
now a boy for their ruler ; that the La- 
cedaemonians were always enemies to 
Messene, and the Eleians fi-iends of 
JEitolia ; and that the Messenian territory, 
having remained unmolested throughout 
the war of Cleomenes, was rich in every 
kind of booty, so that the war would 
certainly be gratifying to the Many. It 
was made the pretext of hostility, that 
the Messenians had entered into alli- 
ance with the Achaians and Macedoni- 
ans — a strange subject of complaint on 
the part of a nation at peace with both. 
The arguments of Dorimachus were ad- 
dressed to a spirit as restless as his ovni ; 



and so great was the eagerness of Sco- 
pas for the war, that he commenced it 
on his own authority, without awaiting 
the sanction of the people. 

Italian invasion of Messenia. 

The ^tolian leaders first sent out 
corsairs, who did not confine their attack 
to the Messenians, but captured a ves- 
sel belonging to Macedonia, and ravaged 
the coasts of Acamania and Epirus. 
This took place while Timoxenus was 
general of the Achaians ; and at the end 
of his administration Dorimachus and 
Scopas undertook the invasion of Mes- 
senia, considering this to be the peiiod 
when the Achaians were least likely 
to oppose them, while Timoxenus was 
on the point of going out of office, and 
his successor had not entered it. The 
^tolians passed through the territories 
of the Achaian cities Pati-se, Pharse, and 
Tritsea. Then- generals professed that 
they meant no wrong to the Achaians ; 
but the cupidity of the soldiers could not 
be restrained when booty was in view, 
and they pillaged the country in passing 
through it, till they came to Phigalea. 
From Phigalea they entered the Messe- 
nian territory, and ravaged it in safety, 
since the Messenians did not venture to 
take the field. 

At the next general meeting of the 
Achaians, the deputies of Pati-ae and 
Pharse complained of the ravages com- 
mitted in their country, and the Messe- 
nian embassy requested aid against the 
unprovoked and most unjust attack of 
the ^tolians on a people allied with 
them fi'om of old. The assembly took 
part in the particular wrongs of the com- 
plainants, and all were likewise indignant 
on behalf of the confederacy, that the 
JEtolians should have presumed to vio- 
late its territory by marching an army 
across it without leave. It was voted 
that help should be given to the Messe- 
nians ; that the general should assemble 
the Achaians in arms ; and that when so 
assembled they should determine what 
was to be done. Timoxenus the general 
was slack in preparation : for he feared 
misfortune, considering that the Achai- 
ans, since the peace, had neglected exer- 
cise in arms. But Aratus, who was ap- 
pointed to succeed him, was enraged at 



For what was he summoned before the Ephori ?— How did Sciron insult him ? — Whom did Dorima- 
chus persuade to make war with the Messenians ? — Did he succeed ? 

What coasts did the ^tolians ravage?— What leader invaded Messenia? — By what route? — How are 
Achaia, J^essenia, and ^tolia situated with respect to each other? — What injury did the ^Etolians do to 
the Achaians ? — What complaint was made at the next general meeting of the Achaians ? — What was 
voted ? — Who directed the expedition ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



221 



the presumption of the ^tolians : where- 
fore he urged on the levy by all means 
in his power ; and receiving the public 
seal from Timoxenus five days before 
the legal time, he wrote to the cities, and 
collected the youth in arms at Megalo- 
polis. 

When here assembled, the Achaians 
were met by ambassadors from Mes- 
sene, who requested admission into the 
alliance which had been formed, with 
the Macedonians and othere, during the 
war of Cleomenes. The Achaians an- 
swered that this could not be done with- 
out the consent of the rest : but that they 
would succour the Messenians, only 
requiring hostages that the Messenians 
would not make peace with the ^Etoliaus 
without then* consent. Aratus then sent 
to require of the JEtolians that they 
should withdraw fi*om Messenia without 
trespassing on Achaia ; and Scopas and 
Dorimachus, knowing that the forces of 
the Achaians were collected, prepared to 
obey, and passed into the territoiy of 
Ehs, their closest ally. 

Imprudence of Aratus and consequent defeat. 

Aratus, trusting that the JEtolians 
would depart in the vessels which had 
been sent from home to convey them, 
broke up his aiTny, and only kept with 
him three thousand Achaian foot, and 
three hmidred hoi*se, with the soldiers of 
Taurion, who commanded a Macedonian 
garrison in Orchomenus. With these 
he watched the ^EtoUans. Too weak to 
bind them by fear to their engagements, 
he was just strong enough to raise in 
their jealous mmds the suspicion that ill 
faith was purposed: and Dorimachus 
and Scopas, partly feaiing that they 
might be attacked in embarking, and 
partly wishing at any rate to kuidle war, 
put their booty on shipboard, but instead 
of accompanying it, they led their forces 
against the band that remained \vith 
Aratus. An action took place near 
Caphyae in Arcadia; in which, Aratus 
very unskilfully omitting to join battle 
while their opponents were crossLng 
the plain, the fight commenced on steep 
and broken ground, which impeded the 
Achaian phalanx, and favoured the more 
desultory forces of the iEtolians. The 
Achaians were defeated, and the ^Eto- 
lians retiring unmolested through the 



midst of Peloponnesus, made an attempt 
on Pellene and ravaged the tenitoiy of 
Sicyon. 

At the next congress of the Achaians, 
the Many were loud against Ai-atus. He 
had gone into^ ofiice before his time to 
XakQ the conduct of a campaign, though 
in the open field he was knovni to be 
neither fortunate nor skilful. He had 
dismissed his army while the ^tolians 
were in Peloponnesus, though he knew 
the turbulent chai*acter of Scopas and 
Dorimachus; he had needlessly given 
battle with a scanty force, when he 
might have waited and re-assembled 
the Achaians; and in the action itself 
he had let shp the opportunity of fight- 
ing on the most favourable ground, 
and had engaged on that which was 
most disadvantageous. Ai^atus endea- 
voured to show that the late disaster 
had not been suflTered by his fault, and 
begged that, if m anything he had erred, 
he might be censured with forbearance 
for human infirmity. The faults of his 
conduct could not be denied; but his 
remembered merits and services over- 
came them ; he was quitted fi'om blame 
and continued to hold the leading influ- 
ence among his people. 

Strange conduct of the JEtolians. 

The Achaians resolved that ambas- 
sadors should be sent to then* allies, 
to require assistance according to the 
ti-eaty, and to propose that the IMesse- 
nians should be admitted into the alli- 
ance. That they might be ready to 
succour the Messenians, if necessaiy, 
they voted a levy of five thousand foot 
and five hundred horse; and they di- 
rected the general to settle with the La- 
cedaemonians and Messenians how many 
troops they should severally furnish to 
the confederate army. Each state was 
rated at half the contingent of the 
Achaians ; so that the whole amounted 
to eleven thousand horse and foot. On 
hearing tliis, the ^tolians were anxious 
to throw division among their enemies ; 
and with this view, in their next assem- 
bly, they came to a most extraordinary 
decree. Their original quaiTel was with 
the Messenians, not with the Achaians; 
and they had before been allied with 
both ; yet tliey voted themselves friends 
of the Lacedaemonians and Messeniana 



What did he require of the iEtolians? 

On their promising compliance what did he do ? — How many men did he retain ? — For what purpose ? 
— Did the ^tolians attack him ?— What ensued .'—Was Aratus impeached for his bad management ?— - 
Was the impeachment sustained? 

Whom did the Achaians propose to admit into their confederacy: — What strange decree did tbe 
iBtolians pass ? 



V13Q 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



but enemies of the Achaians, unless 
they would renounce the Messenian 
alliance. 

The Epirots, and Philip, king of 
Macedonia, who were among the chief 
allies of the Achaians, having heard the 
Achaian amhassadors, consented to re- 
ceive the Messenians into the league. 
"They were httle surprised," Poly bins 
observes, "at the conduct of the JEto- 
lians, who had done nothing unexpected, 
but only acted after their usual manner. 
Wherefore also, they were not much 
enraged, but voted to remain at peace 
with them : so much more easily is par- 
don given to habitual injustice, than to 
unusual and unexpected delinquency." 
Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians, not- 
withstanding the liberality with which 
they had been treated by Antigonus and 
the Achaians, were secretly negotiating 
to revolt from their alliance, and to join 
with the iEtoUans. Skerdilaidas also, 
an lUyrian chief, who commanded forty 
piratical vessels, agreed with the ^to- 
lians, for half the spoil, to join them in an 
invasion of Achaia: and the business 
was managed, and the expedition con- 
ducted, by Dorimachus and Scopas, 
while Ariston, the nominal general, re- 
mained at home, pretending ignorance, 
and professing to be at peace with the 
Achaians. 

Capture of Cynatha. — Philip arrives at 
Corinth. 

Cynsetha, in Arcadia, had long been 
troubled ^vith great and inextinguishable 
seditions, full of mutual expulsions, 
bloodshed, pillage, confiscation, and 
division of lands. The fiiends of the 
Achaians had at length prevailed, and 
held the city, under the protection of an 
Achaian garrison and general; when 
ihe exiles sent an embassy to supplicate 
reconciliation and re-admission into the 
city. The prevailing party took com- 
passion on them, and requested the 
consent of the Achaians to their restora- 
tion, which was readily granted. The 
ganison was withdrawTi, and the exiles 
returned; but the solemn oaths which con- 
firmed their reconciliation were scarcely 
out of their mouths, when they began to 
plot the ruin of their restorers, by calling 
m the ^tolians. Dorimachus and Sker- 



dilaidas, having entered Peloponnesus, 
came before Cynaetha ; and some of the 
principal militaiy officei-s of the city, 
who had been chosen from among the 
exiles, opened the gates to them by night. 
These traitors were duly rewarded for 
their ingratitude; for the ^tohans, on 
entering, slew them fii'st, and then car- 
ried pillage and slaughter through the 
city. They next proceeded to a wealthy 
temple near, which was only ransomed 
from plunder by a heavy contribution — 
and hence departing, they encamped 
before the city of Cleitor. They invited 
the Cleitorians to revolt fi-om the Achaian 
league to their own : but their overtures 
were rejected, and the attack which fol- 
lowed was gallantly repelled. After this 
defeat they prepared to quit Peloponnesus. 
They offered Cynaetha to the Eleians, who 
declined to receive it ; and the JEtohans 
then determined to hold it for themselves. 
But hearing that an army was on its 
way from Macedonia, they gave up this 
project, and burnt the town ; and then, 
returning to the Coiinthian gulf, they 
passed into ^Etoha. Meantime Philip 
arriving at Coiinth, but too late for en- 
terprise against them, sent messengers 
to summon a congi*ess of the alHes; and 
while they were assembling, he led his 
forces towards Tegea, with the pui-pose 
of settling some violent dissensions which 
had arisen among the Lacedaemonians. 

Sedition in Sparta. 
This people, long accustomed to the 
regal authority, had been without a king 
since the expulsion of Cleomenes ; and 
the frame of their goveniment had been 
in a great measure disjointed by the loss 
of its chief magistrate. The Ephori 
were paramount, but they were at va- 
riance among themselves. Two had 
hitherto left their party uncertain; the 
other three were favourers of the iEto- 
lians, and had shared in all their recent 
counsels, fully trusting that no effectual 
opposition could be made by so young 
a ruler as Philip. Then* views were 
changed by his approach, and by the re- 
treat of the ^tolians. They distrusted 
Adeimantus, one of their two colleagues, 
who had been privy to all their intrigues, 
and was httle satisfied with them ; and 
fearing that when Philip came near he 



Were the Messenians received into the league ? — What were the Lacedaemonians negotiating ? — What 
three leaders joined in a piratical invasion of Achaia? — Did the -^tolian government at the same time 
pretend to be at peace with the Achaians ? 

Where is Cynffitha? — What was its political state ? — Who took it? — By what means? — Where were 
the yEtolians afterwards defeated ? — Whither did they retire? — At what city did Philip arrive? — What 
did he do ? 

What was the political state of Lacedcemon ? — What induced them to cut off Adeimantus ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



223 



might disclose the whole, they resolved 
to cut him off beforehand. They called 
together the people in arms, as if the 
Macedonians were coming against the 
city. Adeimantus remonsti*ated that the 
time for such a summons had been at 
the coming of theij" enemies, the ^toli- 
ans, and not at that of the Macedonians, 
their friends and savioui"S. While he 
was yet speaking, he was attacked and 
slain, with many of his supporter, by 
some yomig men who had been tutored 
for that pui'pose. The massacre proceed- 
ed to a considerable extent, and many 
who feared to be involved in it fled to 
Phihp. 

The authors of the slaughter immedi- 
ately sent to the king of Macedonia, to 
accuse the murdered pei-sons, to pray 
that Philip would delay his visit till they 
had restored tranquillity to the city, and 
to assure him that their meaning towards 
him was peaceful and friendly. He an- 
swered that he would make his encamp- 
ment at Tegea, and bid them send thither 
commissionei'S to treat with him: and 
ten pei*sons were accordingly sent, who 
laid the late commotions to the charge of 
Adeimantus and his fi-iends, and pro- 
mised on behalf of their employers that 
they should faithfully and actively per- 
form all the duties of alUes. It was 
much suspected that Adeimantus had 
perished for his friendship to Macedonia, 
and that the Lacedaemonians had se- 
cretly been tampering with the ^tolians. 
Some of Phihp's counselloi*s advised that 
he should treat them as Alexander had 
treated the Thebans; others that he 
should content himself with punishing 
the guilty persons, and placing the ad- 
ministration in the hands of his friends. 
The answer given to the ambassadors, 
Polybius thinks, was dictated by Ara- 
tus : it cannot probably be supposed to 
have been framed by the king himself, 
who was scarcely come to the age of 
seventeen. It imported that %vi-ongs done 
within a confederate state by one party to 
another, could not properly be the subject 
of forcible interference on the part of the 
league ; and that since the Lacedaemo- 
nians had not flagi-antly violated the 
common alliance, and now were willing 
to fulfil its duties, no great severity ought 
to be used against them. Accordingly 



the oaths of alliance were renewed with 
the Lacedaemonians, and Phihp returned 
with his forces to Corinth, where the 
representatives of the confederate states 
were now assembled. 

PFar declared against the JEtolians by the 
Achaians and their allies. 

The call for wai' was universal, for 
all had been outraged. A vote was 
passed by the assembled deputies, in 
which, after reciting the injuries of their 
several constituents, they agi'eed to co- 
operate in recovering whatever cities or 
tenitories the ^tolians had taken from 
any of the allies smce the death of De- 
metiius the father of Phihp ; and further, 
in restoring to those states, which had 
been forced mto union Avith the ^tolians, 
independence, fi-eedom fi'om tiibute, and 
the undisturbed enjoyment of their an- 
cient constitution. Phihp then wrote a 
letter to the offendmg people, inciting 
them even yet, if they had any plea to jus- 
tify their conduct, to a peaceable meeting 
for the purpose of discussion. Their 
leaders fixed a day and a place for such 
a meeting, thinking Pliihp would not 
attend it ; but when they found that he 
came, they excused themselves on the 
gi'ound that they could settle nothing tiR 
authorized by the approaching assembly 
of the nation. The intention of hostility 
was still disavowed; — with how much 
sincerity, became apparent by the next 
election of a general ; for the choice fell 
on Scopas, the chief author of every vio- 
lence. 

After the congress at Corinth, minis- 
ters had been sent to every community 
included in the league, to procure from 
its general assembly the confirmation of 
the decree already voted by the repre- 
sentatives of all. The Achaians ratified 
it without hesitation, and declared war 
against the ^tolians ; and when Philip 
came to their great council to consult 
with them on the common interests, they 
received him very favourably, and re- 
newed with him the friendship which 
they had maintained vnth Antigonus. By 
the other allies the decree was variously 
received. It was approved and firmly 
supported by the Acamanians, though, 
as neighbours of the ^itolians, and far 
inferior to them in strength, they were 



How was this done ? — What message did the murderers send to Philip? — What was the answer? — 
Whsft answer did he give to the ten commii^sioners sent to Tegea? — Was Lacedsmon again received 
into the league? — Whither did Philip return ? 

What vote was passed by the Achaian deputies? — Did Philip still attempt to conciliate the iEtolians? 
— Did they honestly close with his offers ? — What general did they choose? — When ministers were sen 
to each meruher of the Achaian league to confirm the decree of war, what did the Achaians do? — The 
Acarnanians? 



224 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



liable; to, and had recently experienced, 
the greatest sufferings from their hostihty. 
The Epirots played a double i)ait, for 
tl:iey j)romised war to the ambassadors 
of the alUes, and neutraUty to those of 
the iEtolians. The Messenians were 
especially bound to be hearty in a war 
that was chiefly waged for their protec- 
tion, and the people m general wished to 
fulfil the obhgation : but the government 
was in the hands of a timid and selfish 
minority, unused to hazard anything for 
honour or for duty ; and their caution 
overruling the more generous movement 
of tlie midtitude, the ambassadors were 
told that the Messenians would not ven- 
ture to take part in the war, as long as 
the iEtolians held the town of Phigalea 
on their border. 

The Lacedaemonians could not agi*ee 
on an answer to be given to the ambas- 
sadors of the allies, and at last they sent 
them away without any. The authors 
of the late massacre were still active, and 
still pursuing the same objects as before. 
They procured that an envoy should be 
sent by the JEtolians to Lacedaemon: 
they pressed the Ephori to gi*ant him a 
hearing before the assembly of the people. 
They also demanded the appointment of 
a king, that they might be governed ac- 
cording to the custom of their fathere : 
and the Ephori, disliking both proposals, 
yet fearing altogether to oppose them, 
put oflf to another occasion the question 
of the re-establishment of royalty, but 
admitted the ambassador to a hearmg. 
He filled the popular ear with praises of 
his countrymen, and extravagant invec- 
tive against the Macedonians. His cause 
had many warm supporters ; but some 
of the elder citizens, reminding the rest 
of their liberal treatment by Antigonus, 
and contrasting it with fonner injurious 
conduct on the part of the ^Etolians, 
prevailed on them to maintain their alli- 
ance with Philip, so that the ambassador 
departed without success. 

Second tedition in Sparta, and alliance with 
the Italians. 

The defeated party now resolved to 
carry their purpose by violence; and 
they effected it by the ministry of some 
young men, who fell on the Ephori, while 
engaged in a sacrifice, and shed their 



blood upon the altar. They then pro- 
ceeded to clear the senate of all who were 
adverse to the yEtolians, putting some to 
death, and banishing the rest. After this 
they easily procured a decree to exchange 
the alUance of the Achaians for that of 
their enemies: a measure to which they 
were partly moved by regret for Cleo- 
menes, and hatred of those who had con- 
tributed to his fall. 

Death of Cleomenes. 

Cleomenes had passed three yeai'sas 
a banished man at the court of Egypt, 
expecting aid to re-establish him on his 
hereditary throne, which the king was 
bound, as his ally, to fumish. That pe- 
riod had been marked with the death of 
the prince who had contracted the alli- 
ance ; and his son, who succeeded him, 
looked coldly on the claims of the royal 
exile. Meanwhile the death of Antigonus, 
the quarrel between the Achaians and 
^tolians, the increasing disposition of 
the Lacedaemonians to league themselves, 
according to his own original policy, with 
the latter, all seemed to offer him the 
fairest hopes of success in his enterprise. 
Accordingly he pressed the king to send 
him out with the requisite supplies of 
men and provisions; and this request 
being disregarded, he next begged to be 
dismissed with his sei-vants only. But 
liis talents and daring temper were foiTni- 
dable to the administration. If they sent 
him out with fit equipments and supplies, 
they feared that he might become the 
lord of Greece, and a too powerful rival 
of their master. If they dismissed him 
imattended, he might possibly even then 
be successful in his enterprise; and if 
he were so, he would be not only a rival 
but an enemy. By detaining him in 
Alexandria these dangei*s were avoided, 
but another not less serious was incurred : 
for all the Grecian mercenaries in the 
Egyptian service were known to be at 
his beck, and it was feared that he might 
use them to overthrow the government, 
being provoked by ill usage, and embol- 
dened by contempt for the weakness of 
the monarch. As tlie safest course, it was 
resolved to destroy him. 

There was then in Alexandria, Nica- 
goras of Messene, an hereditaiy friend of 
Archidamiis, king of Lacedaemon, and 



The Epirots ? — The Messenians ? — The LacedaRmonians ? — Did the Lacedaemonians receive an iEto- 
lian ambassador ? — How were his designs defeated ? • 

What did the defeated party at Lacedaemon now do? — Whose alliance did they prefer? 

How long had Cleomenes lived in Egypt? — Wliat led him. to hope for a restoration to his throne?— 
What did he ask of the new king of Egypt? — Why was not his request granted? — What was resolved 
concerning Cleomenes ?— Who was NJcagoras ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



225 



his entertainer during his banishment; 
who had forwarded the treaty of reconcil- 
iation between him and Cleomenes, had 
become a sm*ety to it, and had accompa- 
nied him on his retmii. After the mur- 
der of Archidamus, Nicagoras had pro- 
fessed himself thankful that bis own hfe, 
and those of his companions, had been 
spared: but he secretly cherished an 
abiding desire of vengeance for the per- 
fidy which had made him the un^vitting 
betrayer of his friend ; and though his 
resentment had been grounded on hon- 
ourable feelings, he was now ready to 
gratify it by the most dishonourable 
means. Cleomenes had welcomed him 
on his landing as a friend, and had vented 
to him in terms of bitter satire his disgust 
at the effeminate and profligate rnannei's 
of the court. These expressions he re- 
ported to Sosibius, the chief minister, 
who soon perceived in him the instni- 
ment he wanted, and urged him on with 
gifts and promises to the ruin of his 
enemy. It was agreed that Nicagoras 
should write to Sosibius, and accuse 
Cleomenes of plotting an insurrection, 
in case his demands of aid were not 
compUed with. The minister received 
the letter, and laid it befc^re the king; 
and Cleomenes, in consequence, was 
shut up, and closely guarded in a house 
which was given him to inhabit. Having 
now no hope fi-om the fi'iendship of the 
government, he resolved to strike a blow 
against it ; yet less with the expectation 
of any prosperous result, than with that 
of a death becoming his courage, and 
conducive to his renown. He lulled to 
sleep the vigilance of his guards, and 
sallying at the head of his fewfiiends, he 
met and made prisoner the governor of 
the city. He ranged the streets inviting 
the multitude to liberty, but no man an- 
swered to his call ; he then endeavoured 
to break open the public prison, but found 
it too strongly guarded, and too well 
made fast. I'his last hope having failed, 
both he and his companions immediately 
slew themselves. Thus perished, says the 
nearly contemporary historian, Polybius, 
who was not his fiiend, "a man of most 
agreeable conversation, of great ability 
in the conduct of affairs, and altogether 
chief-like and kingly in his nature." To 
this may be added the praise of a pat- 
riotism, which, though not imtainted with 



more vulgar ambition, was yet mainly 
directed to real reform in government 
and public morals. But on the other 
hand it must be owned that the fame of 
Cleomenes is blotted with many a stain 
of blood, and some of treacherj^ 

Agesipolis and Lycurgus chosen kings. 

The memor}' of Cleomenes was fondly 
cherished by the people whom he had 
governed, and while he hved they never 
gave up the hope of his return, nor ad- 
mitted the thought of appointing another 
to be king in his room. About the time 
of the last-mentioned commotions, they 
were assm^ed of his death ; and they then 
proceeded to the choice of two kings. 
One of these was the lawfid heir of 
the Euiystheneid house, Agesipolis, the 
grandson of that Cleombrolus, who had 
been made king when Leonidas was 
banished. Of the Procleid house there 
were many living, among whom were 
two sons of Archidamus : but all these 
were passed over to make room for Ly- 
curgus, a stranger to their blood, "who, 
by giving to each of the Ephori a talent, 
became a descendant of Hercules, and 
king of Sparta." — Polybius. 

Machatas, the late ^tohan ambassa- 
dor, now returned to Lacedsemon, and 
exhorted the kings and the Ephori to im- 
mediate hostility against the Achaians, 
as the only means of disarming the work- 
ers of disunion between his people and 
their own. His advice was followed: 
Lycurgus entered the territory of Argos, 
and took several towns the more easily, 
as his attack was unexpected. The 
Eleians also were persuaded by Macha- 
tas to declare against the Achaians ; and 
the ^Etoliaus were now full of confidence, 
the Achaians of anxiety — for Philip was 
engaged in preparation, the Epirots were 
dilatory, and the JMessenians quite inac- 
tive. But before beginning the story of 
the war, we will shortly advert to some 
important transactions which took place 
about the time of its breaking out. 

War between Rhodes and Byzantium. 
Byzantium was so placed on the nar- 
row channel, by which the Euxine sea 
communicates with the Propontis and 
the ^gean, that a vessel could hardly 
make the passage without being carried 
by the cuiTent to its port. Its situation 



Was he friendly to Cleomenes ? — With whom did he plot to destroy Cleomenes? — How did they pro- 
ceed ? — After being imprisoned what did Cleomenes do? — How did he die ? 

Who were chosen to succeed Cleomenes in Sparta ? — What states «ere now persuaded by Machataa 
to declare war against the Achaians? Where is Byzantium? 

29 



226 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



was most advantageous for its traffic with 
either, as well as for the protection or 
hinderance of the trade which the Greeks 
carried on with the countries round the 
Euxine for various necessaries, especially 
grain, which their country produced very 
insufficiently. As a set-off against the 
maritime advantages of its position, it was 
entirely hemmed in on the landward side 
by hordes of fierce barbarians, fi-om 
whom its inhabitants were obliged to 
suffer an unceasing predatory war, or 
to buy a doubtful peace by heavy pay- 
ments. Almost worn out by the cease- 
less struggle, they had craved assistance 
fi-oni the states of Greece, but unsuccess- 
fully, though it was important to all that 
Byzantium should be held by a Grecian 
people. The Byzantines then availed 
themselves of their commanding situation 
to take the relief which their petitions 
had failed to procure. They levied a 
heavy toll on every vessel which passed 
the straits. Loud complaints Vere made ; 
the Rhodians were called on to redi'ess 
the grievance, as the leading maritime 
power of the age; their ambassadors 
went to Byzantium to remonstrate against 
the impost, accompanied by ministers 
from their allies; but the Byzantines 
maintained their claim as just and rea- 
sonable, and war broke out between the 
states. The Rhodians were the stronger, 
and they were assisted by Prusias, king 
of Bithynia ; while the hopes were dis- 
appointed which their adversaries had 
placed in some other potentates of Asia. 
The Byzantines, therefore, were soon 
obliged to submit ; and peace was grant- 
ed to them on the condition that they 
should cease to levy the offensive tolls. 

Troubles in Crete. 
About this period some violent and 
bloody commotions took place in Crete, 
once the cradle of Grecian civilisation, 
but long since distinguished only as the 
dwelling-place of a lawless and faithless 
people, or as a wasp's nest of freebooters 
and mercenaiy soldiers. Two cities, 
Cnossus and Gortyna, had combined for 
the subjugation of the rest, and had 
brought under their dominion all save 
Lyttus, which they attacked with the 
determination of destroying it altogether, 
that it might serve for a waniing and 
terror to the disobedient. The Lyttians 



were besieged by an army gathered from 
all the states of the island, when dissen- 
sion arose in the leaguer from some trifle, 
as Polybius observes, " according to the 
manner of the Cretans," and several 
townships suddenly revolted from the 
Cnossians to their enemies. Even in 
Gortyna itself, while the elder citizens 
clove to the Cnossian alliance, the 
younger part were mostly favourable to 
the Lyttians. To aid in recovering their 
ascendency, the Cnossians procured a 
thousand auxiUaries fi'om iEtolia. The 
elder Gortynians occupied the citadel, 
introduced into it the Cnossians and 
^tohans, killed some and banished oth- 
ers of the young men, and placed the 
city at the disposal of the Cnossians. 

Soon afl;erwards, hearing that the peo- 
ple of Lyttus had gone out with all their 
forces to the war, the Cnossians surprised 
the unguarded city, and burnt and whol- 
ly demolished it, carrying away with 
them the women and children. The 
returning Lyttians saw the ruin, and 
could not bear to come within the circuit 
of their desolated home. They marched 
all round it with bitter wailings, then 
turned their backs on it, and went to 
Lampe, a city alhed with them, where 
they were most hospitably received. 
Converted in one day from citizens to 
sojourners, they still made war upon 
the Cnossians, and perhaps more ac- 
tively, as they had more to avenge. As 
the Cnossians had strengthened them- 
selves by alliance with the ^tolians, the 
Lampseans and their confederates ap- 
plied to the Achaians, and obtauied an 
auxiliary force. Thus assisted, they 
were able to compel the revolt of se- 
veral tow^ns fi'om the hostile confede- 
racy. They then in their turn sent five 
hundred men to the assistance of the 
Achaians. The Cnossians had already 
sent a thousand to the ^tolians ; and to 
the end of the war both parties were 
strengthened by troops from Crete. 

SECTION II. 
j^tolians repulsed from j^geira. 
The quan-el between the ^Etolians 
and the Achaians had ripened from 
a tissue of desultory hostility and intri- 
cate negotiation to a regular war, in 
which each party knew on whom it 
might reckon both for fiiends and ene- 



What were the advantages of its situation ? — The disadvantages ? — How did the Byzantines raise 
money ? — Why were the Rhodians called upon to redress this grievance ? — Did they do it ? 

Where is Crete ? — In what part of the island is Cnossus ? — Gortyna ? — For what did they combine ? — 
Where is Lyttus ? — Who besieged it ? — Whom did the iEtolians assist? — What occasioned the capture 
of Lyttus ? — How did the inhabitants behave? — Who assisted tliem ? — How many men did the Lyttiani 
send to the Achaians ? — How many did the Cnossians send to the iEtolians ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



227 



mies. Philip now advanced through 
Thessaly and Epirus, with the purpose 
of invading iEtoha. Meantime a plot 
was laid by Dorimachus and another 
iEtolian leader, to surprise the Achaian 
city of ^geira on the Corinthian gulf. 
The iEtoUans crossed the gulf by night, 
and landed neai' the place. Twenty 
men went before with a deserter from 
the garrison, who led them over crags 
and along a watercourse into the city. 
They seized a postern, slew the watch, 
and opened the gate to their countiymen, 
who poured in eagerly, and straightway 
fell to plunder. This indiscreet avidity 
saved the town ; for while they were scat- 
tered confusedly through the houses, the 
inhabitants gathered in force on a height 
which, though unfortified, served the 
purpose of a citadel. Dorimachus went 
against them, and a desperate struggle 
ensued, the toAvnsmen fighting for their 
homes and children, the intruders for 
their hves. At length the ^tohans be- 
gan to give way, while their opponents 
increasing in confidence pressed on them 
yet harder, till they drove them precipi- 
tately down the hill. Many fell by the 
sword, many perished trodden doMii in 
the throng and struggle round the gates ; 
many who escaped this danger were 
tumbled from precipices in the huiTy 
of their flight. A scanty remnant gained 
the ships, and these dishonoured by 
losing their arms ; and the fleet set sail 
to recross the gulf in discomfiture and 
disgrace. 

About the same time Megalopolis was 
attacked by Lycurgus, king of Lacedse- 
mon; and Euripides, who commanded 
for the ^tolians in Elis, ravaged the 
lands of Dyme, Pharae, and Tritaea. 
He was attacked on his return by the 
united forces of these states, but he de- 
feated them and re-entered the territory 
of Dyme. The three towns then ap- 
plied for succour to the Achaian gene- 
ral, the younger Aratus, son to the dehv- 
erer of Sicyon ; but their message found 
him in an embarrassing situation. In 
consequence of a failure on the part of 
the Achaians to pay to their mercenaries 
all that was due for their sei-vice in the 
last war, he was now unable to raise a 
body sufficient for the present need. 
This difl[iculty being added to conside- 



i-able sluggishness and timidity which he 
shewed in conducting opei-ations, his 
disti'essed confederates remained without 
relief, till they were driven to a measure 
of veiy pernicious example. They agreed 
to mthhold their contributions from the 
league, tliough they had been among its 
original promoters, and to employ the 
money in supporting a body of mercena- 
ries, to be used for their own protection. 

Inroads of Scopas into Macedonia and of 
Philip into uiEtolia. 

As soon as PhiUp entered Epiruf he 
was joined by all the forces of that coun- 
try. If he had advanced forthwith into 
the land of the ^tohans, without allow- 
ing them time for preparation, he might 
probably have ended the war: but he 
suffered himself to be diverted from this 
by the persuasions of the Epirots, who 
wished him fii-st to besiege a fortress, by 
gaining which they hoped to be enaljled 
to recover Ambracia from the ^toUans. 
Meanwhile Scopas assembled the forces 
of his countiymen, and led them through 
Thessaly irto Macedonia. They ravaged 
the country widely, and coming to the 
to^vn of Dium, which the inhabitants 
abandoned at their approach, they bunit 
and destroyed it, not sparing even the 
buildings or ornaments of the temples, 
or the erections for the convenience of 
the worshippers who assembled there in 
gi*eat numbei-s at the periodical festivals. 
They went home triumphant, laden with 
spoil, and confident that no one would 
hazard the invasion of their country: 
but Philip, having taken and delivered 
to the Ephots the place which he was 
besieging, pursued his march into ^tolia. 
He was reinforced by the Acarnanians 
in passing through their tenitorj' ; after 
which, encamping near the river Ache- 
lous, he wasted the lands of the enemy 
unopposed. Ambassadoi"S now came to 
him from the Achaians, to request his 
presence and aid in Peloponnesus: but 
he, replying that he would consider on 
their wishes, detained them with him, 
while he led his army deeper into ^tolia. 
He there took and demolished several 
towns and sti-ongholds, and lastly mas- 
tered the important city of CEniadse, at 
the mouth of the Achelous. This place 
he carefully fortified for a naval arsenal, 



Where is iEgeira?— Who attacked it?— How did they gain admission into the town ?— What was the 
result ?— Wiio attacked Megalopolis ? — Where are Dyme, Pliarre and Tritaea ? — Who ravaged their lands.' 
— To whom did they apply for succour .'—When it was withheld what did they agree to do ? 

What country did PJiilip enter? — Where is Epirus?— Wliy was he detained there? — Whither did 
Scopas march ?— What town did he take and destroy ? — Did the ^tolians then return home ? — Who in- 
vaded iEtolia?— What important place did he take? — Where is CEniadse? 



228 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



and a port from which to pass into the 
peninsula. While he was engaged m 
these works, there came news from Ma- 
cedonia that the Dardanians a neighbour- 
ing barbarous people, were preparing for 
an inroad. He hastened home; the 
Dardanians, hearing that he had returned, 
broke up then* army, though they were 
akeady on the frontiers ; and Pliilip, when 
he found that the danger was over, dis- 
missed the Macedonians to gather in the 
harvest. 

The time now came for the annual 
election of a general by the ^Etolians, 
which took place near the autumnal 
equinox. Dorimachus was chosen, who 
went out forthwith on an inroad into 
Epkus, in which he not only ravaged 
the country in a manner more than 
usually destructive, but flagrantly outrag- 
ed aU that his age deemed holy, by burn- 
ing the oracular gi"ove and temple of Do- 
dona, one of the oldest and most venera- 
ted seats of Grecian religion. 

Sudden arrival of Philip in Corinth and 
successes in Peloponnesus. 

The iEtolians had returned to their 
homes, and %\inter had set in, when Phi- 
lip suddenly an'ived in Corinth, at the 
season when friends and enemies least 
expected him. The city gates were shut, 
the ways were guarded, while messen- 
gers were sent to the Achaian states to 
appoint a rendezvous ; and so well was 
the purpose oftliese precautions answer- 
ed, that Phihp, in advancing towards the 
{)lace of meeting, fell in with and entire- 
y defeated the ^tolian general, Euripi- 
des, who was entering the Sicyonian ter- 
ritor}'^, with a considerable body of Elei- 
ans and mercenaries, in perfect ignorance 
that a Macedonian army was so near. 
After this success he joined the Achaians, 
who increased his forces to ten thou- 
sand. Several towns were taken by the 
confederate powers, all which Philip gave 
up to the Achaians ; and the army being 
led into the countiy of the Eleians, en- 
riched itself with the plunder of a region 
unrivalled for the perfection of its cul- 
ture : for the lot of this peo])le had fallen 
in a naturally goodly, fruitful, and pleas- 
ant land ; and they had enjoyed it for 
many ages undisturbed by war, under the 



protection of their sacred character, as 
the servants of Olympian Jove, and man- 
agers of his festival. Thus ensured 
against aggi-essiou, instead of ftxing their 
dwellings, like the other Greeks, in the 
shelter of a town, they lived among their 
fields, and spent their incomes in embel- 
lishing their country-houses, and improv- 
ing then- estates: inasmuch, that there 
were wealthy families among them, 
which, for two or three successive genera- 
tions, had never set foot withm the city. 
The sacredness of their tenitoi-y was in- 
fiinged, as we have seen, in a quarrel 
^^dth the Arcadians, in the course of 
which the presidency of the Olympian 
festival became itself a subject of dispute 
by arms. The immunities then violated 
they never attempted to recover ; madly 
prefening, as it should seem, the haz- 
ard and the excitement of war, to the 
safe enjoyments of tranquiUity. But their 
rural attachments and habits still con- 
tinued, though deprived of the security 
which had nursed them ; and the losses 
to which they w ere hable fi*om invasion 
were therefore peculiarly great. 

Apelles. 
Philip's behaviour as general of the 
confederate army had hitherto been mod- 
erate and popular ; and by these qualities 
as well as by the militaiy talent which he 
had shewn, he had placed himself high 
in the good opinion of the Peloponnes- 
ians. He had, however, advisers who 
prompted him to a different line of con- 
duct ; among whom was Apelles, lately 
one of his guardians, and still his most 
favoured and trusted friend. He wished 
to reducethe Achaians to the same con- 
dition with the Thessalians, who were 
governed indeed in outward show as an 
independent people, but in fact as sub- 
jects of Macedonia. To bend them 
gi'adually to the yoke, he began by treat- 
ing them on all occasions as inferior to 
the Macedonians, whom he suffered to 
take what quarters they would, even 
though they pitched on those already oc- 
cupied by Achaian soldiei-s ; and, more 
than that, to take from their allies the 
booty which they had gathered. He next 
directed his attendants for trifling causes 
to lay hands on the Achaians, and punish 



What caused his return to Macedonia ? — Who was chosen general of the iEtolians ? — What outrage 
did he perpetrate ? — Where is Dodona ? 

Where did Philip unexpectedly arrive? — Whom did he defeat? — Whom did he join ? — What was 
their force? — What country did they plunder ? — Where is Eleia ? — What had long protected them from 
ravage ? — What were their habits ? — Had they lately abandoned their peaceful character ? — What waa 
the consequence ? 

Who was Philip's adviser ? — What did he wish ? — How did he seek to degrade the Achaians ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



229 



them with stripes, though none but their 
own officers had legal authority to arrest 
or chastise them ; and if any complained 
of the injury, or defended the injm-ed 
persons, he came in person, and led 
him away to prison. This was speedily 
checked: some young men of the Acha- 
ians made complaint against Apelles to 
Aratus (the father), who brought them to 
PhiMp; and he, on receiving their re- 
monstrance, assured them that these 
things should not be repeated, and charg- 
ed Apelles to lay no command upon the 
Achaians unless with the approval of their 
general. 

Piiilip next invaded Triphylia, a ma- 
ritime district, bordering on 3Iesseuia 
and Eleia. He was here opj)osed by an 
Eleian army, with an auxiliary body re- 
cently sent by the ^tolians, tlie whole 
being under Philidas, the ^Erolian com- 
mander. This leader at first divided his 
forces, to defend the sevei-al towns ; but 
when one of the strongest of these had 
been taken by Philip, he resolved to gath- 
er all together in the city of Lepreum. 
In abandoning the town which he had 
himself undertaken to defend, he plun- 
dered several of his own friends before 
he quitted it ; and this may probably have 
completed the rising dislike of the JE,to- 
Hans, as oppressve masters and faithless 
alUes, which seems to have co-operated 
with the terror of the ^lacedonian arms 
in mo\ingall theTripbyliansto renounce 
them. Even the Lepreates themselves, 
though they had in their city nearly three 
thousand soldiers, including mercenaries, 
of the ^Etolians, Eleians, and Lacedae- 
monians, resolved to quit their jjresent 
confederates, and join themselves with the 
Achaians. They took up a position in the 
city, and required the garrison to depart. 
Philidas refused at first, confiding in his 
force, and in the possession of the citadel ; 
but when he found that the townsmen ad- 
hered to their determination, and the 3Iac- 
edonianswere near, he consented to with- 
draw in peace with his follo^vel•s. The 
Lepreates then submitted to Philip. Their 
example was followed by the remaining 
towns of the province, and Philip, after 
reducing all Triphylia in sLx days, went 
to ]M egalopolis, and thence to Argos, 
where he passed the remainder of the 
winter. 



Sedition of Chilon in Lacedamon. 
About the same time a considerable 
commotion took place in Lacedsemon. 
Chilon, a Spaitan of royal blood, and 
the rightful heir, as he conceived, to the 
sceptre of Procles, could not endure 
that his claim should have been disre- 
garded in favour of a stranger such as 
Lycurgus. He therefore planned a rev- 
olution, to be eflTected by the favour of 
the multitude, to whom he held out the 
hopes of a division of lands. Having 
connnunicated witli his friends, and ob- 
tained about two hundred associates in 
the plot, he began by attempting to as- 
sassinate Lycurgus, and the Ephori who 
had placed him on the throne. The 
Ephori were sui-prised at supper, and 
slain ; but Lycurgus, the most important 
victim, with difficulty, escaped. Chilon 
entered the market-place, attacked his 
enemies, exhorted his fi-iends, made pro- ♦ 
mises to the multitude; till, finding no 
support, he saw that his cause was 
hopeless, and secretly fled into the 
Achaian tenitoiy. 

Fresh intrigues of Apelles, Leontius and 
Megaleas. 

Apelles still retained his pm^pose of 
bringing the Achaians into subjection; 
and seeing that the chief bar to his suc- 
cess was the influence of Aratus both 
among his countrymen and with Philip, 
he endeavoured to undermine that in- 
fluence by all the means in his power. 
He cultivated an interest among the 
party eneixdes of Aratus, encouraged 
them to go on, introduced and recom- 
mended them to the king. "For if," 
he told him, "you attend to Arams, 
you must use the x^chaians as is wiitten 
in the treaty; but if you choose such 
fiiends as I am bringing you, you may 
use all the Peloponnesians as you will." 
He thus prevailed on Philip to counte- 
nance his designs, one of which was to 
interfere at the coming election of a 
general, in such a manner as to throw 
the choice on an opponent of Aratus. 
The election arrived ; the Macedonian 
host was led near the scene of it under 
the pretext of passing into Eleia ; Apel- 
les canvassed actively, pereuading some 
and threatening othere, till, by great 
exertions, he obtained the appointment 



How was lie checked? — What district did Philip next invade? — Where is Triphylia? — Who opposed 
Philip? — What made the Triphylians renounce the alliance of the ^tolians? — What did the Lepreates 
do ? — After reducing all Triphylia what places did Philip visit ? 

Who planned a revolution in Lacedxnion ? — Why ? — Whom did he surprise ? — Who escaped from him? 
— How did the affair terminate? 

Whose influence did Apelles oppose ? — Why ? — Whom did he procure to be elected general instead of 
Aratus ? 



230 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



of Eperatus, the candidate he favoured. 
The army then proceeded on an inroad 
into Eleia, and gathered there great 
spoil. 

Apelles now brought into play a fresh 
engine against Aratus. Amphidamus, 
an Eleian general, being made prisoner 
by the Macedonians, had undertaken to 
bring his countrymen into their alli- 
ance: and Philip had dismissed him 
unransomed, and directed him to offer 
that their prisoners should be freely 
restored, their territoiy defended against 
all attack, and that they should enjoy 
their possessions in perfect independence, 
without receiving garrisons or paying 
tribute. These proposals, though very 
tempting to men who had been chief 
sufferers m the war, were notwithstand- 
hig rejected ; and Apelles laid it to the 
charge of Aratus and his friends that 
they had secretly dissuaded Amphidamus 
from urging them, by predicting danger 
to all Peloponnesus, should the Eleians 
be brought under the influence of Philip. 
The king at first gave ear to the slander : 
he directed that Aratus and his piinci- 
pal associates should be called, and bid 
Apelles repeat his accusations in their 
presence. He did so, and added that 
tlie king, having found them so un- 
thankful, would return into Macedonia, 
having stated to the Achaians his rea- 
son for forsaking them. Aratus depre- 
cated a hasty decision, and prayed that 
the matter might be more accurately 
exammed ; and Philip granted time, and 
promised attention to the inquiry. In the 
days which followed no proof was given 
by Apelles of his charge ; while a lucky 
occurrence supplied to Aratus the most 
satisfactoiy means of vindication. Am- 
phidamus being suspected of unfaith- 
fulness by the Eleians, was about to be 
arrested and sent into JEtolia, when he 
fled to the Macedonian camp. The ac- 
cused Achaian leaders, hearing of his 
an'ival, requested Philip to examine him. 
His answers proved them innocent, and 
the result of the whole was to place 
them higher and to sink Apelles in the 
king's esteem and favour. 

Philip was now in want of supphes 
for his forces, which could only be ob- 
tained from the general assembly of the 
Achaians. He found on the meeting 
of the Assembly that tlie friends of 



Aratus no longer exerted their autho- 
rity in his favour, being disgusted that, 
at the late election of a general, Apelles 
should have interfered to overawe the 
voters and throw out their candidate. 
Eperatus, who had been chosen through 
the influence of the Macedonians, was 
weak in ability and low in estimation: 
and Philip, therefore, deeming it best 
to recur to the Arati, came to an ex- 
planation wdth both of them, m which 
he laid on Apelles all the blame of 
whatever he had done amiss, and prayed 
them still to be his fi-iends, as before. 
His conciliatoi-y overtures were readily 
accepted, and the Arati now supported 
his wishes: so that his present needs 
were largely supplied by the Achaians, 
and permanent provision made for the 
future. He then resolved to bring the 
war to a speedier decision by raising a 
navy. The remainder of the winter was 
spent in makmg seamen of his Mace- 
donians, who proved themselves ready 
learners, and soon became as fit for 
service by sea as by land. But in the 
execution of this plan he met with difi[i- 
culties, arising from fi'esh and still more 
criminal intrigues of Apelles. 

Antigonus at his death had carefully 
provided lest the interests of his ward 
should suffer during his minority, or 
the peace of the kingdom should be dis- 
turbed. To cut off as far as possible 
all occasion of cabal, he had filled up 
all the principal offices both civil and 
military, and directed that those whom 
he chose should continue to hold them 
till the king should be of age. He ap- 
pointed Apelles to be one of the king's 
guardians; Leontius to command the 
targeteers; Megaleas to keep the re- 
cords; Taurion to manage affairs in 
Peloponnesus, and Alexander to lead 
the royal guards. But Apelles was ill- 
satisfied with the measure of power al- 
lotted to him as a guardian by Anti- 
gonus, and continued to him afterwards 
by PhiUp as a confidential adviser and 
a person to whose opinion he had been 
accustomed to bow. He bent his mind 
to overthrow an arrangement which 
gave him so many partnere in authority. 
Leontius and Megaleas were absolutely 
at his bidding, but not so the other 
two; and these he therefore endea- 
voured on all occasions to disparage. 



Who was Amphidamus? — What offers did Philip make him? — To whom did Apelles attribute their 
rejection ?— How was this disproved ? — Why did the Achaians withhold supplies from Philip ? — By 
whose influence did he afterwards procure them? — How did lie spend the remainder of the winter ? — 
What ofiicers had Antigonus appointed to act during Philip's minority? — Which of these were subser- 
vient to Apelles i 



iliji||||i|l!l!!il» 




ANCIENT GREECE. 



231 



Against Taurion he did not venture to 
proceed by open expressions of blame, 
but he endeavoured, by faint and guard- 
ed praises of his soldiership, to hint 
a doubt of his political capacity. His 
arts might probably have been crowned 
with success, had he not at the same 
time incurred a disgraceful failure by his 
attack on Aratus. As it was, his credit 
sunk daily lower, till disappointed am- 
bition drove him to treason. He agreed 
with Leontius and xMegaleas to hinder 
the royal service by all means in their 
power: and it was settled that they, 
remaining with the army, should be 
sure to fail in the time of need, while 
Apelles would fix himself m Chalcis, 
and prevent the sending of provisions 
and supplies. 

Philip invades Cephallenia. 

At the coming of spring, Philip sailed 
from Corinth with his own fleet and 
with that of his allies to conquer Ce- 
phallenia, an island valuable to either 
party in the war, as well for its fruitful- 
ness as for its situation. It had hitherto 
been chiefly by the shipping of the 
Cephallenians that the ^Etolians had 
passed into Peloponnesus, or had rav- 
aged the coasts of Acamania and 
Epirus; and Philip ^vished to deprive 
them of this resource, and himself to 
occupy a position which commanded 
both the Eleian shores and those of 
^toha. He landed on the island, in- 
vested Pale, one of its chief cities, and, 
the works being diligently and skilful- 
ly earned on by the Macedonians, a 
breach was soon made in the walls. 
The besieged still refused to surrender, 
and the targeteers under Leontius were 
ordered to the assault. Three times 
they were on the point of passing the 
breach, when they were checked in their 
advance by their treacherous leader, 
seconded by many of those in subor- 
dinate commands, whom he had pre- 
viously comipted. They were roughly 
handled and beaten back, though fiilly 
capable of winning the place; and 
Philip, seeing the losses of his troops 
and the misconduct of his ofiicers, gave 
up the siege. 

At the time when Philip conquered 
Triphylia, the neighbouring people of 



Phigalia had risen in arms against the 
vEtolians who garrisoned their city, and 
compelled them to depart. Thus re- 
heved from the fear which had kept 
them inactive, the Messenians now took 
part in the war, and they had con- 
tributed their portion to the amiament 
in Cephallenia. During the siege of 
Pale, their country was invaded by 
the Lacedasmonians under Lycurgus, 
while Dorimachus about the same 
time entered Thessaly with half the 
forces of his nation: and Philip at 
once received ambassadors from the 
Messenians and Acamanians, the first 
requesting him to come to their protec- 
tion against Lycurgus, the other to take 
this so favourable opportunity for ravag- 
ing all JEtolia. It was during the preva- 
lence of the Etesian, as they were called, 
or annual winds, which blew from Ce- 
phallenia directly towards Messenia ; and 
the Messenians suggested to PhiUp that 
his fleet might make the passage in 
one day, and he would thus be enabled 
to fall on Lycurgus unforewamed and 
unprepared. Leontius eagerly supported 
the views of the Messenians; for he 
considered that the same ^vinds which 
carried the armament to their shores 
would eflfectually hinder its return ; and 
that thus after driving Lycurgus out of 
their country, it must waste the remain- 
der of the summer in inaction, while 
the ^tolians might work their will on 
Thessaly and Epirus. The opinion of 
the Acamanians was supported by Ara- 
tus, and Philip was the more readily 
persuaded to adopt it, because the re- 
pulse at Pale had opened his eyes to 
the unfaithful dealing of Leontius. He 
prepai'ed forth^vith for the invasion 
of ^tolia; but that the Messenians 
might not be altogether unassisted, 
he wrote to Epemtus, and requested 
him to succour them with the forces of 
Achaia. 

Philip invades ^tolia and pillages Ther- 
mum. 

As soon as Philip landed on the con- 
tinent he was joined by all the Acama- 
nians who were capable of bearing arms. 
They had previously suffered many griev- 
ous calamities at the hands of their dan- 
gerous neighbours ; and so eagerly did 



Was Apelles disgraced by the failure of his intrigues against t'eAruti? — What treason did he then 
plot ? 

Where is Cephallenia ?— Who attempted to conquer it?— Whence did he sail ?— What city did he in- 
vest ?— What prevented the capture of the city ?— What two nations sent ambassadors to Philip during 
the siege?— What dil the Messenia is desire?— The Acamanians r— Why did Philip favour the latter ?~ 
For what did he prepare ?— Whom d;d he send to the assistance of the Messenians r 

Who joined Philip in the invasion of ^Etolia i 



232 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



they embrace the opportunity of taking 
vengeance by the help of the Macedo- 
nians, that there came to the muster not 
only those whom the law required, but 
many whose age exempted them from 
the call. Like causes had produced like 
feelings in the Epirots ; but their gather- 
ing was delayed by the extent of their 
country, and the unexpectedness of Phil- 
ip's anival, so that the Macedonians 
and Acamanians entered ^Etoha without 
them. 

The leading city of the ^Etolians was 
Thermum. It was the place where their 
national assemblies were convened and 
their magistrates elected; where fairs 
were held and festivals celebrated ; where 
the people met whenever brought to- 
gether for business or pleasure. It nat- 
urally followed that their wealth and 
splendour should be mainly gathered 
within its walls, especially since it bore 
the character of great security as well as 
convenience, being situate in a most 
rugged district, hitherto untouched by 
the foot of an enemy. Against this im- 
portant place Philip directed his march. 
The suddenness of his arrival, the ra- 
pidity of his advance, the present weak- 
ness of the iEtolians, while half their 
young men were with Dorimachus in 
Thessaly; their confidence that none 
would ever venture into the difficult 
passes leading to their capital, in the 
face of a people eminently formidable in 
mountain warfare ; all these, it was cal- 
culated, would secure his progi'ess from 
interruption, if he gave no time to learn 
his purpose and prepare for opposition. 
Aratus, therefore, called for the utmost 
celerity of movement; and it was in 
vain that Leontius demanded delays, to 
refresh the soldiers, as he said, but 
really to give time for the ^tohans to 
gather. 

The army proceeded by forced march- 
es, which were executed with the great- 
est alacrity and vigour, and wasted all 
the lands in its way, till it came to a tract 
of thickly-wooded highlands, through 
which it was necessary to defile with 
caution and compactness, as well as 
with celerity. It passed them safely, 
and advanced towards Thermum by a 
rugged, steep, and narrow road, with 
deep precipices on each side. The ^to- 
lians were taken quite unprepared ; the 
troops advanced without opposition ; the 



towns were abandoned at their approach, 
and nothing delayed them but the neces- 
sary precaution of ganisoning posts at 
either outlet of the most perilous defiles, 
to protect their return. Phihp gave up 
to plunder the town of Thermum, the 
surrounding villages, and the fi-uitfiil 
plain below ; and the booty amassed by 
the soldiers was enonnous, as may easi- 
ly be inferred fi-om the considerations 
that the country had long flourished in 
uninterrupted tranquillity ; and that the 
city, besides that it was the capital of 
^tolia, was also, in general belief, the 
safest repository for whatever posses- 
sions were most precious, and most liable 
to hostile spoliation. Of the furniture, 
arms, and other moveables, the most 
valuable and easiest of caiTiage were se- 
lected, the remainder piled up and burnt ; 
and thus far Philip had not exceeded a 
severe application of the acknowledged 
rights of war. But it is truly said by 
Polybius that he made himself the imita- 
tor rather than the avenger of crime, 
when, in retaliation for the impieties ) 
which the ^tohans had committed at 
Dium and Dodona, he demohshed the 
temples, overthrew the statues ; and thus, 
by acts in nowise diminishing the mihtary 
resources of his adversaries, waged war 
with the religion of his country, and 
with the arts which minister to liberal en 
joyment. 

Philip returned to his ships by the 
same road by which he had come ffora 
them, successfully repelling two attacks 
upon his rear, which were made by dif- 
ferent bands of the ^tolians. On ar- 
riving at the encampment he invited his 
officers to a feast, in honour of the suc- 
cessful completion of a hazardous, and 
what had hitherto been deemed a des- 
perate enterprise. Leontius and Mega- 
leas were present with the rest. Amidst 
the general rejoicing their troubled visa- 
ges confirmed the suspicions that hung 
on them before ; and as the revel went 
on, their disgi-ace was completed by a 
fit of drunken fury, in which they search- 
ed the camp for Aratus with a party 
of their friends, and, having found him, 
began by reviling him, and then as- 
sailed him with stones. Assistants flock- 
ed to either party, and the riot increased 
till, PhiUp hearing it, sent to part the 
fray, and to learn its cause. Leontius 
slipped away in the tumult, but Megaleas 



W' ho hastened the march .'—Who endeavoured to retard it ?— Who enabled them to surprise Ther- 
mum ?— Did thev find much plunder there .'—How did they dispose of it .'—Of what act of folly was Philip 
guilty at Thermiim .'—What happened in returning to the ships.'— Who quarrelled with Aratua at the 
feast .' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



233 



was brought before the king, who se- 
verely reprimanded him. But he, far 
from expressing contrition for his fault, 
declared himself determined to persist 
till he should have given Aratus his due. 
At this the king took fire, and cast him 
into prison, till security should be offered 
for his paying a fine of twenty talents 
(upwards of 4,000Z.) Leontius hearing 
it, came to Philip with some of his tar- 
geteere, in the hope that on account of 
his youth he might be easily intimidated. 
He asked him who had dared to carry 
Megaleas to prison ; but when the king 
replied with firmness that he had or- 
dered it, his courage failed, and he went 
away full of rage and fear. Megaleas was 
brought to trial ; and proof being produced 
by Aratus of his evil practices with Leon- 
tius and Apelles, he was condemned and 
heavily fined. Leontius, however, who 
was not proved to have been an actor in 
the tumult which was the immediate 
cause of his punishment, becommg his 
security for the payment, he continued at 
large. 

About this time Lycurgus returned 
from his expedition into Messenia, with- 
out having effected anything worthy of 
notice ; and afterwards went against Te- 
gea with the like success. Dorimachus 
also returned from his inroad into Thes- 
saly. He had undeitaken it in the hope 
of withdi-awing PhiUp from the siege of 
Pale, and of finding an undefended coun- 
try and an easy booty. Instead of that, 
he found the officers of Philip ready to 
oppose him in the field ; and while he 
was watching them from the mountains, 
and did not venture to descend into the 
plain, he was called home by the news 
that Philip was ravaging JEtolia. He 
returned in haste to the defence of his 
country, but found himself too late, for 
the Macedonians, after effecting the pur- 
pose of the expedition, had retreated in 
safety. 

Movements in Peloponnesus. — Death of Le- 
ontius. 

Philip returned to Corinth, and thence 
proceeded to Tegea. He joined his army 
with such of the Achaians as were there 
assembled, and forthwith advanced into 
the territory of Lacedsemon, scarce twelve 



days after he had quitted ^Etolia. The 
teiTor inspired by his late successes was 
increased by the rapidity of his move- 
ments and the suddenness of his coming. 
He passed through the country unop- 
posed from the mountains to the sea, and 
wasted it at his pleasure. Meanwhile the 
Messenians, who had been summoned to 
meet him at Tegea, arrived there after 
his departure, and boldly resolved that 
they would endeavour to join him in the 
enemy's country. They were surprised 
by Lycurgus and driven from their camp, 
with the loss of their horses and their 
baggage: and this success encouraged 
the Lacedemonian rulers to prepare for 
a general battle with the Macedonians, 
who were now at Amyclae, neai" to Spar- 
ta. It was necessaiy for Philip to pass 
between the city and a hill upon the 
river-side, which Lycurgus had occupied 
with a strong detachment ; and this move- 
ment had been rendered more dangerous 
by the Lacedaemonians, who had nar- 
rowed the passage by damming up the 
river, and thus flooding some of its bank. 
But Philip first dislodged Lycurgus fiom 
his post, and then advanced, successfully 
repelling an attack which was made from 
the city. He crossed the river, and en- 
camping in a safe and convenient situa- 
tion, he began to prepare for his return to 
Tegea. He quitted Laconia unmolested, 
and proceeded to Tegea, and thence to 
Corinth. 

While Phihp remained in the neigh- 
bourhood of Corinth, to conduct some 
negotiations in Phocis, Leontius and 
Megaleas made another attempt to bring 
him under their influence by intim- 
idatiort. For this purpose they 'circu- 
lated rumoui-s among the soldiei-s, im- 
porting that their proper share of boo- 
ty was denied them. A violent muthiy 
ensued ; but at the appearance of Philip 
it was quickly suppressed. The king 
well knew by whom the tumult had 
been kindled, though at that moment 
he did not venture to proclaim his 
knowledge. Meanwhile Leontius, at 
length despairing of success to be gained 
by his own exertions, was earnestly 
pressing Apelles to return from Chal- 
cis. He had acted there in such a 
manner as entirely to ovei-shadow the 



How was Megaleas punished? — Who attempted to intimidate the king? — What passed between 
Philip and Leontius? — Of what was Megaleas found guilty on his trial ? — How was he punished ?— Who 
became his security ? — How did Lycurgus succeed in his invasion of Messenia ? — How did Dorimachus 
■ucceeii in Thesaaly ? — What occasioned his return home ? 

What cciuntry did Philip now invade ? — Through what cities did he pass on his way from ^tolia to 
Lacedaemon ? — Did he ravage all Lacedffimon ?— What prevented the Messenians from j.-inina him? — 
How did the Lacediemonians attempt to prevent his return ? — Did they succeed ? — Whither did he go ? — 
Who raised a sedition in the army ?— How waa it quelled?— Whom did Leontius press to return fiom 
Cbalcis,' — How had he conducted there? 

30 



234 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



authority of the king, whom he de- 
scribed as a mere boy, and entirely un- 
der his direction. Accordingly the mag- 
istrates and officers in Macedonia and 
Thessaly were in the habit of account- 
ing to him ; and even in comphmentary 
decrees and addresses from the citizens 
of Greece, his name was more con- 
spicuous than that of the monarch. 
At the summons of Leontius he hast- 
ened to Corinth, fully confident of ob- 
taining whatever he wished, as soon as 
he came into Philip's presence. He 
made a splendid entry into the city, 
attended by a multitude of soldiers, and 
by many officers of rank, who had gone 
out to meet him. He proceeded at 
once to the royal apartments, and was 
entering them as he had been accus- 
tomed, when he was stopped by a war- 
der, who told him that the king was not 
at leisure. After standing awhile in 
astonishment he silently departed; his 
train immediately melted away, and he 
entered his quarters unaccompanied, 
except by his own fkmily. He was now 
admitted to festive meetings, but not to 
those which were held for the trans- 
action of business. On seeing his un- 
favourable reception Megaleas fled, and 
left Leontius to answer for his fine. 
Then Phihp cast Leontius into prison, 
having first sent away the targeteers 
whom he commanded, under pretence 
of an expedition into Tripbylia. But 
the soldiers heard of their leader's im- 
prisonment in time to send a deputation 
to the king. They declared that if 
Leontius were imprisoned for the fine, 
they would raise the money among 
themselves to pay it; but if for any 
other matter, they requested that the 
trial might not take place in their ab- 
sence, for if it did, they should hold 
themselves gi*eatly slighted. Such free- 
dom as this, Polybius observes, the 
Macedonians were ever wont to use 
towards their princes. In the present 
case, however, their intercession only 
exasperated Philip, and induced him to 
send Leontius to execution more hastily 
than he had intended. 

Death of Apeltes and Megaleas. 
At Philip's arrival in Corinth, he had 
found there an embassy sent by the 



Rhodians and Chians to mediate a peace. 
He had answered that he was then and 
ever desirous of accommodation, and 
had sent them on to make their proposals 
to the JEtolians. They now returned 
with the news that the ^tolians wished 
for peace, and had consented to an imme- 
diate suspension of arms for thirty days ; 
and they named a day on which they re- 
quested that Philip and his allies would 
meet the JEtolians at Rhium, and pro- 
mised that the latter would agree to every- 
thing that was necessary to a fair and 
equal peace. Philip consented, and 
went to PatrsB, to be ready for the meet- 
ing ; and here there were brought to him 
some intercepted letters of Megaleas to 
the jEtohans, in which he exhorted them 
to persevere in the war, assured them 
that Philip's aflTaii-s were nearly ruined 
for want of sufficient supplies, and spoke 
of the king himself in terms of great re- 
proach and contempt. Upon this Philip, 
who considered Apelles as the chief 
mover in every mischief, arrested him, 
with his son, and sent them to Corinth ; 
and they shortly after perished, the histo- 
rian informs us, implying apparently that 
they were put to death in prison without 
form of trial. Megaleas was at Thebes, 
whither he had gone for refuge after an 
unsuccessful attempt to obtain admis- 
sion at Athens ; and an officer was sent 
to sue him in the Theban courts for the 
fine he had incuiTed. Despairing now 
of siifety, he slew himself, without await- 
ing judgment. 

The JEtolians had willingly listened 
to the proposal of peace, to be freed from 
a war in which their success had been 
very diflferent from what they had ex- 
pected; but when they heard of the 
disturbances in the Macedonian army, 
and of the fate of Apelles and Leontius, 
they put off the appointed meeting, Avith 
the hope that some great and dangerous 
convulsion might ensue among the Ma- 
cedonians, and that they might so be 
enabled to recover the superiority in the 
war. Philip gladly seized on this as a 
pretence for breaking off' the negotiation ; 
for he was not more shicere than they in 
his anxiet}^ for peace, and he was confi- 
dent of success if the war were continued. 
He exhorted his allies to pursue the war 
wifn vigour, and retmned to Corinth, 



How did he enter Corinth ?— How was he received by the king?— What was the effect of this recep- 
tion on his train of followers ? — What did Megaleas do? — What befell Leontius ? — Who interceded for 
him ? — How was he treated ? 

Who had sent an embassy to Philip at Corinth, to desire peace? — What was the answer? — While the 
negotiations were pendine what treason of Megaleas was detected? — Whom did Philip then arrest' — 
What was their fate ?— Where did Megaleas die ?— How ?— Were the negotiations for peace broken off' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



235 



after which he dismissed his Macedonians 
to winter at home, and himself soon fol- 
lowed. About this time Lycurgus fled 
from Sparta into iEtolia, through fear 
of the Ephori, to whom he had been 
accused of meditating a revolution ; but 
shortly after, finding the charge to have 
been false, they recalled him, and rein- 
stated him in his oflEice. 

JVeakness of the Achaian general Eperatus. 
— Measures of Aratus on succeeding him. 

During the absence of Philip, the A- 
chaians were almost defenceless through 
the incapacity of their general, Eperatus. 
The armed citizens held him cheap, the 
mercenaries entirely disregarded him; 
his commands were not obeyed, and no- 
thing was ready for the protection of 
the country. This encouraged Pyrrhias, 
the ^Etolian general, to invade Achaia, 
and he ravaged the greater part of it 
unopposed. The cities finding no aid 
from the league grew slack in contri- 
buting to its support; the pay of the 
soldiers fell short, which increased their 
insubordination and consequent inefii- 
ciency; and these evils mutually exas- 
perated each other. In this state were 
affairs when the period of Eperatus's 
command expired. The elder Aratus was 
chosen to succeed him, and immediately 
put forth all his energ}^ in providing 
means to carry on the war, in restoring 
order to the general administration, and 
discipline and activity to the army. 

A plan had been arranged between 
Lycurgus and Pyrrhias for a simulta- 
neous UTuption into Messenia, from 
the Laconian side, and from that to- 
wards Elis, Aratus being informed of 
it led his forces to Megalopolis to oppose 
them. But the advance of Pyrrhias 
was stopped on the border by the people 
of Cyparissus ; and Lycurgus, who had 
entered Messenia, being thus disappoint- 
ed of the expected co-operation, and 
thinking himself not a match for the 
Achaians without it, retreated to Sparta. 
Aratus then agreed with the Messenians, 
and with Taurion, the Macedonian, that 
each should furnish five hundred foot, 
and fifty horse, to defend the Messenian, 
Megalopolitan, Tegean, and Argian fi-on- 
tier. A permanent protection was thus 
assured to those states which had to bear 
the brunt of Lacedsemonian hostility; 



while Aratus himself undertook with the 
forces of the Achaians to defend the 
sides that were open to the iEtoUana 
and Eleians. 

Disputes in Megalopolis. 

Megalopolis, as we have seen, had 
been taken by Cleomenes, and demo- 
lished because of the resolute fidelity of 
its inhabitants to their allies. The de- 
feat of their enemy had enabled them to« 
return, unbroken in spirit, but miserably 
crippled in resources. The state was 
disorganized ; the common burdens 
pressed on all with intolerable weight, 
but the manner of their appoilionment 
was a subject of dispute : all discussions 
were embittered by the irritabiUty of 
wretchedness, so that the place was fiill 
of strife and angry passions. They fii^st 
disputed as to the walling of the city. 
One party maintained that the circuit 
should be lessened, so that their num- 
bers might suffice to man the whole; 
for the former capture, they said, had 
been occasioned by its too great ex- 
tent, and the inadequacy of their small 
numbers to its defence. They fur- 
ther deemed it right that the great pro- 
prietors should contribute a third of 
their possessions, to be assigned for 
the support of a body of new citizens, 
with whom the state should forth^vith 
be strengthened. Others would neither 
agree to contract the city, nor to gi^^^e up 
a third of their estates. Another subject 
of dissension was found in the laws com- 
posed for them by Prytanis, a Peripate- 
tic philosopher, whom Antigonus had 
sent to them for a legislator. Aratus 
settled all their differences, and re-esta- 
blished harmony among them ; but the 
historian has not stated the terms of 
reconciliation. 

Aratus now returned to the congress 
of the Achaians, leaving the command 
of the mercenaries to Lycus of Phai*ae ; 
who met and defeated the Eleians, 
under the ^tolian general Euripides, by 
whom Pyrrhias had, at their request, 
been superseded. Many were slain or 
made prisoners, and all the baggage was 
captured. By sea, too, many prizes were 
taken ; and all the booty being sold 
together raised a consideralile sum, 
which cheered the soldiery by assuring 
them of their pay, and the citizens by 



Where did Philip and the Macedonians winteH — Why did Lycurgus flee to ^tolia ?— What enabled 
him to return r 

What was the character of Eperatus ?— Who succeeded him ?— With whom did Lycurgus form an al- 
liance ? — With whom did Aratus ally himself to oppose them ? 

What was the state of Megalopolis ? — Who settled their disputes ? — Whither did he return ? — Who de- 
feated the Eleians ? 



236 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



the hope of lighter taxation. In the 
course of the summer the Eleians were 
again defeated ; while part of the ^Eto- 
han coast was ravaged by the fleet, and 
the inhabitants were twice discomfited 
in attempting to protect their lands. 
The JEtolians ravaged Acarnania; and 
the Acarnanians undertook to retaliate 
the invasion, but their pui-pose was 
frustrated by a panic terror which siezed 
their army. 

Philip takes the Phthian Thebes. 

Meanwhile Philip occupied Bylazora, 
the chief city of P?eonia, and a post of 
gi'eat importance to the protection of 
his kingdom against the Dardanians, 
since it commanded the chief passes 
from their country into Macedonia. 
Proceeding thence he was joined at 
Edessa by the forces of Upper Macedo- 
nia; he came on the sixth day to La- 
rissa in Thessaly: and thence he made 
a night-march to surprise the town of 
Meliteia, an attempt which only failed 
through the neglecting to provide ladders 
long enough. But the chief object of 
the expedition was a city on the borders 
of Thessaly and Magnesia, which was 
called the Phthian Thebes, to distinguish 
it from its more celebrated namesake in 
Boeotia. This place was now in posses- 
sion of the vEtolians, and fi-om it they 
were wont to issue continually for plun- 
der and ravage, to their own great profit, 
and to the exceeding injury of the neigh- 
bouring Thessalians. Philip commenced 
the siege, and pressed it vigorously. His 
aniiy was powerful, and veiy abundantly 
provided with warlike engines; and in 
spite of a resolute defence the approaches 
were soon completed, and a breach was 
made in the wall. All was ready for 
the assault, when the garrison suiTen- 
dered. With the cruelty too usual in 
Grecian warfare, Philip sold all the in- 
habitants for slaves, and peopled the city 
with Macedonians. At the same time he 
changed its name fi'om Thebes to Phi- 
lippopolis, the city of Philip ; as if the an- 
nihilation of a community, the enslaving 
of its citizens, and the transfer of their 
national inheritance to strangers, had 
been glorious deeds, and worthy of being 
commemorated to the enduring honour 
of their author. 



Skerdilaidcu. 
The Macedonian prince next turned 
his attention to the chastisement of his 
hired auxiliary, the Illyrian Skerdilaidas. 
He, considering that he had not received 
the full reward of his sei-vices according 
to agi'eement, had resolved to pay himself 
by treachery or force. He sent fifteen of 
the fight vessels used by his countrymen 
to the port of Leucas, where they were re- 
ceived as fiiends without suspicion ; and 
suddenly attacking four ships belonging to 
the squadron of Taurion, they took them, 
and sent them with the crews to Skerdi- 
laidas. From Leucas, they sailed to the 
promontoiy of Malea, and cruised about 
it, plundering indiscriminately all the 
traders whom they met; and thither 
Phifip went in pursuit of them, but 
finding that they were gone, he directed 
his fleet to sail round the peninsula, and 
meet him at Lechseum, and went in 
the meantime into the territory of Argos, 
to be present at the Nemean festival. 
Here news was brought to him which 
entirely changed his plans and incli- 
nations, and made him at length sin- 
cerely desirous of peace with the JEto- 
Uans. 

Wars between Rome and Carthage. — Han' 
nibal. 

After defeating Pyn-hus, the Romans 
had soon made themselves undisputed 
lords of all Italy south of the Po. They 
had then passed into Sicily, to dispute 
its empire with the Carthaginians, who 
had aheady mastered the gi'eater part 
of it. (B. C. 263.) In twenty-four years 
of war ensuing between these two ambi- 
tious commonwealths, there perished on 
both sides in battle and by the waves, 
twelve hundred ships of the largest size 
then usual in war. Hence the waste 
of human life may be partly estimated, 
when it is considered that the war was 
carried on with no less activity by 
land than by sea. The contest was 
terminated with a treaty, whereby the 
Carthaginians agreed to give up Sicily, 
to free their Roman prisoners with- 
out ransom, and to pay a large sum of 
money. 

The calamities of Carthage ended 
not here. To the wild and profligate 
passion for universal dominion, in which 



What passed between the ^Etolians and Acarnanians? 

What place did Philip occupy ? — Why was it important ? — How was Philip prevented from taking Me- 
liteia .'—What city did he take ?— How did he treat the captives ? — What did he call the city ? 

To what did Philip next turn his attention ?--VVhat had Skerdilaidas done ? 

For what did the Romans pass into Sicily ? — Which way from Italy is Sicily? — Carthage ?— How many 
ships were destroyed in twenty-four years of war ? — What were the terms of the treaty ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



237 



that people equalled the Romans them- 
selves, they added the fatal policy of car- 
rying on their wars veiy principally by 
the hands of foreign mercenaries, and 
of levies raised by compulsion from the 
subject nations. This was apparently 
unavoidable when vast projects of con- 
quest were undertaken by the people of 
a single commercial city : for they could 
not afford on ordinarj^ occasions to with- 
draw any large proportion of their citizens 
from those channels of productive indus- 
try by which the state had attained its 
gi-eatness. At the close of the war the 
exhausted treasury was unable to supply 
the full arreai's of pay which were due to 
the soldiers. Disputes arose, which ended 
in the mercenaries taking up arms against 
their employers. The African subjects 
of Carthage, generally estranged from 
her by the harshness of her sway, were 
ready to band themselves with the re- 
belUous soldiery; and a most bloody 
and savagely conducted war ensued, in 
which the state was saved, when upon 
the brink of destruction, by the energy 
and talents of its general Hamilcar. It 
was then that the Romans, taking ad- 
vantage of the weakness to which their 
rivals were reduced, most ungenerously 
and faithlessly wrested from them the 
island of Sardinia, and obUged them to 
pay an additional tribute for having even 
meditated resistance. 

As soon as the Carthaginians had 
settled their affairs at home, they sent 
Hamilcar to command in Spain ; and 
the greater part of that country was 
brought under their rule by him and 
by Asdrubal and Hannibal, who fol- 
lowed him, the ftrst being his son-in- 
law, the second his son. At nine years 
of age the latter, on accompanying his 
father into Spain, had been led by him 
to an altar, and made to swear inex- 
tinguishable hatred to Rome. He was 
a very young man when Asdrubal died ; 
but he had already given so many 
proofs of spirit and ability, that he 
was chosen to succeed him. After 
completely establishmg the authority of 
Carthage over the Spanish tribes that 
were unconnected with the Romans, he 
proceeded to attack the city of Sagun- 
tum, their ally. His act was main- 
tained by the government of his country. 



and the Romans declared war. Hanni- 
bal took Saguntum, and then prepared to 
strike at the enemy's heart by invading 
Italy. He made his way through Gaul 
to the Alps, partly by force and partly by 
negotiation; he succeeded in effecting 
the difficult and dangerous passage of 
those mountains; and descending from 
them, he was joined by the Gauls of 
northern Italy, the perpetual foes of 
Rome. He pursued the war with the 
greatest boldness, abiUty, and success; 
won several gi-eat battles without experi- 
encing any important reverse ; and re- 
duced the hostile commonwealth to an 
apparently desperate condition, in which 
nothing but the most unyielding reso- 
lution could have preserved it from sub- 
jugation. 

Peace concluded in Greece. 

It was the news of Hannibal's suc- 
cesses in Italy that made Phihp desirous 
of peace with the iEtolians ; for he be- 
lieved himself already sure of the leading 
influence in Greece, and he thought 
that now, when Rome was brought low, 
he might extend his power over Italy and 
Illyria. Aratus, too, was not unwilling 
to make peace at a time when it was 
e\'ident that the Achaians had the better 
in the war ; and Philip was encouraged 
to commence a private negotiation, be- 
fore the ambassadors of the cities could 
be assembled to treat regularly on be- 
half of the confederacy. The agent 
emploA'^ed was Cleonicus of Naupactus, 
a public guest of the Achaians, who 
had been taken by their fleet in a de- 
scent on die ^tolian coast; but who, 
in consideration of the bond of hospi- 
tality, had been excepted at the sale of 
the prisoners, and was in the end set 
free unransomed. Meanwhile, that he 
might not seem too anxious for peace, 
he prepared for an inroad into Eleia. 
But Cleonicus, after going and returning 
twice or thrice, brought an earnest re- 
quest on the part of the iEtohans that 
the king would enter into treaty ; and 
he then suspended his operations, and 
summoned forthwith a congi"ess of his 
allies. 

When the deputies were met together, 
Philip sent Aratus and Taurion with 
some others to the genei'al assembly of 



What sort of troops were employed by Carthape ? — What rendered them discontented ? — Who saved 
the state from the effects of their resentment? — What injustice did the Romans then perpetrate ? — Who 
were the Carthaginian generals ? — What country did they subjugate ?--What city, in alliance with Rome 
did Hannibal take?— What country did he then invade?— By what route? — How did he succeed in 
Italy? — Where is Illyria? — Which way from Macedonia? 

What made Philip desirous of peace with the iEtolians? — Why? — Who was his agent ?^What re- 
quest did he bring back from the ^tolians ? 



238 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



the ^tolians at Naupactus. They were 
accompanied on their return by ^tohan 
ambassadors, who proposed that he should 
come with his forces into their country, 
to the end that all might more speedily 
be settled by means of frequent personal 
conference. On this he set sail, and 
landed at a port in the territory of Nau- 
pactus, where he pitched his camp. The 
iEtolian multitude came unarmed, and 
assembled at the distance of two fur- 
longs; and the treaty was soon com- 
menced on the footing that each party 
should retain what it then possessed. 
It was much promoted by the arguments 
of Agelaus the Naupactian, who forcibly 
urged the necessity of union, to enable 
the Greeks to defend their independ- 
ence against Rome or Carthage, which- 
ever should be victorious. Peace was 
soon concluded, and the delegates re- 
turned to their several homes. (B. C. 
217.) 

During the period of quiet which fol- 
lowed, the Peloponnesians employed 
themselves in repairing the damage 
which their property had suffered during 
the war, in carefully cultivating their 
fields, and in restoring the old reUgious 
and festive meetings, which continual 
warfare had drawn into disuse and al- 
most into oblivion. The JEtolians too 
rejoiced at first in the peace, and showed 
their satisfaction by choosing for their 
general Agelaus, who was thought to 
have contributed most to its conclusion. 
But their native turbulence and rapacity 
could not long remain inactive, and they 
soon began to blame him, because by 
making peace with all the Greeks, and 
not with some only, he had cut them 
off from present plunder and from the 
hope of future conquests. The general, 
however, was not to be diverted from 
maintaining the treaty, and they were 
obliged agahist their nature to continue at 
rest. 

Philip allies himself with Carthage. 

As soon as the peace w£is concluded, 
Philip returned to Macedonia, where 
Skerdilaidas had taken several cities. 
All these he soon recovered, and estab- 
lished besides them some other garrisons 
on the Illyrian frontier. He then dis- 
missed his army for the winter, which he 



spent in preparing means for his passage 
into Italy; an enterprise which now 
engrossed his waking thoughts and 
nightly dreams, so completely had his 
fancy been fii*ed by the promptings of 
Demetrius of Pharos, an Illyrian chief 
expelled by the Romans. He needed a 
fleet, but deemed it impossible to provide 
one sufiicient to cope with that of Rome ; 
and, therefore, resolving to make it such 
as should be fittest for speedy transport- 
ation of soldiers, and ready escape from 
superior strength, he caused a hundred 
light vessels to be built on the Illyrian 
construction. In the spring he rounded 
Peloponnesus, and came to Cephalonia 
and Leucas. Being informed that the 
Roman fleet was at Lilybseum, the far- 
thest western headland of Sicily, he 
sailed on confidently towards ApoUonia, 
on the Illyrian coast. But when he was 
just arriving, a report was brought to 
him that a Roman squadron had been 
seen at Rhegium, and that it was boimd 
for Apollonia to assist Skerdilaidas. He 
immediately put out to sea in alarm and 
disorder, and returned with the utmost 
haste to Cephalonia. It was afterwards 
found that the squadron seen at Rhe- 
gium was only a detachment of ten ships 
from the fleet at Lilybseum, which Phihp, 
had he remained at Apollonia, might 
probably have taken ; and that by his in- 
considerate flight he had lost the fairest 
opportunity of effecting all his purposes 
in Illyria, while the efforts of the Romans 
were engi-ossed by their defence against 
Hannibal. About two years after this 
failure, he concluded an alliance, offen- 
sive and defensive, with the Carthaginian 
general, and with his commonwealth. 
In the following year he subdued most 
part of Illyria, the conquest of which 
he regarded as necessary to the attain- 
ment of his other designs ; but the Ro- 
mans, as we shall hereafter see, prevented 
him froui joining Hannibal in Italy, by 
stirring up enemies to him in Greece. 

Philip changes his general conduct. 
Hitherto, Phihp had shown himself, 
in most instances, an excellent prince, at 
least according to the notions of his age. 
He was indeed ambitious, and ready 
to barter the blood of his people for 



Where did the parties meet?— Who urged union and peace .'—Why ?— When was it concluded ?— How 
did the Peloponnesians employ the period of quiet .'—Were the .(Etolians lone satisfied with peace .'— 
Why not? 

After peace was concluded whither did Philip return .'—What did he take there .'—Where did he place 
garrisons .'—How did he spend the winter .'—Who was his adviser .'—How large a fleet did he prepare? 
—Of what sort.'— What course did he take.'— What occasioned his hasty return .'—What did he after- 
wards learn .'—With whom did he afterwards conclude an alliance .'—What country did he conquer? — 
Where is Illyria ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



239 



his personal aggrandizement; but this 
gre-at wickedness was common to him 
with the most admired of ancient war- 
riors, and carried with it neither guilt 
nor shame m the eyes of his contempo- 
raries. He had displayed a capacity be- 
yond his years for the management of 
men, and the direction of military opera- 
tions; had maintained the character of 
a faithful ally, a just and liberal ruler, 
and a common benefactor to all connect- 
ed with him ; and these substantial merits 
being set off to the multitude by remark- 
able comeliness of person, and majesty 
of demeanour, he was loved and hon- 
oured throughout Greece, both by sub- 
jects and allies. Of this a striking in- 
stance was afforded by the Cretans, who, 
having at length, after many bloody 
struggles, effected an union among 
themselves, chose Phihp voluntarily for 
the head of their confederacy. But the 
time was now come when he discarded 
the counsels of Aratus, and gave himself 
up to those of Demetrius, the Pharian. 
The first blow that was aimed at the in- 
dependence of his confederates caused 
distrust between him and his better ad- 
viser, and drew him closer to the worse. 
One step in iniquity led to another, tiU 
the infamy was irretrievable ; and Philip 
sunk fi-om a popular prince to a hated 
tyrant. 

Philip foments the troubles of Messene. 

Dissension had arisen in the common- 
wealth of Messene between the oligar- 
chical and democratical parties; and 
Philip, hoping by this means to bring 
the city into dependence on himself, ap- 
proached it under pretence of effecting 
a reconcihation, but secretly tampered 
with the leaders of both to exasperate 
their quarrels. The result was a bloody 
struggle, in which the commonalty were 
victorious, and nearly two hundred of the 
nobles and their adherents were massa- 
cred. In the measures which led to this 
catastrophe the king was guided by the 
counsels of Demetrius; and it is the 
opinion of Polybius that had Aratus 
arrived in Messene before the slaughter, 
as he did on the following day, his influ- 
ence over Philip was still sufficient to 
have hindered an act which blasted his 
character, and changed the complexion 
of all his after life. 



Death of Aratus. 
The habit of being guided by Aratus 
still struggled with the vicious propensi- 
ties which were flattered by the sugges- 
tions of Demetrius, and shame restrained 
him from approving in the presence of 
the former those proposals which he 
knew would fall under his censure. At 
a solemn sacrifice he was admitted into 
Ithome, the citadel of the Messenians : 
and taking the entrails of the victim into 
his hands, to examine what omens could 
be drawn from them, he asked those 
around him whether the auguries directed 
him to quit the citadel, or to seize iti 
Demetrius answered, " To quit it, indeed, 
if your views be those of a soothsayer ; 
but if of an able monarch, to retain it, 
lest, having slighted one opportunity, 
you should afterwards wish for another ; 
for thus," he said, "holding both the 
horns, you may keep the ox under con- 
trol ; " implying Peloponnesus by the ox, 
and by the horns the two commanding 
and almost impregnable fortresses, Ith- 
ome and Acrocorinthus. Philip liked 
the counsel, but could not refrain from 
asking Aratus whether he concurred 
in it. " I should," he rephed, " could 
you seize the place without breach of 
faith to the Messenians ; but if by gar- 
risoning this with soldiers, you are 
likely to lose all the other citadels, which 
were garrisoned for you by Antigonus 
with the confidence of the allies, look 
whether it be not better to withdraw the 
troops, and leave the fortress in the 
keeping of confidence." The king was 
checked for the moment, but did not 
permanently give up his projects of trea- 
cherous ambition; and fincQng that the 
Messenians could not be brought to re- 
sign their independence, he made war on 
them and ravaged their country. About 
the same time, to rid himself of a trouble- 
some monitor, and a man from whom he 
probably apprehended effectual opposi- 
tion to his newly adopted courses, he 
basely procured the death of Aratus, by 
means of a slow poison. The crime, 
however, could not be hid, and the mur- 
derer was generally detested. The burial 
place of Aratus was a subject of conten- 
tion between Sicyon, his native city, and 
iEgium, where he died. The honour 
was adjudged to the former, and his re- 
mains were carried thither in solemn 



What had been Philip's character .'—What people chose him for their leader? — Whose advice did h« 
prefer to Aratus's ? — What was the consequence? 

Why did Philip foment dissensions at Messene? — What did they end in ? 

What advice did Demetrius give Philip at Ithome? — What advice did Aratus give? — Did the kinc de- 
sist from his schemes ?— What country did he ravage ? — Why did he cause Aratus to be poisoned f — ^Bow 
were Aratus's remains honoiued ? 



240 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



procession. He was venerated as a hero 
by the Achaians, and by the Sicyonians 
in particular as founder, father, and sa- 
viour of their city ; and the biographer 
(Plutarch) observes with much apparent 



satisfaction, that there was issue of 
Aratus still existing in his time, after 
nearly three centuries had elapsed, while 
the race of his murderer became extinct 
in the following generation.* 



CHAPTER XIII. 



OF THE WARS BETWEEN THE ROMANS AND PHILIP ; THE RISE OF ROMAN INFLU- 
ENCE IN GREECE ; AND THE GENERAL TRANSACTIONS OF THAT COUNTRY, AS 
FAR AS THE END OF WHAT WAS CALLED BT THE ROMANS THE FIRST MACEDO- 
NIAN WAR. 



SECTION I. 

Alliance of the Romans with the ^tolians, 
Lacedamonians and Attains, king of Per- 
gamus. 

The time now came when war was to 
to be rekindled throughout Greece, and 
a power to appear upon the stage, which 
was destined to overwhelm its national 
independence. In the eighth year of 
the peace (B. C. 210) Marcus Valerius 
Leevinus, the Roman officer appointed 
to act against Philip, having sounded the 
disposition of the iEtolians by private 
conferences with their leaders, attended 
a general meeting held to receive pro- 
posals of alliance with Rome. The lures 
held out were the depression of the Ma- 
cedonians, and the compulsory re-union 
of Acarnania with the ^tohan confeder- 
acy, of which the ^tohans maintained 
that it had anciently been a member; 
though whenever, on former occasions, 
the name of the Acarnanians has occur- 
red in Grecian history, it has been as a 
separate and generally a hostile people. 
The alhance was concluded, and the 
iEtolians straightway went to war A^ith 
Macedonia. Lsevinus mastered the isl- 
and of Zacynthus, and took CEniadae 
and Nasus, cities of the Acarnanians: 
all which he gave up to his new allies, 
according to previous agreement, by 
which the conquered cities and tenito- 
ries were to fall to the ^tolians, and 
the booty to the Romans. He then 
withdrew to Corcyra, fully trusting that 
he had provided employment for Philip, 
which would keep him out of Italy. 

Desperate resolution of the Acarnanians, 
These tidings were brought to the 
Macedonian prince when he was win- 



tering at Pella. He resolved to march 
into Greece with the beginning of spring, 
but first to strike a terror into the neigh- 
bouring barbarians, which he hoped 
would secure the quiet of Macedo- 
nia during his absence. He seems to 
have been thus occupied rather longer 
than he had expected; and in the mean- 
time Scopas, who was general of the 
^tolians, prepared to invade Acarna- 
nia with all his forces. The Acarna- 
nians were far too weak in numbers for 
defence against so formidable an enemy : 
but they were strong in desperate reso- 
lution and deep abhon*ence of ^tolian 
dominion. They sent into Epirus their 
women and childi'en, and the men of 
more than sixty years of age ; but all 
the males between the ages of fifteen 
and sixty remained behind, and bound 
themselves by a solemn oath that they 
would not return alive from the war, 
except as conquerors. If the battle 
were lost, and any escaped fi-om it, they 
laid a heavy curse on every countryman 
who should receive the fugitives to his 
house or board, or even within his city ; 
and they solemnly entreated their friends 
and allies that they would use the hke 
severity. Finally, they cmved of the 
Epirots that they would bury in one 
sepulchre all those who fell upon their 
side in the encounter, and would write 
above them — "Here are laid the Acar- 
nanians who died fighting for their 
country against the violence and in- 
justice of the ^tolians." Thus pre- 
pared in mind, they pitched their camp 
on the very border of their country. 
Pressing messages were sent to Philip, 
to call for aid without delay ; and he 
interrupted a prosperous campaign in 



* This is not strictly true. Perseus, the son of Philip, had male issue, who died in obscurity at Rome. 



What Roman was opposed to Philip?— With whom did he conclude an alliance ?— What island and 
cities did he take ?— Where is Zacynthus ?— CEniadae .'—Nasus ?— To whom were they resigned .' — Why? 

Where was Philip wintering?— What did he resolve ?— For what did Scopas prepare?— How did the 
Acarnanians prepare for a desperate resistance ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



241 



Thrace to hasten to theu* support. But 
the iEtolians had heard of the despe- 
rate extremities to which their adversa- 
ries had bound themselves to proceed ; 
the news had abated their ardour, and 
slackened their preparations; and they 
were not ready to commence the in- 
tended inroad, before the approach of 
Pliihp secured the Acamanians. They 
then retreated into the heart of their 
territory. The Macedonian, when he 
found that his allies were out of dan- 
ger, did not pureue his march, but re- 
turned to Pella. These things took 
place before the close of winter. In the 
early spring Laevinus, with the iEtoUans, 
took Anticyra on the coast of Locris; 
after which Lsevinus was called home 
to take the consulship, the chief magis- 
tracy of Rome, which was filled by two 
persons annually elected. 

Successes of Philip. 
Besides the Romans, the iEtohans 
were assisted by Lacedaemon, ever fi-iend- 
ly to the enemies of the AchEiians, and 
by Attalus, king of Pergamus in Asia 
Minor, who was partly moved by jeal- 
ousy of Phihp, and partly by the com- 
pliment which the ^tolians had paid him 
by electing him nominally their chief 
magistrate. HostiUties were carried on 
by land and sea with various success, 
till Philip met the ^tolians and their 
allies near Lamia in Thessaly, defeated 
them in two pitched battles, and obliged 
them to keep themselves within the city. 
Ambassadors now came fi'om the king 
of Egypt, fi'om ^e Athenians, Rhodians, 
and Chians, to mediate a peace. A day 
was named for a meeting of the Acha- 
ians to consider the matter, and a truce 
was made for thirty days. Meanwhile 
Attalus arrived with his fleet at ^Egina, 
and a Roman squadron at Naupactus. 
This put an end to all desire of peace 
in the minds of the iEtolians ; and their 
ministers, when brought before the as- 
sembly of the Achaians in presence of 
the ambassadors sent by the mediating 
states, demanded terms which they well 
knew must appear to their opponents, in 
the relative state of the two paities, extra- 
vagant and mtolerable : so that the treaty 
was broken off in mutual displeasure. 



Misconduct of Philip at Argos. 
It was shortly after this, that Philip, 
when occupied with the Nemean festival 
at Argos, was informed that the Romans 
had landed fi-om then' ships, and were 
wasting the fi^uitflil plain between Sicyon 
and Corinth. He issued fi-om Ai'gos 
with his cavalry, bidding the infantry to 
follow, fell unexpectedly upon the plun- 
derers, and chased them to their vessels. 
The joy of the festival was heightened 
by tliis victory ; and Philip, to add to his 
popularity, laid aside his diadem and his 
purple, and mingled among the citizens, 
wearing a habit like the rest. But, at 
the very time when he was thus affect- 
ing democratical equality, he outraged, 
by the most tyrannical hcentiousness, the 
people whose favour he was courting. 
Already infamous for covert adulteries, 
he now went on without shame or fear 
to gratify his appetites by open violence. 
By such conduct as this he quickly lost 
the small remains of his popularity 
among the Achaians; but they were 
obhged for awhile to bear with him, for 
they were hemmed in by enemies on 
every side, and without the aid of Ma- 
cedonia it was hopeless to stand up 
against so powerful a league as that which 
was formed against them. 

Further progress of the war. 
Philip led his army and that of the 
Achaians into the Eleian temtory. He 
received a check near the river Lai-isus 
fi-om the ^Etolian, Eleian, and Roman 
forces ; but on the following day he made 
up for his loss by the capture of a fort, 
to which many of the country people 
had fled with their cattle. While he was 
dividing the spoil, he was suddenly re- 
called by tidings of trouble in Macedonia. 
In chasing the Roman foragers near Sic- 
yon, his horse had carried him under a 
tree, which had broken off one of the 
horns with which his helmet was orna- 
mented. An iEtoUan had picked it up, 
and spread a report of his death. This 
encouraged the Dardanians to invade 
Macedonia, and some of Philip's officers 
were corrupted so as to join them. He 
repelled the invasion, and wintered in 
Macedonia. The Roman fleet and that 
of Attalus wintered at iEgina. 



What country did Philip leave to come to their assistance ? -Which way is Acarnania from Thrace ? 
— What deterred the ^Etolians from invading Acarnania? — Whither did Philip return? — What place 
did Lffivinus take ? — Whither did he then go r — Where is Locris '. 

What allies had the il,tolians ? — Where is Lamia?— What trar 
diate a peace ? — What prevented it ? 

What news did Philip hear at Argos? — How did he profit by it ? — How did he behave at the festival ? 
—Why did tiie Achaians submit to his insults? 

Where did Philfp receive a check ?— From whom ? — How did he make up for his loss? — What occa- 
sioned his return to Macedonia ? — What did he effect there ? 



transpired there ? — Who attempted to me>- 



31 



242 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



At the beginning of spring Philip de- 
scended into Thessaly, where he was 
met by pressing calls for aid from all 
his allies. The maritime states were 
in fear of the Romans and of Attains, the 
inland of the JEtolians; and the Acha- 
ians in particular had both their frontiers 
to defend, — the one against the ^tohans, 
the other against Lacedfemon. Macedo- 
nia was threatened by the lUyrian Sker- 
dilaidas, and by Pleuratus, a Thracian 
prince allied with the iEtolians, both of 
whom were ready to attack it, as soon as 
the king should engage himself in any 
distant expedition. Besides, to prevent 
him from moving southwai'd, the iEtoli- 
ans had fortified and strongly garrisoned 
the pass of Thermopylae. However, he 
manfully confronted his difficulties, sent 
away the ambassadors with a promise 
that he would do his best for all, and pre- 
pared to give active succour wherever it 
should be needed. He sent reinforce- 
ments to every place that was in danger 
from the hostile fleet, and made a counter 
movement to every movement of the en- 
emy. Between his head-quarters and 
the places most liable to attack he estab- 
hshed lines of signal-stations, along which 
notice of anything impoitant was trans- 
mitted by means of torches variously ar- 
ranged according to agreement. Polyb- 
ius observes, how inadequate this mode 
of communication must be to the vari- 
ety and complexity of the accidents occur- 
ring in politics and war, and suggests, as 
admitting of more universal appUcation, 
a method of his own very similar in prin- 
ciple to the modem system of telegraph- 
ic signals. 

At last the hostile forces landed at 
Oreus in Euboea, and invested the place. 
An assault was made, and vigorously 
resisted; but while the struggle was 
warmest, the Macedonian governor 
treacherously opened a gate to the Ro- 
mans, and the city was taken. The vic- 
torious squadron then proceeded to Chal- 
cis. That city was protected by strong 
fortifications, by a numerous garrison, un- 
der leaders of approved fidehty, and by 
the waters of the Euripus, ever danger- 
ous to shipping from their rapid and un- 
certain currents, and from the frequency 
of sudden squalls. The attempt was not 
pursued; the fleet proceeded to Opus, the 



chief town of the eastern Locrians; and 
the place being taken with little resistance, 
was given up to Attains, the spoils of 
Oreus having fallen entirely to the lot 
of the Romans. Meanwhile Philip had 
routed the ^Etolians at Thermopylae, and 
was proceeding by forced marches to- 
wards Chalcis, when he learned that it 
was out of danger, and the enemy was at 
Opus. He hastened thither : the Romans 
were gone, and Attains, httle thinking of 
his danger, was employed in extorting 
money from the principal inhabitants. 
An accident only saved him from captiv- 
ity, the approaching army being descried 
by some stragglers from his camp. He 
fled unarmed and in disorder to his ships, 
and had scarcely embarked when his en- 
emy came upon the shore. He escaped, 
however, and rejoined the Romans at 
Oreus. He thence returaed into Asia, 
hearing that his kingdom was invaded by 
Prusias, king of Bithynia, an ally of Phil- 
ip. The Romans also returned to ^iEgi- 
na. Philip gained some further success- 
es, and then went home to make war on 
the Dardanians, leaving his allies much 
relieved by his timely aid, and by the de- 
parture of Attains. He also undertook to 
build a hmidred ships of war in the course 
of the ensuing winter ; for he hoped, with 
the help of a squadron already sent to 
him by the Carthaginians, to dispute with 
his enemies the command of the sea, 

Machanidas, tyrant of LacedeEtnon. 
Little is known of the revolutions 
which took place in Lacedaemon during 
the period of which we are treating. Be- 
fore the war began Machanidas had made 
himself its ruler. He was destitute of he- 
reditary title to the sceptre, like his pre- 
decessor Lycurgus ; but in this they dif- 
fered, that Lycurgus, though irregularly 
elevated, exercised his power under the 
control of the Ephori, and in some meas- 
ure according to the ancient laws of 
Spaita ; whereas Machanidas appears to 
have governed accordmg to his arbitrary 
pleasure, and to have supported his do- 
minion by a mercenary force. He there- 
fore is always mentioned as the tyrant of 
Lacedaemon, while the other, in spite of 
his defective title, is described as king. 
But whatever may have been the charac- 
ter of his mtemai government, he seems 



Into what country did Philip go in the spring? — By what was he there met ? — Whom did the mar- 
itime states fear?— The inland ? — Macedonia? — Did Philip contrive to aid them all ?— What means of 
communication did he use ? — Where is Oreus ? — What transpired there? — U'here is Opus? — Who took 
h? — To whom was it given? — Who nearly surprised Attalus at Opus? — What occasioned his return to 
Asia? — Against whom did Philip next make war? — Why did he prepare a fleet? « 

Who ruled at Lacedaemon before the war began '' — What was his chareuster ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



243 



to have been an active and troublesome 
enemy to the Achaians, till his career 
was stopped by their great commander 
Philopoemen. 

Philopcemen. 

This distinguished person was a na- 
tive of Megalopolis, and bom of one of 
the noblest families in all Arcadia. In 
his youth he had comted the society 
and instructions of Ecdemus and De- 
mophanes, disciples of the philosopher 
Arcesilas, and noted enemies to the ty- 
rants who then governed most of the 
Peloponnesian states. They had de- 
livered Megalopolis from its tyrant jVris- 
todemus, and had taken part with Ara- 
tus in the Uberation of Sicyon: and 
their pohtical wisdom seems to have 
been as high in repute as then* boldness 
and address, for they were afterwards 
sent for by the people of Cyrene in 
Africa, to preside over their common- 
wealth, and seciu-e their liberty by pro- 
per regulations. Under their directions 
he had been remarkable for daring and 
endurance in the chase and in miUtary 
exercises, for plainness of garb and 
temperance in diet He passed with 
the greatest honour through every sta- 
tion in the army. He led a troop of 
horse at the battle of Sellasia: and 
there he won high praises fix)m Anti- 
gonus, by venturing, without orders, 
to make a decisive charge at a critical 
moment, which contributed much to the 
defeat of Cleomenes. During the en- 
suing peace, to improve his mihtary 
knowledge and talents, he engaged in the 
intestine wars of Crete as a captain of 
mercenaries: a hateful occupation, but 
one which was then, as it has been too 
commonly, regarded with such very 
undue respect and favour, that the 
blame of his adopting it is rather due 
to the perverted state of popular opinion 
than to individual depravit}'. War soon 
broke out afresh in Peloponnesus, and 
PhilopcEmen returning home was af- 
terwards made general of the Achaian 
cavalry. This body, then undisciplined 
and disorderly through the corrupt neg- 
lect or indiscreet exertions of its offi- 
cers, and spirit-quelled by frequent de- 
feat and conscious inferiority, he con- 
verted into the best cavalrv in Greece. 



He soon rose high in the confidence of 
his countrymen, as their ablest military 
leader: and he was enabled to reform 
the arms and discipline of the infantry, 
by lengthening their spears, improving 
their defensive armour, and teaching 
them to preserve a closer and firmer 
array. A strict observer of disciphne 
himself, he was no less strict in enforc- 
ing it on others. Austere in habits, sim- 
ple in manners, plain, short, and pithy 
in speech, and imdeviating in his ad- 
herence to truth, his character, as well 
as his abilities, was such as to make 
him entirely trusted and respected. In 
less perilous times, his proud and hasty 
temper might have damped his popu- 
larity: but now his country, if once 
assured of a prop that could support 
her, was not inclined to quarrel with it 
because it might be a rugged one. 

Machanidas defeated and slain by Philopce^ 
men. 

In the year after the departure of 
Attains (B. C. 207) Philopcemen being 
general of the Achaians, prepared for a 
decisive contest with Machanidas. He 
laid his views before the general as- 
sembly, where they were received with 
entire approbation ; and then going roimd 
to all the cities, he stirred them up to 
zeal and activity, and amended what- 
ever was amiss in their miUtary arrange- 
ments. In about eight months fix)m 
the first proposal of the enterprise, he 
gathered his forces at Mantineia, fiill of 
courage, cheerfijlness, obedience, and 
confidence in their commander. Ma- 
chanidas advanced against him from 
Tegea, where his army was then lying, 
and the battle took place between Tegea 
and Mantineia. The engagement was 
begun on each side by the mercenaries. 
Polybius observes that such troops 
would generally fight more resolutely 
in the service of a tyrant than in that 
of a fi*ee state : for the t)Tant, depending 
chiefly on their support against domes- 
tic enemies as well as foreign, would 
retain them permanently, and make 
them sharers in his prosperity ; whereas, 
in ser\ing a commonwealth, they could 
look to nothing more than their pay 
during the war and their dismissal at 
the end of it In the present case the 



Of whom was he an active enemy ? 

Who was Philr.pcemen ? — Who were his teachers in youth? — What had they done? — What bad Phi- 
lopoemen done under their directions? — At what battle did he distinguish himself? — Of what waa be 
made general? — How did he improve this force? — What was Iris character? 

Whom did Philopoemen prepare to nttack ? — Where did he gather bis forces ? — Where did Macbaoidas 
meet him ? — What is observed of the mercenaries ? 



244 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



mercenaries of Machanidas entirely 
routed those of the Achaians, and pur- 
sued them towards Mantineia. Their 
chief joined with them in chasing the 
fugitives, instead of leading them against 
the standing enemy ; while Philopoemen, 
not dismayed by the retreat of his mer- 
cenaries, prepared to recover all by the 
firmness of his Achaian phalanx. He 
shifted his position so as to outflank 
the enemy, and awaited the attack. 
The Lacedaemonians advanced as men 
already victorious ; but their ranks were 
broken in crossing a ditch, which Phi- 
lopoemen had placed in front of his 
lines, and the Achaians then advancing 
in good order completed their confu- 
sion. They were entirely discomfited, 
and great numbers slain. Philopoemen 
then directed his attention to intercept- 
ing the return of Machanidas and the 
mercenaries. He set guards on the bridge 
and at all the passages over the ditch, 
and commanded that no quarter should 
be given; "For these," he said, "are 
they who maintain all the tyrannies in 
Sparta." He himself proceeded in pursuit 
of Machanidas, who was riding along 
the ditch, and seeking opportunity to 
cross it; the tyrant at length spurred 
his horse to the leap, and was slain in 
the act by Philopoemen. The Achaians 
now advanced to Tegea, which submit- 
ted at their approach ; and on the follow- 
ing day they encamped on the Eurotas, 
and ravaged Laconia unresisted, though 
before this battle they had long been 
unable to keep the enemy from their own 
gates. 

General peace. 
Since the departure of Attains, the Ro- 
mans, being occupied with Hannibal, 
had neglected their confederates in 
Greece. Deserted by two of their most 
powerful allies, and deprived of the third 
by the victoiy of Philopoemen, which 
had reduced the Lacedaemonians to in- 
action, the iEtolians, who hitherto had 
fi'ustated all overtures of peace, were 
driven to sue for it on such terms as they 
could obtain. The trea^ was just con- 
cluded, when a Roman general anived 
on the coast, and vainly endeavoured to 
unsettle it. Philip offered him battle, 
which he decUned ; and a short interval 



of languid hostility was followed by a 
general pacification. (B. C. 208.) 

SECTION II. 
Cios sacked by Philip. 

The ambition of PhiUp now turned 
towards the east. He secretly stirred up 
Crete against the Rhodians, of whose 
naval power he was jealous. The king- 
dom of EgjT)t having descended to an 
infant, he conspired with Antiochus king 
of Syria to divide it ; though both had 
professed the warmest friendship towards 
Ptolemy Philopator, the father of the 
child. But the first occasion for war was 
furnished by Prusias, king of Bithynia, 
who had leagued himself with Philip 
through common enmity to Attains, and 
had tightened the bond by taking his 
daughter to vnfe. 

Prusias coveted Cios, a Grecian town 
of Asia, which was rich and conveniently 
situated for him ; and though he had no 
claim on it, nor just matter of quarrel 
against it, Phihp undertook to win it 
and give it him. While he lay before 
it, ambassadors came fi*om Rhodes and 
other states, entreating him to forbear. 
He spoke them fairly, promised com- 
pliance, and kept them with him till he 
took the town, then sacked it in their 
presence, making slaves of all who es- 
caped the sword. The iniquity of this 
deed raised general indignation, which 
was embittered in the breasts of the in- 
tercessors by the sense of mockery and 
insult. The Rhodians especially were 
stung to the quick, for even when the 
Macedonian envoy was boasting of his 
master's magnanimity, and saying that, 
though able to win the town at pleasure, 
he had yet forborne in friendship to 
them, at that moment came a mes- 
senger with tidings of the capture and 
attending cruelties. The ^tolians felt 
it as a wrong to themselves, for the 
Cians were their allies, and had received 
fi*om them a garrison and governor; 
and this was the third city which PhiUp 
had withdrawn from their confederacy 
since the peace. Even Prusias was not 
satisfied at receiving, instead of a flour- 
ishing city, a desolate spot and a heap 
of ruins. 



Which mercenaries were put to flight ?— On what did Philopoemen rely ? — How were the Lacedaemo- 
nian ranks broken ? — How was their disorder completed ? — In what manner did Philopoemen prepare to 
Intercept the return of Machanidas and his mercenaries ? — With what success ? — What country was now 
ravaged ? 

What allies did the iEtolians lose ? — Did they make peace ? — Who endeavoured to unsettle it ? — What 
followed ? 

What kingdom did Philip conspire with Antiochus to divide ?— What did Philip promise Prusias ? — 
Who entreated him to forbear ? — How did he treat the place and its people ? — Who were offended by this ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



345 



War begun against Philip by Attains and 
the Rhodians. 

The first to act against Philip was 
Attalus, and the Rhodians readily joined 
him. A great sea fight took place near 
Chios, between their fleets and that of 
Macedonia: both parties claimed the 
honour of the day, but the advantage 
rested ^vith the allies. Philip neverthe- 
less took some towns in Caria : but his 
enemies were too strong for him at sea, 
and he was obUged to retire to Mace- 
donia. 

Attalus had confidently reckoned on 
help from the TEtolians, who, besides 
the indignity with which thej'^ had been 
treated by his rival, owed himself some 
return for benefits rendered during the 
former war. But they were now en- 
dui'ing distresses, which had quelled 
their restless spirit. In a long and ge- 
nerally unprosperous struggle their re- 
sources had been exhausted, till most 
of the citizens were deep in debt. This 
was, from causes which have already 
been indicated (p. 27,) a prevailing e\i\ 
in the states of Greece, and a fi'equent 
cause of ci\"i] contests and revolutions. 
In the present case the debtors called 
for a change in the laws to reheve them ; 
and the business was committed to Sco- 
pas and Dorimachus, men prone to inno- 
vation, and deeply indebted themselves. 
The nature of the settlement they effect- 
ed is not known, but Scopas seems to 
have founded on it some further schemes 
of ambition, in which being foiled, he 
went to seek his fortune at the court 
of Alexandria. He was there placed 
high in trust and favoiu-, and Uberally 
paid ; but his covetous temper still 
craved for more, and his rapacity being 
found more troublesome to the admin- 
istration than his services were valuable, 
they rid themselves of him by taking his 
life. 

League against Philip joined by the Atheni- 
ans and by the Romans. 

It is long since we have lost sight of 
Athens, which, though still the favourite 
seat of philosophy and art, had become 
insignificant in Grecian politics. The 
character of human annals is too 
generally such, that the less a state 
is mentioned in them, the less mat- 
ter it has for shame and for repent- 
ance. But the inaction of the Athenians 



did not proceed firom love of peace, nor 
was it coupled with the peacefiil virtues. 
The restless spirit of their ancestors was 
strong in them, though they had lost all 
their energy and courage, and though 
the acuteness of mind which stiU re- 
mained, was chiefly displaj^ed in more 
ingenious methods of degradation. Their 
empire was gone, their commerce had 
decayed, and they had nothing but the 
nan-ow territory of Attica, to support a 
numerous people nui*sed in habits of 
idleness and luxmy. Some relief was 
found in large donations of money, com, 
and other necessarj" articles, which were 
made by many of Alexander's successors 
to purchase the good word of a people 
so renoAvned, and still so much distin- 
guished for intelligence and accomplish- 
ment. All favoui-s so conferred were 
repaid by unbounded adulation; and 
the leaders of the multitude, mstead 
of exhorting them to seek for manlier 
methods of support, and to recruit their 
finances by economy, self-denial, and 
laborious exertion, only vied with each 
other in de\isiQg new comphments to 
the potentates who would barter gifts 
for praises, and thus obtaining means 
to gi'atifj' the crowd at no expense but 
that of character. The Ptolemies were 
of all the Macedonian dynasties the 
most liberal m their donations to x\thens ; 
and they were repaid by flatteries the 
most extravagant. Attalus had follow- 
ed their example, and met with a like 
return. But circumstances arose which 
connected them 'with him more closely ; 
and though little aid could be expected 
from then- arms, to be able to join his 
cause with theii-s was not without advan- 
tage. 

It happened that two young men of 
Acarnania inadvertently entered the tem- 
ple of Ceres at Eleusis, during the cele- 
bration of the Mysteries. This was a 
great profanation, since the rites were 
directed to be performed in the strictest 
secrecy; and though there w^as reason 
to believe the trespass unintended, the 
intrudei-s were nevertheless put to death. 
Their countiymen at home were much 
offended, and sought to revenge them- 
selves by war : they procured assistance 
from Macedonia, and entering Attica, 
wasted the lands and canned thence a 
large booty. The Athenians now were 
full of resentment, and looked to foreign 



Who defeated Philip in a sea fight? — Whither did he retire? — Why could not the ^tolians aid Atta- 
lus ?— Who settled their affairs ? — What place did Scopas retreat to ?— Why was he there put to death ? 

Wliat was now the state of Athens ? — How were its people supported ? — Who were their most liberal 
patrons ? — Relate the incident which involved them in a war with Acarnania. 



246 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



power for redress, which they wanted 
power and courage to take for them- 
selves. In the former war they had 
been numbered among the allies of the 
Romans; and to Rome, accordingly, 
they applied for assistance against Phil- 
ip. A like application had already 
been made by Attalus and by the Rho- 
dians ; and the senate, which now had 
triumphed over the Carthaginians, and 
completely broken and ruined their pow- 
er, was easily persuaded to embark in 
a war for which it only wanted a pre- 
text. Attalus came to Athens at the 
invitation of the people, and brought 
with him ambassadors from Rhodes. 
The citizens went out to meet him in 
solemn procession, with their wives and 
children, and the priests with the en- 
signs of their function. An assembly 
was held, in which high honours were 
voted to Attalus and the Rhodians : and 
a new ward {phyle) was added to those 
already existing, and was called after 
the name of the Pergamenian monarch. 
We have already seen this compliment 
paid to the first Antigonus and his son. 
Attalus thanked them, promised further 
sei-vices, and exhorted them to declare 
against the Macedonian, for which little 
entreaty was necessary. There were 
Roman ministers already present, and 
alliance was quickly concluded among 
all the parties. 

Destruction of Ahydos. 
Philip's courage did not fail when 
Rome was added to a league which he 
had already found well nigh too strong 
for him. While Attalus and the Rho- 
dians were engaged in their negotiation 
with Athens, and in an unsuccessful 
attempt to rouse the ^tolians to arms, 
»he took the field in Thrace, and reco- 
vered from his enemies many towns 
which had embraced their cause. After 
this he crossed into Asia and besieged 
Abydos. The townsmen held out be- 
yond their strength, supported by the 
hope of aid from Attalus and from 
Rhodes; but the king only sent them 
three hundred soldiers, and the Rho- 
dians a single ship. Thus unaccount- 
ably neglected by their powerful allies, 
the besieged were soon reduced to extre- 
mity , but not till the wall was breached 
and mines were carried to the inner 



rampart did they offer to sun*ender. 
They then proposed to capitulate for 
the safe dismissal of the soldiers of 
Attalus and the Rhodian galley with 
its crew, and leave for each inhabit- 
ant to depart with a single garment. 
Philip required them to surrender at 
discretion. This answer filled the city 
with rage and desperation. A vote was 
passed that all the matrons should be 
shut up together in the temple of Diana, 
and the boys and girls, and infants with 
their nurses fn a public place of exercise ; 
that the gold and silver, and valuable 
furniture, should be heaped in the mar- 
ket-y)lace or lodged in the ships; that 
priests and victims should be brought and 
altars erected ; that a number of pereons 
should be chosen, who, as soon as they 
had witnessed the destruction of their 
countrymen who fought in the breach, 
should slay the matrons and children, 
throw the collected riches into the sea, 
and set fire both to public and private 
buildings in as many places as they 
could ; that these should bind themselves 
to perform their task by a solemn form 
of execration ; and that the rest should 
swear that they would not quit the bat- 
tle alive except as victors. The combat- 
ants well performed their part, for so 
obstinately did they fight, that when 
night was approaching, the assailants 
were glad to withdraw from the contest. 
But the principal persons, who had been 
intriisted with the more revolting business 
of the massacre, when they saw that 
there were few survivors from the battle, 
and those weary and sore wounded, 
resolved to surrender the city, and sent 
the priests to Philip for that puipose. 
The gold and silver was accordingly 
given up to him, when a sudden fury 
fell upon the people. They exclaimed 
that those were betrayed who had fallen 
in the battle ; reproached themselves 
and their leaders with perjury, but espec- 
ially the priests, who after devoting them 
to death, had themselves been the agents 
of surrender; they ran wildly about, and 
slaughtered the women, the children, and 
themselves. Philip viewed the whole 
with astonishment, but without pity. He 
forbade his soldiei-s to enter the town, ob- 
serving coldly that he would grant the 
Abydenes three days to die in. It is said 
that not a man fell alive into his hands, 



Who came to their assistance? — How was he honoured ?— Was Rome also a party in the alliance? 

Where is Thrace ? — Who was takiri«[ towns there ? — Where is Abydos ? — By whom was it besieged? 
. — On what terms did the inhabitants offer to surrender? — What was the answer? — What preparations 
did they then make for a desperate defence ?— What was the result of the fight ? — How were the people 
driven to frenzy ? — What was the consequence ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



247 



unless through some unavoidable acci- 
dent. 

Chalcis surprised by the Romans. 

About the end of autumn, a Roman 
armament arrived on the coast of Epims, 
under PubUus Sulpicius Galba, one of 
the consuls. He quartered his land 
forces for the winter at Apollonia, and 
stationed his fleet at Corcyra. Twenty 
triremes were detached to the assistance 
of the Athenians, whose lands were 
continually wasted by inroads from Co- 
rinth, and whose coast was infested by 
cruisers from Chalcis. The squadron 
was further strengthened by the amval 
of three Rhodian galleys of a larger size; 
and three open vessels were added by the 
Athenians, being all which now remain- 
ed of their once powerful nav\\ But 
the forces assembled in Athens were 
more than sufficient to keep the plun- 
derers at rest both by land and sea ; and 
fortune offered to the Roman comman- 
der an opportunity of more important 
action. 

There came to him some Chalcidian 
exiles of the party hostile to Macedonia, 
who reported that the town was neg- 
ligently guarded ; for the inhabitants 
trusted to the Macedonian garrison, and 
gave themselves no trouble about it, and 
the soldiers of the ganison were equally 
careless, having no enemy near enough, 
as they thought, to be dangerous. On 
this he founded a plan of surprisal. He 
sailed to Sunium, but kept his ships con- 
cealed behind the promontory till night- 
fall ; then crossed the Enripus, and land- 
ed at Chalcis undiscovered a little be- 
fore the dawn. A few of his soldiers 
scaled the wall in places where the sen- 
tinels were absent or sleeping ; they ad- 
mitted their companions, and the city was 
taken almost without resistance. It was 
pillaged and partly burnt: and though 
the cruelty of the soldiery had not here 
the palliation of passions heated by a 
wearisome blockade or a perilous as- 
sault, a general slaughter was made of 
the townsmen, whether they fought or 
fled. The large and well-stored arsenal 
and granaries were burnt; the booty 
was carried to the ships : and the prison, 
which Philip had selected as a place of 
safest keeping for his most important 
captives, was broken open by Rhodians. 



To keep the town would have been most 
desirable, since it commanded the Euri- 
pus, tlie readiest passage between Thes- 
saly and southern Greece : but the Roman 
force was inadequate to the protection 
both of Chalcis and Athens, and it was 
therefore necessary to abandon the for- 
mer. 

Philip ravages Attica. 

As soon as Philip heard that Chalcis 
was taken, he hastened to the spot in 
the hope of revenge ; but he found the 
town destroyed, and the destroyers gone. 
He then pressed his march towards 
Athens to retaliate in kind. Sleep and 
negligence, which had ruined Chalcis, 
were equally prevalent there: and the 
city was only saved from a similar sur- 
prisal by a runner, who outstripped the 
royal army, and arrived about midnight 
with tidings of its approach. The walls 
were hastily manned, and all made ready 
for defence. Philip arrived before day- 
break, and, seeing that his first intention 
had been frustrated, he resolved to try 
an open assault. The Athenians, toge- 
ther with the auxiliaries fiirnished by 
Attains, gave him battle. He bade his 
men take example by him, and charged 
at the head of a few hoi-se. His bold- 
ness roused the spirit of his soldiers, and 
struck terror into his enemies ; he broke 
their ranks, slew several men with his 
own hand, and chased them into the 
city. After this they kept then' walls, 
and Philip ravaged the country unop- 
posed. He bore an especial hatred 
towards the Athenians, and he showed 
it by defacing whatever was beautiflil 
or sacred, not sparing even the tombs. 
On the following day, the city was se- 
cured by the amval of the Romans. 
Philip unsuccessfully attempted Eleu- 
sis, and then retired to Corinth. From 
thence he went to Argos, where the 
Achaian congress was assembled. 

Nobis, tyrant of Lacedamon. 
Upon the death of Machanidas, the 
Lacedaemonians had fallen under the 
dominion of Nabis, a man surpassing all 
former tyrants in the monstrous and un- 
heard of wickedness of his rule. From 
the first he deliberately grounded his 
power on a regular system of bloodshed 
and rapine ; he slew or banished all in 



Who arrived on the coast of Epirus? — Where did he station his land force? — His fleet? — To what city 
and territory did he send protection ? — Where is Chalcis ? — What account is given of its surprisal ? — Why 
was it an important post ? — Why was it abandoned by the Romans ? 

How did Philip resolve to revenge the destruction of Chalcis ? — How was he prevented from surpris- 
ing Athens ? — Did Philip succeed in his open assault on the city? — How did he show his hatred of the 
Athenians ? — What other place did he attempt ? — Whither did he retire ? 

Who was king of Lacedemon? — What was his character? 



248 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Sparta who were distinguished either 
for birth or fortune, and distributed their 
wives and their estates among his mer- 
cenaries, to whom he entirely trusted for 
his support. These were chiefly made 
up of robbers and murderere, and other 
criminals of the blackest description, 
who entered his service as their only re- 
fuge from the hatred of mankind. Such 
instruments were the fittest for the work 
in which he employed them: for not 
content, like common tyrants, with ba- 
nishments and executions, he hunted 
out his enemies with assassins in the 
cities whither they fled for refuge. His 
extortions were boundless, and death 
with torture was the penalty of refusal. 
No source of gain was too mean for him 
or too iniquitous. He partook in the 
piracies of the Cretans, who were infa- 
mous for that practice; and he main- 
tained a sort of alUance with the most 
noted thieves and assassins in Pelopon- 
nesus, on the condition that they should 
admit him to a share in their gains, while 
he should give them refuge and protec- 
tion in Sparta, whenever they needed it. 

War between Nobis and the Achaians. 
As soon as he deemed his power se- 
cure in Lacedaemon, he sought to enlarge 
it by war, and he soon found an occasion 
of quarrelling with the Megalopohtans. 
A favourite horse of his had been stolen 
at the instigation of two Boeotian travel- 
lers. The culprits were pursued to Me- 
galopolis, and arrested in the city. They 
protested against this violent proceeding, 
and demanded to be carried before the 
magisti'ates of the state ; and no atten- 
tion being paid to their remonstrances, 
they called for help, and were rescued 
by the people. No injury was done to 
the emissaries of Nabis, nor were they 
prevented from carrying with them either 
the horse or the groom who had stolen 
it : but the rescue of the Bceotians was 
provocation enough for the unscrupu- 
lous tyrant of Lacedaemon, who had 
long been seeking a pretext for hostility, 
and now commenced it by driving cattle 
from the lands of the Megalopohtans. 
Such was the beginning of war be- 
tween Nabis and the Achaians, in the 
fourtli year of the general peace. (B. C. 
204.) 



Messene attacked by the Lacedamonians and 
relieved by Philopoemen. — Philopamen 
gpes into Crete. 

Messene first experienced the danger 
of the tyrant's hostility, being surprised 
by night, and all but the acropoUs being 
taken. But on the following day, Philo- 
poemen came with an army to its relief, 
and the Lacedaemonian troops were glad 
to capitulate for permission to withdraw. 
At this time, according to Plutarch, he 
was a private individual without autho- 
rity, save that which arose from his 
renown and from his talents; and the 
anny which accompanied him to Mes- 
sene was composed of volunteers, who 
readily obeyed the call of Philopoemen 
when their proper general had refused 
to lead them out. The account of Pau- 
sanias on the other hand implies that he 
was general of the Achaians. In the 
following year, however, not being 
chosen to any of the principal com- 
mands, he accepted an invitation from 
the Gortynians, and again passed over 
to Crete. For this he was generally 
blamed by his countrymen, and proba- 
bly with justice; for it is diflUcult to 
conceive a motive which could palUate 
his abandoning his country in the time 
of peril to draw a venal sword in the 
service of strangers. So deeply was his 
conduct resented by the Megalopohtans, 
that they would have passed a vote of 
banishment against him, had not the 
general congress interceded in his fa- 
vour ; but the intended severity rankled 
in his haughty and violent mind, and in- 
duced him afterwards to take an unwor- 
thy revenge, by tampering with several 
dependent townships to make them dis- 
own the supremacy of MegalopoUs. 

Macedonian alliance declined by the Aeha* 
tans. 

During Philopoemen's absence, Nabis 
was generally successful against the 
less able commanders who were then 
opposed to him. He ravaged the coun- 
try and threatened the cities; and the 
Achaians were deUberating on measures 
of resistance, when Philip appeared 
among them, and offered not only to 
protect their territory, but to caiTy the 
war altogether into that of Lacedaemon. 
The promise was received with vast 



Of what was his army composed ? — How were they employed ? — What infamous alliances did be 
form ? 

What incident occasioned Nabis's war with the Achaians? — When did it begin? 

AVhat city was surprised by Nabis's troops? — Who came to its relief? — Where did Philopoemen serve, 
next year ? — Who censured him for this ? 

Was Nabis now successful against the Achaians ? — Who offered to come to their relief? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



249 



applause; but when he proceeded to 
require that, while his forces were thus 
employed, the Achaians should garrison 
his towns of Chalcis, Oreus, and Co- 
rinth, the assembly perceived that the 
purpose of his liberality was to entangle 
them in his war with Rome. Cycliadas, 
the general, alleged a law which forbade 
the treating of other matters than those 
for which the meeting was called; not 
thinking it expedient to show that he 
had fathomed the drift of the proposal. 
A vote was passed to raise an army 
against Nabis; the assembly was dis- 
missed, and Cycliadas, who was a friend 
to the king, and had been reputed a 
flatterer, stood henceforth clear from 
the charge of undistinguishing subser- 
viency. 

Philip again ravages Achaia. 

Philip then proceeded to Attica, and 
after vainly attempting Eleusis, Peirseeus, 
and Athens itself, he proceeded, in the 
same savage and brutal spirit of hosti- 
lity which he had already shown, to 
destroy the monuments of ait and pious 
magnificence which had before escaped. 
Every village had its temple and its 
separate religious observances; and the 
beauty of the edifices everywhere bore 
witness to the taste and skill of the peo- 
ple, favoured as they were by the plen- 
tifiil supply of native marble. Philip 
broke the statues, demolished the tem- 
ples, and even shattered the blocks of 
stone; and only quitted the hostile ter- 
ritory when nothing was lefl; which he 
could destroy. He then retired into Boe- 
otia on his way to his own dominions. 

Romans demand aid of the ^tolians. 
Meantime the Roman consul Sulpi- 
cius had gained some successes, little 
important in themselves, but such as 
encouraged the barbarous tribes which 
bordered on Macedonia to flock to him 
with offers of assistance. He now ex- 
erted himself to the utmost in prepara- 
tion to wage the war more Aigorously: 
he sent to Attains, and to the Rhodians, 
to require their active co-operation ; and 
his efforts were met by corresponding dil- 
^ence on the part of the Macedonian. 
But the point to which all eyes were 
turned with the greatest anxiety was the 



approaching general meeting of the 
^tolians, to whom Sulpicius had sent 
ambassadors requiring them to unite 
their arms with those of Rome. 

The assembly met, and the first to 
address it was the Macedonian ambas- 
sador. They ought, he said, to main- 
tain the peace, for the same causes still 
existed which had determined them to 
make it. "He prayed them to consider 
how the Romans had made show, as if 
their war in Greece tended only to the 
defence of the ^tolians; and yet not- 
withstanding had been angry that the 
^tolians, by making peace with Philip, 
had no longer need of such their pa- 
tronage. What might it be that made 
them so busy in obtruding then* protec- 
tion upon those that needed it not? 
Surely, it was even the general hatred 
which these bai'barians bore unto the 
Greeks." (Sir W. Raleigh.) He alleged 
many instances both in Sicily and Italy, 
where the specious pretence of Roman 
protection had prepared the way to a 
gallmg ser\'itude ; and he added, " That 
in like sort it would happen to the ^to- 
lians : who, if they drew such masters 
into Greece, must not look hereafl;er to 
hold, as now, fi*ee parhaments of their 
own, wherein to consult about war and 
peace : the Romans would ease them of 
this care, and send them such a modera- 
tor as went every year from Rome to Sy- 
racuse. Wherefore he concluded that it 
was best for them, whilst yet they might, 
to continue in their league with Philip: 
with whom, if at any time, upon hgbt 
occasion, they happened to fall out, they 
might as lightly be reconciled : and \vith 
whom they had made the peace which 
still continued ; although the very same 
Romans were against it who sought to 
break it now." 

The Romans felt the force of these 
objections : and before undertaking to an- 
swer them, they endeavoured to weaken 
their effect, by putting forward the Athe- 
nians. They justly complained of the 
ciniel wrongs which they had suffered, 
and called in the name of all the gods 
for vengeance on the destroyer of their 
sanctuaries. " Then spake the Romans : 
who excusing, as well as they could, 
their own oppression of all those, in 
whose defence they had heretofore taken 



On what conditions ? — With what design ? — Was the offer accepted ? — What vote was passed ? 

What country did Philip now ravage ?— What brutal excesses was he guilty of? — Whither did he r»- 
Hre? 

Of whom did Sulpicius ask aid ?— What opposing powers sought the alliance of the iEtolians ?— What 
observations were made by the Macedonian ambassador? — What reasons were urged by the Athenians 
and Romans ? 



32 



250 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



arms, went roundly to the point in hand. 
They said that they had of late made 
war in the iEtohans' behalf, and that the 
JEtolians had, without theu* consent, 
made peace : whereof since the iEtolians 
must excuse themselves, by alleging that 
the Romans being busied with Carthage, 
wanted leisure to give them aid con- 
venient ; so this excuse being now taken 
away, and the Romans only bent against 
their common enemy, it concerned the 
iEtolians to take part with them in their 
war and victory, unless they had rather 
perish with Philip." 

"It might easily be perceived," says 
the eminent person whose words we have 
been using, "that they which were so 
vehement in offering their help ere it 
was desired, were themselves canied 
unto the war by more urgent motives 
than a simple desire to help their friends, 
with whom they had no great acquaint- 
ance." He might have added, that to 
suffer their allies to be driven by their 
neglect to a separate treaty as their only 
hope of safety ; and then, as soon as it 
suited their convenience to renew the 
war, to expect that those allies would 
be ready to disown the engagements so 
contmcted, betokened but slight regard 
to their own obligations, and still less to 
the pledged faith of others. Such may 
probably have been the thoughts of Da- 
mocritus, the ^tolian general, when he 
shifted them off with a dilatory answer: 
for haste, he said, was an enemy to good 
counsel, and they must further deliberate 
before they could conclude. To his 
countrymen he said that he had well 
provided both for safety and for profit: 
for now they might watch the turn of 
events, and take part with the stronger 
side. The only measure actually taken 
was the passing a decree, whereby the 
general was empowered at his discretion 
to summon assemblies for the purpose 
of deliberating on peace and war, ques- 
tions ordinarily reserved by law for the 
great council of the iEtoUans, when re- 
gularly called together at certain stated 
periods. 

Macedoniainvaded by the Romans and by the 
Thracians and Dardanians. 

The consul quitted Apollonia, and ad- 
vanced towards Macedonia through the 
countiy of the Dassaretians. Philip 



went to meet him, and some skirmishes 
took place to the advantage of the Ro- 
mans. Meantime news was brought 
that Macedonia had been invaded by a 
vast host of Tluacians and Dardanians: 
on which the king decamped by night, 
and hastened to repel this new attack. 
The Romans advanced without opposi- 
tion, till they came to a nari'ow and 
thickly wooded mountain passage, which 
Philip had fortified in the hope that it 
would stop them. But the strength of 
the Macedonian infantry lay in its impe- 
netrable hedge of spears : and on a path 
wliich wound through rocks and thickets, 
the close array could not be kept, nor 
the cumbrous weapons wielded. The 
Romans fought in looser order, and 
principally depended on the sword ; and 
this enabled them to force the passage 
with an ease which surprised them. 
Sulpicius then ravaged much of the 
neighbouring country, and fortified a 
post which lay conveniently for future 
inroads into Macedonia. Having ef- 
fected thus much, he returned to Apol- 
lonia. 

j^tolians invade Thessaly, but are over- 
thrown by Philip. 

When Philip had anived in Mace- 
donia he found the Dardanians retiring, 
and sent a strong detachment of horse 
and light infantry to harass their retreat, 
which was done to their no small annoy- 
ance and loss. His own attention was 
demanded by a more pressing occasion. 
The successful opening of the campaign 
on the part of the Romans ; the rising 
of so many among the barbarous border- 
tribes of Macedonia ; the airival of the 
Roman fleet on the coast of Eubcea, 
which was now announced to have taken 
place, and which threatened that king- 
dom with a maritime blockade, in addi- 
tion to the dangei-s which smTounded it 
by land ; all these things concurring had 
overcome the hesitation of the ^tolians, 
and induced them to engage in the war. 
They had taken many towns belonging to 
alhes or subjects of Philip, and now were 
ravaging the fruitful plains of Thessaly 
as confidently and carelessly as if they 
had no enemy to fear. Their camp was 
pitched without choice of ground wher- 
ever chance would have it ; little watch 
was kept; and some of the soldiers were 



How did Democritus answer the ambassadors .'—What decree was passed ? 

Where is Apollonia?— Who advanced from Apollonia into Macedonia ?— What occasioned Philip to de- 
camp by night .'—Where was the passage of the Romans disputed .'—What was the result .'— ARer forti- 
fying the captured post, to what place did Sulpicius return.' 

How did Philip annoy the Dardanians in their retreat from Macedonia .'—What induced tlie JEtolianM 
to engage in the war ?— What country did they invade ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



251 



wandering about half armed in quest of 
plunder, others passing day and night 
alike in alternate drunkenness and sleep, 
when Phi Up came upon them. A sally 
was made in such hurry and alarm, that 
some of the horsemen went out without 
their swords, and most without their 
breastplates. They were easily routed 
and chased to the camp by the cavalry 
of Philip, who prepared to assault the 
entrenchments as soon as his infantiy 
came up. The troops ai-rived, and ad- 
vanced to the assault ; but the jiEtolians 
fled through the opposite gate to the 
camp of the Athamanians, a neighbour- 
ing tribe who had accompanied them in 
the enterprise, but had encamped sepa- 
rately, and presei-ved a greater show of 
discipline. The day was too far gone 
for a second assault, and Philip rested 
for the night near the trenches of the 
Athamanians, which he proposed to as- 
sault on the moiTOW. But a second 
terror seized the yEtolians; they fled 
fi-om this encampment, as they had from 
their own, and returned to their homes 
with shame and loss. 

Mercenaries raised in ^tolia for Pto- 
lemy. 

These successes ended all present 
danger from ^toUan hostility, especially 
as the fighting men of the nation were 
soon afterwards much diminished in 
number, through the return of Scopas 
from Egypt to levy mercenaries for Pto- 
lemy. He brought large sums of gold, 
with which he raised a force of 6000 in- 
fantry, and horsemen in proportion : and 
the ^tolian character is strongly dis- 
played by the assertion of Livy, that but 
for the exertions of the general Damo- 
critus so large a proportion of the youth 
would have engaged for hire in the ser- 
vice of the stranger, as to leave their 
homes almost without defence, against 
the powerftil enemy so recently pro- 
voked. 

Decrees of the Athenians against Philip. — 
Conciliatory measures of Philip. 

Meantime the Roman fleet, hav^ing 
joined with that of Attains, entirely com- 
manded the ^gean sea. The hope of 
present succour now enboldened the 
Athenians to give free vent to their 



hati-ed of Philip, which fear had hitherto 
suppressed. Their method of attacking 
him was easy at least, if it was neither 
dignified nor eflfectual. They voted that 
his statues, and those of his ancestors, 
should be overthrown, and then- names 
effaced from all honorarj' inscriptions: 
that the hohdays and sacrifices should 
be abohshed, and all the observances, in 
which religious rites had been prosti- 
tuted for the purpose of flattering them : 
that the priests, whenever they pi-ayed 
for the Athenian people, and their allies, 
should pray for curses on Philip and his 
posterity, on his kingdom, his forces by 
land and sea, on the whole race and 
name of the Macedonians. If any man 
should propose an additional insult, they 
declared that they would pass it, what- 
ever it might be; and that the man 
might be justly slain who spoke against 
it. They concluded by saying that what- 
ever had formerly been voted against 
the Peisistratidse, the same should now 
hold good against Philip. Shortly afi;er- 
wards Attains and the Romans came to 
Peirseeus, and honours were decreed to 
them no less extravagant than the ex- 
pressions of hostility to Phihp. From 
Peiraeeus they sailed to the island of An- 
dros, which they conquered; they ra- 
vaged many parts of Philip's dominions, 
and took the city of Oreus in Euboea. 
They then returned about the autumnal 
equinox to Peiraeeus: whence Attains 
went home, and the Romans to Corcyra. 
In the ensuing year little important 
was done in the war: but when leisure 
was given by the coming of winter, Phi- 
lip seeing that the contest would be long 
and peiilous, applied himself to conci- 
hate his subjects and allies, and guard 
against the danger of defection. He 
promised to the Achaians the restoration 
of some cities which he held from them : 
and he quieted the discontents of the 
Macedonians in the usual manner of 
tyrannical rulers, by sacrificing his in- 
strument. Heracleides, his minister, was 
thrown into prison, and accused as the 
author of every unpopular measure : to 
the joy of the multitude, which gladly 
believed that the king, when freed from 
danger, would not renew his course of 
tyranny, or would not find subordinate 
agents as readily as before. 



What enabled Philip to surprise, defeat and drive them back to their own country ? 

For what purpose did Scopas return from Egypt?— How many men did he raise?— What assertion is 
made by Livy ? 

Where is the ^gean sea ?— What combined fleets commanded it ?— What vote was passed by the 
Athenians?— To whom did they pay extravagant honours ?— What conquests were made by the fleets? 
— How did Philip conciliate the Achaians ?— How did he quiet the discontents of the Macedonians? 



252 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Flamininus arrives in Greece. — Forces his 
way into Macedonia. 

The next year was marked with greater 
exertions on the part of Rome. A large 
remforcement was sent to the army in 
Epii'us, under Titus Quinctius Flamini- 
nus, one of the new consuls. Ambassa- 
doi*s arriving from Attains to say that 
he was ready to give aid, by land and 
sea, according to his ability, wherever 
and however the consuls should direct, 
but that he could not do this unless his 
kingdom were protected against Antio- 
chus, king of Syria, who had invaded it, 
the senate gave an answer exemplifying 
the tone of superiority which that body 
already assumed towards all foreign 
princes. They declared that they would 
send an embassy to Antiochus, requir- 
ing him to forbear all hostility towards 
Attains, while his ships and soldiers 
were employed in their service : for it 
was fit that kings allied with Rome 
should live at peace among themselves. 

As soon as Flamininus arrived in his 

Srovince, he moved his army towards 
[acedonia. A difficult defile in his 
line of march had been fortified by Phi- 
lip, and was occupied by him with a 
powerfiil army. Rather than pursue the 
circuitous route which had been taken 
by Sulpicius, he resolved, if possible, to 
force it: but how to do this was not 
obvious; and forty days were spent in 
sight of the enemy before an attempt was 
made to dislodge him. This continued 
inaction encouraged the king to make 
overtures of treaty, which proved abor- 
tive. On the following day his position 
was attacked, but unsuccessfully. Such 
was the state of things when a shepherd 
was brought to the consul, who engaged 
to lead a detachment of his troops by 
secret paths to the heights above the 
Macedonians. A picked body of men 
was accordingly sent forward in the 
night, and took the required position 
undiscovered. A general attack was 
made in the morning, and at the time 
when the contest was hottest in front, 
the detachment fell suddenly on the rear 
of the Macedonians, and they were en- 
tirely routed. Effectual pursuit was pre- 
vented, however, by the difficulties of the 
ground ; and Philip easily re-assembled 
his scattered forces, and retreated with 
them into Thessaly. 



Flamininus enters Thessaly. 
Air ax. 



-Repulsed at 



In such parts of that province as were 
most exposed to immediate occupation 
by the conquerors, Philip removed the 
inhabitants, destroyed the towns, and 
wasted the countiy. After taking these 
cruel precautions, he retired into Ma- 
cedonia. The unhappy Thessalians were 
at the same time invaded by the ^Eto- 
lians and Athamanians, both of whom 
considered that they might plunder in 
security since the victory of their allies. 
The Romans lastly entered Thessaly, 
and took several towns by assault or 
capitulation ; while the king, unable to 
face them in the field, sat down beyond 
the valley of Tempe, the principal pass 
which led to Macedonia ; and thence he 
sent assistance to each place which was 
threatened with attack. At Atrax, on 
the Peneus, the consul met with an un- 
expected repulse. His engines had ef- 
fected a breach in the wall, by which he 
thought he had ensured an easy capture 
of the place. But those within were 
brave, and they were now in a situation 
suitable to their weapons and mode of 
fighting. Their phalanx filled the 
breach ; the standing walls protected 
their flanks, so that they could not be 
attacked except in front ; and no move- 
ments were to be made which could 
disorder their array. The unarmed fin- 
ger might as well attempt to thrust itself 
between the bristles of a hedge-hog, as 
the Romans to pierce the barrier of spears, 
or reach with their swords the men who 
bore them. At length Flamininus un- 
willingly gave up the attempt, and en- 
tered Phocis. He there took several 
towns, and was besieging Elateia, when 
his attention was dra^vn by the hope of 
a more important advantage. 

Aristtenus general of the Achaians. — Acha- 
ians ally themselves with Rome. 

Cycliadas had been banished by the 
Achaians, and their present general 
Aiistsenus was friendly to Rome. The 
Roman fleet, under Lucius Quinctius, the 
consul's brother, with the squadrons of 
Attains and of the Rhodians, afl:er taking 
Eretria and Carystus in Eubcea, had 
come to Cenchrese, and was now pre- 
paring for the siege of Corinth. Before 
engaging in it, ambassadors were sent to 



What Roman officer was sent to Epirus next year .'—What representation was made by the ambassadors 
of Attains ?— What was the reply of the Roman senate ?— What country did Flamininus invade ?— Where 
was Philip stationed ?— How was Flamininus enabled to dislodge him .'—Whither did Philip retreat? 

To what misfortunes was Thessaly now exposed ?— At what place were the Romans repulsed ? — In 
what manner?— What province did Fla.iiininus then enter.' — What town did lie besiege ? 

Who was now general of the Achaians .'—To whom was he fViendly ?— What place were the corabin- 
ed fleets preparing to besiege ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



253 



the great council of the Achaians, em- 
powered by the consul to offer Corinth 
as the price of their aUiance. The minds 
of that people were variously affected. 
They suffered daily from the hostility of 
Lacedfemon. and that of Rome was still 
more formidable ; they were bound by fa- 
vours, both old and recent, to the royal 
house of Macedonia ; but they held the 
present king in suspicion for his faith- 
lessness and cruelty, which they rightly 
deemed would become more intolerable 
when victorj'^ should have rendered 
concihation unnecessary. Thus divided 
in feehng they gave audience to the 
ambassadors. The Roman spoke first, 
then those of Attains and of the Rho- 
dians : the Macedonian envoys then re- 
plied, and were answered in their turn 
by a violent invective from the minister 
of Athens, after which the meeting was 
adjourned. 

On the following day proclamation 
was made in the usual form, that any 
who wished might address the assem- 
bly. Dead silence followed, which was 
broken at last by the general Aris- 
taenus. He set forth the dangers of their 
present situation, the weakness of Ma- 
cedonia, the strength of the Romans, 
the ever troublesome hostihty of Nabis. 
He dwelt on Philip's various mis- 
deeds, especially those committed in 
Peloponnesus; on the injuries of the 
Messenians, the murder of Aratus, the 
outrages perpetrated in friendly cities. 
These and other crimes, he contended, 
had cancelled every debt of alliance and 
gratitude. He bid them second those 
who were ready to free them fi-om the 
tyranny of Philip ; and rather earn a mer- 
it with the Romans while their sei-vices 
could be useful, than wait to be treated 
as time-serving neutrals, or perhaps as 
enemies. 

Vehement murmurs followed of ap- 
plause and disapprobation. Altercation 
was univei*sal, and extended even to the 
ten presiding magistrates, five of whom 
declared that they would put the Roman 
aUiance to the vote, while the rest main- 
tained that the law forbade to treat of 
anything contrary to the league Avith 
Macedonia. This day was spent in 
stormy dispute, and but one remained 
of three prescribed by law as the period 
of the meetmg. Men's minds were now 



so heated, that parents scarce withheld 
their hands from the blood of their 
children. A Pellenian deputy whose 
son was one of those presiding magis- 
trates that refused to put the question, 
besought him long that he would not 
ruin his country by his obstinacy. Find- 
ing all was vain, he declared that he would 
slay him, and would hold him not as a 
son but as an enemy : and by this threat 
he prevailed on him to change his side, 
which turned the scale in favour of pro- 
posing the decree. It was proposed, and 
approved by the majority, among the 
representatives of every state, excepting 
those of Dyme and Megalopolis. The 
latter city had been restored by Antigo- 
nus after its capture by Cleomenes ; the 
former had in the late war been taken by 
the Romans, and its inhabitants made 
slaves; but PhiUp had redeemed them 
wherever they were to be found, had set 
them free, and re-established them in 
their country. When their deputies saw 
the turn the cun-ent was taking, they 
quitted the assembly, all around approv- 
ing their fidehty. Their example was 
followed by some, but not by all, of the 
Argian delegates. The question was 
put ; alliance was voted with Attalus and 
with the Rhodians ; with Rome it was 
defended till the return of ambassadors, 
who were sent to procure the consent of 
the people, without which no treaty 
could stand good. Meantime ambassa- 
dors were sent to L. Quinctius, and the 
Achaian forces joined the army before 
Corinth. The besiegers had hoped that 
strife would arise between the citizens 
and the Macedonian ganisou, but they 
found them united in mind, and equally 
zealous in defence, — a proof that in that 
city, at least, the Macedonian command- 
er had respected the laws, and kept order 
among his soldiers. They effected a 
breach in the wall, but were driven back 
when they attempted to pass it, and were 
in the end obliged to give up the siege, 
on the arrival of the royal general Philo- 
cles, with a reinforcement to the garrison, 
Attalus retreated to Peirseeus, the Romans 
to Corcyra. About the same time Ela- 
teia was taken by the consul. 

Argos recovered for Philip. 
Soon after Argos was recovered for 
Philip. That state was attached to the 



What offer was made by the allies to the Achaians ? — Who spoke at the audience ? — What happened 
on the following day? — How were the magistrates divided in opinion? — How was a majority obtained 
in favour of the alliance ? — Why did Megalopolis decline the alliance ? — Why did Dyme ? — How did the 
Argian delegates behave ? — With whom was alliance voted ? — Why was alliance with Rome deferred ? — 
Whom did the Achaian forces join ?— Who relieved Corinth ?— Whither did Attalus and the Romans 
retreat?— Who took Elateia ?— Where is Elateia? 



254 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Macedonian kings, whose race was be- 
lieved to be originally Argian; and 
most of the chief citizens were also 
bound to Philip by personal friendship. 
It was customaiy for the generals in 
opening the proceedings of the as- 
sembly, to invoke the names of Jupiter, 
Apollo, and Hercules ; and to these, by 
one of those extravagent flatteries, now 
so disgi-acefully common in Greece, the 
name of Phihp had by law been added. 
After the alhance with Rome, his name 
was omitted: at which a murmur first 
arose among the multitude, then a shout 
demanding its recital, and, at last, the 
name was proclaimed in the customary 
forai with vast applause. Encouraged 
by this proof of the {jopular disposition, 
Philocles came by night, and occupied 
a hill above the city. At daybreak he 
advanced in order of battle towards the 
market-place. There was in the city 
an Achaian gamson of five hundi-ed 
picked men fi-om all the states. Philocles 
sent a messenger to ^nesidamus, the 
commander, to warn him to retire ; for 
even without the Macedonians, he said, 
he would be ovemiatched by the towns- 
men who were on their side. Both the 
leader and his men were unmoved, till 
they saw a large body of Argians com- 
ing on armed; and then, to save so 
choice a body of the Achaian youth from 
certain destruction, ^nesidamus agreed 
with Philocles for theu* safe retreat. 
Himself remained in arms on the spot 
where he stood, with a few of his own 
dependents ; and when the Macedonian 
sent to inquire what he wanted, he said 
that he would die in keeping the city 
intrusted to him. He was slain accord- 
ingly, with all those about him. 

Conferences between Philip and Flamininus. 

The Romans went into winter-quar- 
ters in Phocis and Locris, afl;er which 
Philip requested a conference with their 
leader. A place was chosen on the 
shore of the Malian Gulf, whither the 
consul repaired, attended by the gene- 
rals of the Achaians and iEtolians, and 
by some other principal pei"sons among 
his allies. Philip came by sea, and re- 
fused to quit his galley. Flamininus 
asked what he feared: — "I fear no- 
thing," he answered, " except the gods ; 



but I cannot trust to all around you, 
and least of all to the ^toHans." The 
other replied that the danger was com- 
mon : " But the reward of treachery," 
said Philip, " is unequal, for the ^to- 
lians may better replace their general 
than the Macedonians their king." 
They then proceeded to the business of 
the meeting, and Philip sought to know 
the terms of peace. The consul an- 
swered that he must withdraw all his 
ganisons from Greece, dehver up all pri- 
soners and desertei's, restore to the Ro- 
mans what he had taken in Illyria since 
the foiTner ti-eaty, and to Ptolemy the 
cities he had occupied in Egypt. He 
then gave way to the ambassadoi-s of 
Attains, who craved reparation for 
losses and injuries in the war. The 
Rhodians called for the restitution of 
several places to themselves or their 
allies, the relinquishment of Sestos and 
Abydos, and of all towns and ports in 
Asia. The Achaians demanded Argos 
and Corinth. The iEtohans required 
the entire abandonment of Greece, and 
the restitution of all cities taken from 
themselves: and they sti'ongly censured 
Pliilip's proceedings both in the war 
itself and in the transactions which led 
to it. The king replied to them, de- 
fending some of his worst measures on 
the plea of necessity, and others by al- 
leging their own example ; he exclaimed 
against their insolence in requiring him 
to relinquish all connexion with Greece ; 
a demand which sounded hai-shly fiom 
the Romans, but which fi'om them was 
quite intolerable. To Attains and the 
Rhodians he answered that reparation 
was rather due from them, as aggi'es- 
sors, than from him : but yet he would 
yield to much of what they required. 
He closed with bitter complaints of 
Achaian ingratitude, but said that he 
would give up Argos, and would con- 
sult with the Roman general with re- 
spect to Corinth. The Achaians and 
^jtohans were preparing to reply, when 
night came on. The conference ended 
with a curious specimen of Roman plea- 
santly. In the course of the debate 
Philip had often assumed a tone of 
irony and sarcasm, to which he was very 
prone. At the end of it, he requested 
to have the proposals of the Romans in 



What rendered the Argians partial to Philip ?— What encouraged Philocles to advance to Argos ?— Who 
commanded the Achaian garrison there ?— How did he learn tlie disposition of the Argians ?— How did 
he save his garrison ? — Relate the heroic conduct of ^nesidamns after their retreat ? 

Where did Philip meet Flamininus and the allies for the purpose of a conference ? — What reasons did he 
give for not quitting his galley?— What was demanded of Pliilip by the Romans ?— By Attalus?— The 
Rhodians ?— The Achaians ?— The -(Etolians ?— What reply did Philip make to the ^tolians ?— To Atta- 
ins ?• -How did he close ? — How did the conference end ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



255 



writing, that he might consult on them 
with his friends, since he was now alone : 
whereupon Flamininus, by way of show- 
mg, says Polybius, that he, too, could be 
Batirical, replied, "You may well say 
that you are alone, since you have killed 
all your best advisers." 

On the following day Philip came 
not till evening, and then requested a 
private conference with the consul. This 
was declined at first, but afterwards 
granted with the consent of the allies, 
Flamininus reported that the king would 
restore to the ^Etolians Larissa and 
Pharsalus, but not the Phthian Thebes : 
to the Achaians both Argos and Co- 
rinth: to the Rhodians some, but not 
the whole, of his conquests in Asia : to 
Attains, his captured ships and sailore: 
to the Romans, the places taken in II- 
lyria, with .the prisoners and deserters. 
But all exclaimed against accepting any 
partial concession while the Macedo- 
nian held one garrison in Greece: the 
discussion was again adjourned; and 
on the morrow it was agreed, at Phil- 
ip's suggestion, that he should send an 
embassy to Rome, and either persuade 
the senate to grant his terms, or submit 
to such as they should dictate. 

In consenting to this, the consul did 
not expect that peace would follow; 
but he was glad to ascertain the wishes 
of the senate ; and it cost him httle to 
suspend his operations at a season 
which would necessarily have slack- 
ened them. He gi'anted a truce for 
two months, on the condition that the 
Macedonian garrisons in Phocis and 
Locris should straightway be with- 
drawn. Ambassadors were sent to 
Rome both from Philip and from his 
enemies. The latter were first heard by 
the senate. They brought very heavy 
charges against the Macedonians, but 
their most prevailing argument was 
drawn from the commanding position 
of the three strong holds, Demetrias in 
Thessaly, Chalcis, and Corinth, which 
Philip was wont to call the fetters of 
Greece. The royal ambassadors being 
then admitted, were beginning to speak 
at large, when they were cut short with 
the question, whether their master would 
relinquish those three cities, and sent 



away, upon their answering that they 
had no specific instructions on that 
head. The command of Flamininus 
was continued to him, after the expira- 
tion of the year, with the title of procon- 
sul, which signifies an ofiicer with con- 
sular authority. 

Argos betrayed by Philip to Nabis. — CrU' 
elties of Nabis. 

The negotiation having failed, Philip 
sought to concentrate his forces for a 
decisive struggle, and for that end to 
diminish the number of his distant gar- 
risons. Of these, Argos was among the 
remotest, and the most exposed to at- 
tack : and the method he took to escape 
at once from the charge of keeping and 
the danger of losing it, is worth the con- 
sideration of all who put their trust in 
princes. The Argians had struggled for 
ages against Lacedsemon, and losses 
and sufferings had only embittered their 
abhorrence of her dominion, even when 
it would have been exercised by hands 
less odious than those of Nabis. Yet 
when for Philip's sake they had revolted 
fi*om the Achaians, and he found it no 
longer convenient to keep them, lest 
they should return to the allies whom 
they had abandoned for him, he betrayed 
them to their worst enemy, the tyrant of 
Lacedsemon. Nabis refused at first to 
receive the city, unless invited by a 
decree of the people. Such a decree 
was proposed, and rejected with ex- 
pressions of scorn and detestation ; all 
which the tyrant treasured up as pre- 
texts for rapine. He then signified to 
Philocles, the chief agent in this wick- 
edness, that he was ready to take 
possession. His troops were intro- 
duced by night; all commanding posts 
were occupied, and the gates were 
shut. A few of the leading citizens 
escaped, whose estates were fojthvvdth 
given up to pillage. Those who re- 
mained were stripped of all their gold 
and silver, and heavy contributions le- 
vied from them besides ; and if any were 
suspected of concealing the amount of 
his property, he was cruelly tortured. 
An assembly was then called, and Nabis 
proposed a general abolition of debts 
and a distribution of lands ; which were 



What took place the next day ?— What was decided ?— How long a truce was granted ?— On what 
terms? — Who sent ambassadors to Rome? — Which side had the first hearing? — What three fortresses 
were Philip's anjbassadors required to surrender? — Where are they situated ? — Why were Philip's am- 
bassadors sent away ? — What title was given to Flamininus ? — What does it signify ? 

How did Philip now Peek to concentrate his forces? — Which was the remotest? — Had the Argiana 
been long hostile to Lacedjemon? — To whom did Philip betray them?— What was his answer at first*' — 
Did the people agree to receive Nabis ? — How were his troops introduced ? — What followed ? 



256 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



to serve as bribes to the poor, to pre- 
vent them from opposing the spoliation 
of the rich. 

In resigning Argos, Philip had stipu- 
lated that if he were victorious, it should 
be restored to him. If he trusted to 
this assurance, he little considered the 
character of the man with whom he had 
to deal. The first thought of Nabis 
was to join tlie Romans, and thus pre- 
clude all demands of restitution. This 
was scandalous perfdj^, but yet not 
worse than Philip's conduct towards the 
Argians ; and it is a strong instance of 
the natural proneness of mankind to 
rely entirely on the assurances of their 
fellows, that he should have trusted to 
the promise of a man so infamous, even 
at the very moment when himself was 
trampling under foot all bonds of faith 
to a people who had hazarded their all 
for his sake. The Roman general gladly 
listened to the overtures of the tyrant, 
and offered hun friendship on the con- 
dition that he should make peace with 
the Achaians, and should send an aux- 
iliaiy force to act against Phihp. He 
promised to send the troops; and, in- 
stead of a permanent peace, he made 
a truce with the Achaians during the 
Macedonian war; and on these terms 
the treaty was concluded. 

A dispute arose about Argos, which 
Attains said that Nabis had gained by 
treacheiy, and now held by violence, 
while the tyrant asserted that the citi- 
zens had called him in for their defence. 
The king required that an assembly 
should be summoned, to ascertain whe- 
ther this were true; the tyrant did not 
refuse ; but, to the further demand, that 
the Lacedaemonian soldiers should be 
withdrawTi, so that the assembly might 
be unmixed with foreigners, and free to 
declare, without fear, the real wishes of 
the citizens, he denied his consent, and 
there the matter rested. On his return 
to Lacedsemon, he sent his wife, Apega, 
to Argos, to plunder the women, as he 
h^ plundered the men. This she did 
with ci-uelty surpassing even that of her 
husband. She sent for them sometimes 
singly, sometimes in families, and in- 
flicted on them every kind of indignity 
and torture ; and thus she extorted from 
them all their golden oniaments, and 
even the most costly of their garments. 



Flamininus get* possession of Thebes. 

These titinsactions took place in the 
winter of the year B. C. 198. In the fol- 
lowing year, the Roman chief undertook 
to secure the adherence of the Boeotians, 
whose affections were much divided. 
This he effected by a trick, in which, 
though no express covenant may have 
been palpably broken, he certainly acted 
in a spirit veiy opposite to good faith. 
He pitched his camp five miles from 
Thebes: ambassadors came from every 
side : he set out for the city with them 
and vrith Attains, attended only by a 
handful of soldiers ; but two thousand 
more had orders to follow at the distance 
of a mile. The general of the BcEotians 
met him half way ; but few anned men 
being seen about him, and those who 
followed being hid by the inequah- 
ties of the ground, no foul play was 
apprehended; and as he neared the 
gates, the citizens crowded out to do 
him honour. Under pretence of re- 
ceiving and returning their welcomes, 
he loitered to let his followers come up, 
still carefully keeping all the townsmen 
before him, so that his own company 
might screen from their view the armed 
body in the rear. The fraud was not 
discovered till he came to his lodging. 
It was then apparent that there could 
be no freedom of debate for the assembly 
of the Boeotians, which was appointed 
for the morrow ; but complaint was sup- 
pressed by the conviction that it was vain 
and might be dangerous. 

The first who spoke in the assembly 
was Attains. He began with his own 
merits towards Greece and towards the 
Boeotians ; but he was too old and too 
infirm for the exertion of speaking, and 
a stroke of palsy cut him short. When 
he had been carried out, Aristsenus ad- 
dressed to the Boeotians the same argu- 
ments by which he had already pre- 
vailed with the Achaians. Then followed 
Quinctius himself, who praised not so 
much the power of his countrymen as 
their good faith. His words were prob- 
ably unquestioned; for the recent fact, 
which proved them false, had made it 
perilous to contradict them. The Roman 
alhance was voted with the unanimity of 
fear ; and the proconsul quitted the scene 
of his ill-gotten success, to turn his whole 
attention towards the war with Philip. 



On what terms was peace concluded with the Romans, by Nabis? — About what did a dispute now 
arise ? — Whom did Nabis send to plunder the women of Ar^os ?— How did she execute the commission ? 

When did these transactions take placer — Where did Quinctius pitch his camp? — How did he con- 
trive to introduce his soldiers into Thebes? — Who spoke in the assembly of the Thebans next day?— 
What was voted ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



25r 



Exhaustion of Macedonia by continued wars. 

That monarch also was not slack in 
preparation : but warfai'e unceasing for 
many generations had wasted the flower 
of the Macedonian youth, and the army 
which was to fight for the national in- 
dependence was filled up with boys 
and old men. Wars so constant and 
extensive as to lead to this result can 
seldom be mthout great blame to the 
people or its rulers ; and the weakness 
thence arising may perhaps be consid- 
ered at once as a natural consequence 
of ambitious turbulence, and as a wise 
provision to hmit and punish it. The 
late war had ended with a safe and hon- 
ourable peace. If Philip then, instead 
of pursuing unjust aggi'andizement in 
Asia, had quietly employed himself in 
recruiting the exhausted resources of 
his country, he might not have escaped 
attack fi-om Roman ambition; but his 
cause would have been clearer, his 
enemies fewer, his friends more numer- 
ous ; the brave men wh6 fell in unprofi- 
table battles against Attains and the Rho- 
dians would have been standing armed to 
repel the invader; and the boys who 
feebly filled their places, and perished 
immaturely ui unequal contest, would 
have grown up under their protection to 
the strength of manhood. Even thus the 
Macedonians would perhaps have been 
overcome by the superior niihtary system 
of their adversaries ; but they would at 
least have maintained a long, hard, doubt- 
ful struggle, 'with the approving witness 
of conscience, and the wishes of all good 
men. By doing otherwise, Philip convert- 
ed allies into neutrals, and neutrals into 
enemies; gave his foes a pretext for 
attacking him ; made the fiiends of Gre- 
cian freedom doubt which party to sup- 
port ; and through the same acts by which 
he forfeited all aid from without, he broke 
the strength of his own kingdom, and 
lavished its best blood before the time of 
need. 

Battle of Cynoscephalee. 

The crisis soon came. The Roman 
forces entered Thessaly, where those of 
Macedonia were already stationed to de- 
fend the province. 'After various move- 
ments, which it is needless to detail, the 
two armies came together near Pherae. 
In number, they were nearly equal : but 
the Romans, with their alUes, were supe- 
rior in horse, and they had elephants. 



which Philip had not. Several skirmishes 
took place between the cavalry and hght 
troops, whom each sent out to discover 
the position and movements of the ene- 
my. At length, the armies confronted 
each other, divided only by some hills 
called Cynoscephalae (Dog's heads.) So 
thick a fog then prevailed, that neither 
knew of the other's approach till the 
outposts were engaged. The sku-mish 
grew hotter, reinforcements aniving to 
either party when it seemed to be the 
weaker ; and the contest ended in a gen- 
eral engagement, to the great disadvan- 
tage of Philip, who, not expecting it, had 
sent out many of his troops on foraging 
parties. 

In the beginning of the battle, the 
Macedonians seemed to be superior. 
Their light troops had driven those of 
the Romans from the top of the inter- 
vening hill, and the heavy-armed of the 
right wing quickly following, had form- 
ed undisturbedly on the ridge, and were 
now descending in perfect order, and 
with a weight and force too great to be 
withstood by the looser array and shorter 
weapons of their adversaries. Whatever 
opposed them was overborne, and either 
desti'oyed or forced to retreat; till the 
proconsul, seeing that here defeat seem- 
ed unavoidable, recovered the fortune of 
the day by a vigorous attack on the left of 
the Macedonians. Unexpectedly tempt- 
ed to make a general attack, Philip 
had been unable to bring his forces si- 
multaneously into action ; the greater 
part were still on the way to join their 
victorious companions, and the Romans 
found them in order of march, and not 
of battle. To make their confusion more 
complete, there was no commanding 
ofiicer on the spot, and the ground was 
such as rendered it difficult to form in 
phalanx. To be attacked at such a mo- 
ment was certain discomfiture, and they 
broke and fled at the approach of the 
elephants, without awaiting the onset of 
the infantry which followed them. The 
Romans generally were hot in pui-suit: 
but one officer saw that the time was 
come for more important service, and 
quitting the beaten enemy, he hastened 
down the hill with a few hundred sol- 
diers to fall on the rear of the conquer- 
ing right wing. Unable suddenly to 
change their front, and unfitly armed 
for a mingled scuffle, the Macedonians 



Of what erroiirs had Philip been guilty ?— What h:id been the effect of his wars in his own doiniiiions.' 
What roiintry did the Romans enter ?— Where did Philip meet them ?— Where is Pherte ?— What di- 
vided the two armies .'—Which party was superior at first?— How did the Roman proconsul recover the 
fortune of the day ? 



33 



258 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



had no defence against this unlooked-for 
attack. They were helplessly slaughter- 
ed till they fled, and then they were pur- 
sued not only by those in the rear, but by 
the men whom they had just been driving 
before them. The rout was complete 
and ruinous, eight thousand Macedonians 
being slain and five thousand taken, while 
the Romans only lost about seven hundred 
men. 

Negotiations for peace. 
The king retired from the field to 
Tempe. He stopped there for one day 
to collect the stragglers of his army, and 
sent a messenger to Larissa to destroy his 
memoranda which were lying there, lest 
falling into the hands of the Romans they 
should injure himself or endanger his 
friends. He then proceeded on his way 
into Macedonia. Flamininus arrived in 
Larissa, where he was met by a Macedo- 
nian herald, sent avowedly to ask a truce 
for the burial of the dead, but commis- 
sioned also to obtain permission that am- 
bassadors should be sent to treat of 
peace. The proposal was favourably re- 
ceived ; a truce for fifteen days was gran- 
ted, and ambassadors came from Philip, 
one of whom was the Achaian exile, 
Cycliadas. 

Beginning of ill will between the Romans and 
^tolians. 

The conduct of the Roman general in 
this matter was not without reason dis- 
pleasing to the iEtohans. Before the 
victory everything had been done in 
concert with the allies; but in the an- 
swer given to Philip's messenger, and 
m most things that had happened since 
the battle, the proconsul had acted on his 
own opinion, advising only with those 
about his person, and had studiously 
shghted the ^tolians in particular. The 
causes assigned by the historians are 
these: — he was offended with them for 
plundering the Macedonian camp while 
the Romans were engaged in the pursuit, 
and thus depriving the latter of their 
due share in the booty ; he was deter- 
mined that he would not, after expel- 
ling Philip, leave them lords of Greece 
in his place; and he resented their boasts 
of superior valour, and the large part 
which they claimed in the credit of the 
victory. These pleas were pretexts ra- 
ther than motives, and ever as pretexts 



they were insufficient. If the -^tolians 
had defi-auded his soldiers, he might 
complain, might threaten, might enforce 
redress ; but he had not a right to ac- 
quiesce in the particular injury, and then 
repay himself by assuming unlimited 
authority in the general conduct of the 
war, to the injury not only of the offen- 
ders but of the other allies. The vaunts 
of the ^Etolians were a matter too insig- 
nificant for serious complaint. They may 
have overstepped the bounds both of 
truth and modesty; but their services 
had really been eminent, especially those 
of the cavalry; and there is reason to 
think that the real ground of- offence 
was not the falsehood of their preten- 
sions, but their daring, whether justly or 
unjustly, to place their military merit in 
comparison with that of the Romans. 
These things are trifling ; but the whole 
proceeding may be explained from the 
second pretext, when compared with the 
uniform course of Roman pohcy. The 
jEtolians were not to be lords of Greece ; 
they had been courted as long as Mace- 
donia was forrnidable, but now that they 
had helped to win the battle, themselves 
would probably be the next attacked. 
The other allies, Avho dreaded and hated 
them, would gladly contribute to their 
downfal, and in so doing would accus- 
tom themselves to follow the lead of the 
Romans. These professing to defend the 
hberty of Greece, and to protect the weak 
against the strong, would successively 
bring low all the greater states, and ha- 
bituate the rest to unlimited obedience. 
When the nation was irrecoverably di- 
vided and weakened, they would begin 
to exercise a more arbitrary power ; and 
would either break its spirit gradually to 
the yoke, or would goad it to insuiTection, 
and then punish its imputed ill faith and 
ingratitude by reducing it to a subject 
province. 

It is not here meant that all these 
views existed fully developed in the mind 
of Flamininus ; but his conduct steadi- 
1}^ tended towards them, and the prospect 
opened as he proceeded ; while the same 
system of policy was so uniformly pur- 
sued by his succes^rs, and by Roman 
generals elsewhere, as to prove that its 
principles were common to all, and only 
wanted occasion and circumstance to 
embody them. A day was appointed 



What number of Macedonians were slain or taken ?— How many did the Romans lose ? 

Whither did Philip retire .'—For wiiat did he send a messenger to Larissa?— Who arrived there?— 
By whom was he met? — Who was among Philip's ainbassadors ? 

Why was Flamininus offended with the iEtolians ?— How did he treat them?— What was his design 
towards them ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



259 



for the conference with Philip, and the 
deputies of the confederate states being 
assembled at Tempe, the proconsul cal- 
led on each for his opinion upon the 
terms to be granted. The ^tolians de- 
clared that they could be satisfied with 
nothing short of Philip's expulsion from 
Macedonia. This demand, unreasonable 
in itself, was very unwelcome to the Ro- 
man, who foresaw that he should want 
that kingdom as a balance to the ^to- 
lians. Besides, the custom of his com- 
monwealth was not to push its successes 
to the utmost; but rather, by grantmg 
peace on easy terms, at once to make 
sure what had been won, and to affect 
the praise of generosity, secure that 
either by the progressive extension of 
protection and control, or by war renewed 
at greater disadvantage, the weaker state 
must ultimately fall under the dominion 
of the stronger. He resisted the wishes 
of the ^tolians, as well on the gi'ound 
of becoming hberality, as on that of the 
utility of Macedonia as a barrier against 
the Thracians and Gauls. His conduct 
, here was right, and his reasons sound; 
but he betrayed the lurking spirit of am- 
bition and encroachment by the haughty 
and angry manner in which he inten^up- 
ted the ^Etolian Phseneas, who still assert- 
ed that Greece could only be secured by 
the overthrow of Philip ; as if it were an 
offence against Rome for any of her allies 
to persist in an opinion which her officer 
had condemned. 

Peace concluded. 
The king arrived on the following day, 
and came on the third into the meeting. 
He said that he consented to all which 
the Romans and their allies had previous- 
ly required, and would willingly refer all 
other questions to the decision of the sen- 
ate. The ^Etolians demanded several 
cities of Thessaly wJiich they had lost ; 
and he answered that they might freely 
take them. But here Flamininus inter- 
fered: the Phthian Thebes, he said, 
should be theirs, since it had refused to 
yield, when summoned by the Romans ; 
but not the other towns, which had 
surrendered. The JEtolians were highly 
indignant, the other allies proportion- 
ably gratified. The treaty, however, 
proceeded: a truce was made for four 
months, during which the conditions of 



a lasting peace were to be settled by the 
senate; and it was agreed that Phihp 
should pay forthwith two hundred talents 
into the hands of the proconsul, and 
should give as hostages his son Demetri- 
us, and others of his fiiends, on condition 
that both the money and the hostages 
should be restored if the negotiation were 
not successful. 

Disputes in Acarnania. — Uncommon modera- 
tion of the people. 

While the main issue of the war was 
determined in Thessaly, transactions not 
without importance took place elsewhere. 
The Achaians, after suffering giievously 
fi'om the powerful garrison of Corinth, 
judiciously profited by their over-confi- 
dence to give them a decisive defeat. 
A deeper interest belongs to the dangers 
which now threatened the Acarnanians, 
a nation too weak to be often mentioned 
in history, but whose name, wheli it 
occurs, is worth a welcome ; for it sel- 
dom fails to relieve the gloomy cast of 
the general nan'ative with some instance 
of courageous honesty, justice, or mode- 
ration. Before the battle of Cynosceph- 
alse, when they alone, of all the Greeks, 
clung firmly to Macedonia, the Roman 
admu-al L. Quinctius imdertook to gain 
them, and persuaded many of then* lead- 
ers to concur with him. A national 
congress was held at Leucas, and a de- 
cree of alliance with Rome was proposed. 
Many cities had no representatives at the 
meeting, and those who came were much 
divided in opinion; but the chiefs and 
magistrates who favoured the change 
prevailed on a majority to approve it. 
This decree, when known, excited gene- 
ral indignation, as a breach of faith to- 
wards Macedonia. It was quickly re- 
versed ; Archelaus and Bianor, the propo- 
sers, were condemned as traitors; and 
the general Zeuxidas was deprived of his 
office, for putting such a question to the 
vote. The men condemned were ad- 
vised to fly to the Romans at Corcyra ; 
but, strong in conscious purity of motive, 
they resolved to trust their fate to their 
fellow-citizens. They entered the as- 
sembled congress. A wondering muniiur 
first ai'ose, which was hushed by respect 
for their former character, and pity for 
their fortune. They were patiently heard, 
while, afler beginning in a supplicating 



Where did the Grecian deputies and the Roman proconsul meet to confer with Philip ? — What did the 
^tolians demand ? — On what ground did Flamininus resist their wishes? — How did he treat Phmneas? 

On Philip's arrival what did he consent to ?— What did the iEtolians demand?— What was the reply 
of Flamininus ? — What were the terms of th(^ treaty ? 

With whom were the Acarnanians allied? — Who gained a decree for alliance with Rome? — Was it 
confirmed by the people ? — What votes were passed against its authors ? 



260 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



strain, they went on to defend theii' pro- 
ceeding, and finally ventured to com- 
plain that they had been harshly judged, 
and cruelly sentenced. The experiment 
was bold, and without a parallel in 
Greece ; but the issue showed that they 
had rightly estimated their countrymen. 
Every vote against them was repealed ; 
but the nation adhered, notwithstanding, 
to its old engagements, a sufficient proof 
that they were acquitted through the 
candour of those who disagreed with 
them, and not through the renewed supe- 
riority of their partisans. 

Siege of Leucas. — Submission of Acarnania 
to the Romans. 

These tidings being brought to L. 
Quinctius, he immediately prepared for 
the siege of Leucas. The place was open 
to attack by land and sea, and the walls 
were quickly sapped or shaken in many 
places. But the want of natural advan- 
tages for defence was supplied by the 
courage and industry of the besieged, 
who were daily and nightly employed in 
repairing the tottering ramparts, filUng 
up the breaches, and making good with 
their weapons every passage which was 
opened for assault. The defence was 
maintained, till the citadel was betrayed 
to the Romans by some Italian exiles 
living in the town. The Leucadians 
formed in battle order in the market-, 
place, and long withstood the soldiei-s 
who poured down upon them from the 
hill; but in the meantime the walls 
were scaled in many places, and the 
Roman general entering the city with 
the main body of his army, they were 
quickly surrounded, and either slain or 
obliged to suiTender. Soon after this 
the news arrived of the decisive battle in 
Thessaly, and all the states of Acarnania 
now submitted to the conquerors. About 
the same time the Rhodians defeated a 
Macedonian army, and recovered Pe- 
raea, a tract on the opposite coast of 
Asia, which had formerly been theirs, 
and the occupation of which by Philip 
had been a principal subject of their quar- 
rel with him. 

Dardamans, invading Macedonia^ over- 
thrown by Philip. 

The weak condition of Macedonia now 
encouraged the Dardanians to invade 



and ravage it : but Philip, though every 
where unfortunate, was not so broken 
in spirit as patiently to endure this last 
insult. He hastily collected an army, 
and falling on them unawares, when scat- 
tered for plunder, cut to pieces a large 
portion of them almost without resist- 
ance. The rest fled to their own coun- 
try, and the king led back his soldiers, 
cheered by this unwonted gleam of suc- 
cess. 

War between Antiochus and Ptolemy. — /n- 
terference of the Rhodians. 

Flamininus had listened the more wil- 
lingly to proposals of peace, bec^iuse he 
feared that a new ally might come to 
Philip. In the preceding summer, An- 
tiochus, king of Syria, had won the 
province of Ccnlesyria from Ptolemy, 
and now he had gathered forces by land 
and sea, at once to wrest from the 
same potentate the cities he possessed 
in Cilicia and Caria, and to aid the 
Macedonian monarch in his contest with 
the Romans. The Rhodians hearing 
of his levy, sent an embassy to warn 
him that they would forcibly oppose his 
fleet, if it passed the headland of Ne- 
pheliSj in Cilicia, not, they said, from 
any hostile feeling* towards him, but to 
prevent him from impeding the libera- 
tion of Greece. The king replied that 
he would send .ambassadors to renew 
his ancient friendship with the Rhodians, 
and that they need not fear lest his 
coming should injure themselves or 
their allies, for his good disposition to- 
wards Rome had been proved by a 
recent embassy to the senate, which had 
been most favourably received. His 
envoys were at Rhodes when the tidings 
of the battle at Cynoscephalae an-ived 
there. The Rhodians did not proceed 
against him, but they took measures to 
secure the cities allied with Eg}'pt, and 
many states, among which were Samos 
and Halicarnassus, were indebted to 
them for safety and fi'eedom. 

Murder ofBrachyllas. 
Before the return of the Macedonian 
and other ambassadoi-s from Rome, 
the Bosotians asked and obtained from 
the proconsul the restoration of such 
of their citizens as had been taken fight- 
ing for Philip. As soon as they re- 



How did they gain a reversal of these votes ? — Where did these things transpire ? — Where is Leucas ? 

Who besieged Leucas ? — How was it defended ? — How was it betrayed and taken ? — Did Acarnania 
surrender ? — What other losses did Philip suffer about the same time ? 

Who now invaded Macedonia ? — What was the result of their invasion ? 

Why had Flamininus listened to proposals of peace ? — What had Antiochus won from Ptolemy.' — What 
did he now design ? — Who interfered to prevent this ? — What states did they succeed in protecting ? 

What favour did the Boeotians obtain from Flamininus f 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



261 



turned, Brachyllas, the chief of them, 
was elected Boeotarch ; and the friends of 
Phibp were generally honoured and ad- 
vanced to leading situations, as before 
the commonwealth had been forced into 
alliance with Rome. For this perhaps 
the Boeotians may be excused, though 
it were to be wished that their inde- 
pendence could have been otherwise 
asserted, than by means of a favour 
obtained for the puipose of crossing the 
intentions of the grantor. Their next 
act was one of unquahfied meanness; 
for in order to take from the Roman 
general the credit of the obligation, they 
sent an embassy of thanks to Philip, as 
if it had been conferred tlirough his in- 
tercession. 

These proceedings gave alarm to the 
partisans of Rome ; for they saw that 
their opponents were superior even now, 
and would carry all before them as soon 
as the controlUng army was withdrawn. 
To avoid the humiliating and dangerous 
condition of a depressed faction in a 
Grecian state, they were ready to take 
the most violent measures. They sent 
a deputation to Flamininus, which bit- 
terly inveighed against the ingratitude 
of the multitude, and finished by saying 
that there could be no security for the 
fhends of Rome after the departure of 
the army, unless Brachyllas were re- 
moved out of the way, and the people 
intimidated by his fate. The proconsul 
repUed that he would not be concerned 
in such a matter; but having quieted 
his conscience by the pitiful subterfiige 
of refusing direct participation, he bid 
them consult with Alexamenes, the 
^tolian general. The latter made no 
scruple of selecting fit ruffians for the 
purpose, being six in number, three of 
his countrymen and three Italians. As 
Brachyllas was returning di'unk fi*om a 
feast, they fell on him and slew him, 
and escaped in the tumuli. 

At break of day an assembly v^^as 
called to inquire into this dai'k trans- 
action. The first who were openly ac- 
cused of the murder were some men of 
abandoned character, who had been 
with Brachyllas at the moment ; but far 
stronger suspicions were secretly at- 
tached to Zeuxippus and Peisistratus, 
the heads of the Roman party, and the 
real authors of the deed. Zeuxippus 



endeavoured to outface his accusers, by 
arguing against the supposition that 
such a violence had been committed by 
persons so effeminate as the accused; 
and he succeeded in persuading many 
of his iimocence, for they found it hard 
to believe that, if conscious of guilt, he 
would have put himself heedlessly for- 
ward in the discussion, or laboured to 
remove the imputation from others. 
Meantime the companions of Brachyllas 
had been racked, and had named Zeux- 
ippus and Peisistratus as the contrivers 
of the murder. They were privy to 
nothing, and had only spoken at random, 
in compliance with what they knew to 
be the popular opinion; but neverthe- 
less the heart of Zeuxippus failed him, 
and he fled. Peisistratus remained at 
Thebes, not feaiing discovery, except 
from an accomplice; but as Zeuxippus 
had a confidential servant, who had 
managed the whole transaction, he sent 
a letter advising that he should be re- 
moved. The success of this precaution 
was such as it deserved. The letter fell 
into the hands of the servant, who 
straightway fled to Thebes ; and on his 
evidence Peisistratus was convicted and 
executed. 

This deed most justly exasperated the 
Bceotians against the Romans; but 
.wanting strength for open war, they 
pursued their revenge by more dishon- 
ourable means. If any soldiei-s quitted 
the camp, they were cut off by lurking 
assassins, or decoyed into deserted halt- 
ing places, and there murdered. Five 
hundred men were thus destroyed ; and 
when the proconsul demanded repara- 
tion of the states, they denied that these 
outrages were authorized, but gave no 
further satisfaction. He then com- 
menced hostilities against them, and 
quickly made them sue for peace. At 
fii-st, he refused to receive their ambassa- 
dors ; but the Achaians and Athenians in- 
terceded for them, and at their instance 
peace was granted, on condition that the 
Boeotians should deliver up the guilty 
persons, and should pay a fine of thirty 
talents. 

Arrival of the Roman commissioners in 
Greece. 

Ten Roman commissioners now ar- 
rived to settle the affairs of Greece, and 



Whom did they elect Boeotarch? — Whose friends did they honour? — What message did the pnrtisans 
of Rome send to Flamininus ? — What was his reply ? — What did Alexamenes caas«* to be done ? — Who 
were the real authors of this murder? — Which of them escaped? — By what means was the other con- 
victed and executed ? — How did the Bceotians revenue themselves for the murder of Brachyllas ? — What 
was the consequence ? — On what terms was peace granted ? 

Who now came to settle the afTairs of Greece ? 



963 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



brought with them the decree of the 
senate, granting peace to Philip. It pro- 
vided that all the Greeks not subject to 
Phihp both in Asia and in Europe should 
be independent; that PhiUp should de- 
liver to the Romans the Greek cities sub- 
ject to him, or in which he had garrisons, 
excepting several in Thrace and Asia 
which were named, and were to be left 
forthwith to themselves ; that Flamininus 
should write to Prusias for the liberation 
of the Cians ; that Philip should restore 
all Roman prisoners and deserters, sur- 
render all his decked vessels of war, 
excepting five of such as were com- 
monly used, and one huge galley with 
sixteen banks of oars, which was only 
kept for parade, and pay a thousand tal- 
ents, half forthwith, and the rest withm 
ten years. 

This decree was generally well re- 
ceived; the iEtohans alone expressed 
dissatisfaction. They said that there 
were two articles about the cities held 
by Phihp ; that those named were to be 
independent, which were mostly towns 
of Asia, but the rest would remain in 
the hands of the Romans. Now these 
were the strong cities of European 
Greece, Oreus, Eretria, Chalcis, De- 
metrias, Corinth. It was evident then 
that the Romans were succeeding Philip 
in his hold upon the fetters of Greece, 
and that the nation had but changed 
its mastei*s. These complaints were not 
ill founded; for the senate had inten- 
tionally left to the discretion of the com- 
missioners the disposal of Chalcis, De- 
metrias, and Coiinth ; and when Flami- 
ninus advised them to make those cities 
independent, and thus rebut the charges 
of the iEtolians, they only complied 
with respect to Corinth, which they re- 
stored to the Achaian league. Even 
this, to which they were bound by treaty 
with the Achaians, they executed im- 
perfectly, retaining a garrison in the 
Acrocorinthus. When these things are 
considered, the reader will perhaps be 
of opinion that the mistrust of the JEto- 
lians, however condemned by the Roman 
writere, was not less reasonable than 
the boundless confidence and gratitude 
of the other allies. 



Proclamation of liberty to Greece at the 
Isthmian festival. 

The Isthmian festival soon came, 
(B. C. 196) at which it was expected 
that the intentions of the Romans 
would be made known ; and the scene 
which ensued is one which cannot be 
viewed without gratification, even by 
those who have learned how large a pro- 
portion of history is occupied by fair 
professions unfulfilled, and hopes un- 
worthily disappointed. The spectators 
were assembled, and busy in conjecture 
as to the conduct likely to be followed 
by the new arbitei-s of Greece, when the 
trumpet sounded, and proclamation was 
made to this eflTect : — " The Roman 
senate and T. Q,uinctius the proconsul, 
having overcome King Phihp and the 
Macedonians, leave fi-ee, ungarrisoned, 
unburdened with tribute, the Corinthi- 
ans, Phocians, Thessalians, and others," 
specifying all the Greeks who had been 
subject to Philip. The voice of the crier 
was drowned in acclamations, so that 
many failed to hear the full purport of 
the proclamation ; and others thought 
that what they heard must-be spoken in 
a dream, so far did it exceed their ex- 
pectation. The crier was called back, 
and the same words being repeated were 
followed by loud and reiterated shouts 
of applause: after which the various 
shows and trials of skill proceeded un- 
regarded, the minds of the spectators 
being too full to heed them. When all 
these were finished, a general rush was 
made tow^ards the Roman commander; 
and it is said that, had he not been a 
man in the full prime and vigour of 
youth, his life might have been endan- 
gered by the multitude of those who 
thronged to see him, to address him as a 
saviour, to take him by the hand, or to 
throw garlands upon him. " It was 
glorious that a state should exist in the 
world, which had .will to contend for 
Grecian freedom, and power and fortune 
to achieve it." Such a praise may have 
been partly due to the present conduct 
of the Romans, perhaps to most of the 
administration of Flamininus. But wo 
to the people whose liberty depends on 
the continued forbearance of an over 
mighty protector ! 



What were the terms of peace with Philip? — Who were dissatisfied with them? — Why? — What city 
was given up to the Achaians ? — What fortress of that city was retained by the Romans ? 

What festival was celebrated in the year B. C. 196 ?— Where was this festival held ? (See Chapter II. 
$ 8.)— What proclamation was there made ?—iIow was it received ? — With what observation does the 
chapter conclude '' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



263 



CHAPTER XIV. 



or THE WAR OF ANTIOCHUS AND THE 
THEIR ALLIES : AND OF THE, AFFAIRS 
THE ^TOLIANS TO ROME. 

SECTION I. 

Antiochus rebuilds Lysimacheia. — Roman 
embassy to him. 

Antiochus, in the course of an expedi- 
tion mainly directed to bring under his 
dominion all the coasts of Asia Minor, 
had come to the Hellespont, and receiv- 
ed the submission of many towns on the 
European, as well as on the Asiatic side. 
Arriving at the ruins of Lysimacheia in 
the Chersonese, wliich had been destroy- 
ed a few years since by the Thracians, 
he suspended the pm*suit of fame and 
aggrandizement by the beaten path of 
blood and ravage, to seek it by works of 
benevolent reparation. He began to re- 
build the city walls, to redeem such of the 
inhabitants as were in slavery, and dili- 
gently to search for all who were scat- 
tered about all the countries round the 
Hellespont. 

While he was thus engaged, an em- 
bassy came from the Romans, who had 
temporized while there was danger from 
Philip, but who now assumed a haugh- 
tier tone. Their ambassadors required 
him to give up all that had been taken 
from Ptolemy, and to abstain from at- 
tacking any of the independent cities, 
or of those which had been subject to 
Pliilip. For the Romans, they said, 
having conquered the Macedonian, it 
would be hard that Antiochus should 
forestall their winnings ; nor could they 
guess with what object, save hostility 
towards Rome, he had entered Europe 
with so great a force. 

The king replied that he knew not 
what concern the Romans had in Asia, 
and craved that they would not meddle 
^there, more than he did in Italy. He 
had crossed into Europe to recover the 
tenitories which his ancestor Seleucus 
had conquered from Lysimachus. To 
the other points he answered in a man- 
ner no less calculated to exclude all 
control of his proceedings. The con- 
ference ended in mutual dissatisfaction. 
A false report arriving of Ptolemy's death. 



^TOLIANS AGAINST THE ROMANS AND 
OF GREECE UNTIL THE SUBMISSION OP 



Antiochus hastened towards Egypt, and 
on learning the truth went to winter in 
his Syrian capital of Antioch. 

Flamininus consults his Crrecian allies cu to 
war with Nabis, 

When the ten commissioners returned 
from Greece to Rome, they assured the 
senate that a dangerous war was impend- 
ing on the part of Antiochus, but advised 
that, while it was delayed, they should 
take an advantage of the interval to settle 
the state of Greece more firmly, and in- 
crease their claims of gratitude from the 
nation by putting down the tyranny of 
Nabis. The proposal was warmly can- 
vassed, but at last it was referi'ed to the 
discretion of the proconsul. He had 
made himself generally esteemed and 
beloved, except among the ^tohans, 
not less for moderation and hberality 
after victory than for able conduct in 
the war. He gladly embraced so fair an 
opportunity of extending and confirm- 
ing his popularity; and summoning a 
meeting of the allies at Corinth, he spoke 
to this effect. "In the war against 
Philip, the Romans and the Greeks had 
each then' pecuhar motives of action; 
but that on which I now consult you only 
aflTects yourselves. I ask you whether 
you are wilhng that Argos should remain 
under the dominion of Nabis, or whether 
you think it but reasonable, that one of the 
noblest and most ancient Grecian cities 
should be restored to that fi'eedom which 
the rest are enjoying. This question in 
nowise touches the welfare of the Ro- 
mans. Your interests only are at stake, 
and I will be wholly guided by your 
opinion." 

The Athenians praised the high de- 
serts of the Romans towards Greece, 
and complained of some who detracted 
from the past bj"^ speaking mistrustfully 
of the fiiture. This called up the JEto- 
lian Alexander. The Athenians, he said, 
once the champions of liberty, were 
now the sei-vile flatterers of power. The 



In what conquests was Antiochus engnged ? — What city did he rebuild ? — Who came to him while he 
was thus engaged ? — What did they demand ? — What answer did he make? — How did the conference 
end r — Where did he winter ? 

What intelligence did the ambassadors carry back to Rome ? — What advice did they give ? — To whom 
was it referred ? — Where did he cause the allies to assemble ? — What did he say to them ? — What obser- 
vations were made by the Athenians ? — By the iGtolian Alexander ? 



264 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Achaians had supported Philip, and had 
only changed with his fortune; yet 
they had Corinth, and looked for Argos, 
while the JEtolians, the original alhes 
of Rome, were cheated of Pharsalus and 
Echinus. He would not trust the Ro- 
mans, while they held Demetrias and 
Chalcis; for they had ever maintained 
to Phihp that Greece could not be free 
while those places were ganisoned. 
This matter of Nabis was but a pretence 
for keeping their army in Greece. Let 
that be withdrawn, and the ^Etohans 
would bring him to reason. 

This vaunt aroused Aristsenus, the 
general of the Achaians. He prayed 
heaven that Ai-gos might never be so 
miserable, as to be the prize of a contest 
between a Lacedaemonian tyrant and 
iEtohan robbers; and begged Flami- 
ninus not only to recover that city from 
tlie one, but also to provide for the 
security of Greece agamst the rapacity 
of the others. The general voice of 
the assembly was against the .^tolians ; 
and Flamininus, therefore, deemed it 
needless to answer them. He put the 
question of war with Nabis, unless Ar- 
gos were restored to the Achaians ; and 
the decree was passed without oppo- 
sition. 

Advance to Argos. — Advance into Laconia. 
Cruelties of Nabis. 

The Roman army having quitted its 
quartei*s at Elateia, and entered Pelo- 
ponnesus, was soon joined by the Acha- 
ians ; and the united forces pitched their 
camp within four miles of Argos. Py- 
thagoras, the tyrant's son-in-law, who 
commanded in the place, was diligent 
in preparation, but he could not alto- 
gether conceal his fears as to the issue. 
There was danger within, as well as 
without, for a plot had been laid for 
the expulsion of the garrison; but it 
was betrayed to the governor before it 
was ripe for execution. The conspira- 
tors fled to arms, when they knew that 
they were discovered, but they found no 
support, and soon perished in unequal 
combat. Many persons were arrested 
and put to death; and many on the 
following night let themselves down by 
ropes from the wall, and joined the Ro- 
mans. 

At the pursuasion of the refugees, 



who expected that his approach would 
be the signal of immediate insurrec- 
tion, the Roman general led his army 
to the gates. Nothing stirred within, 
and he called a council to determine 
whether to besiege the place. The Gre- 
cian leaders generally recommended the 
siege; Aristsenus only opposed it, and 
the proconsul agreed with him. He 
was warring, he said, against the tyrant, 
for the benefit of the Argians : he would 
therefore attack, not Argos, but Lacedae- 
mon. He proceeded towards Laconia, 
but waited on the border for provision, 
and for the forces of some of his allies. 
Among others who came were fifteen 
hundred Macedonians from PhiUp. The 
camp was full of Lacedaemonian exiles, 
driven out at diflferent times by the 
several tyrants. Among these was Age- 
sipohs, the grandson of Cleombrotus, 
who had been declared king after the 
death of Cl^omenes, but whom, being 
then an infant, Lycurgus had expelled. 
Great forces were assembled by sea, as 
well as by land ; for L. Quinctius coming 
from Leucas with foity ships was joined 
by the Rhodians with eighteen ; and ten 
decked gallies, with a crowd of smaller 
craft, were brought by Eumenes, the 
son and successor of Attains, who had 
died about the close of the late war. 

Meanwhile Nabis was increasing his 
army and sti'engthening the defences of 
the city; and to guard against internal 
revolt, well knowing that he had not the 
good will of the citizens, he endeavoured 
to work upon their fears. He called a 
meeting of the people, and surrounded 
it with armed mercenaries. Exousing 
his present harsh proceeding by the 
danger of the time, and promising, when 
that was over, to dismiss the arrested 
persons, he summoned by name about 
eighty the most distinguished of the 
youth, and those whom he most feared. 
Each as he answered was arrested ; and 
that night they were all slain. Some 
Helots being charged with attempting* 
desertion were whipped through the 
streets and put to death. These exam- 
ples were effectual in quieting the mul- 
titude by terror. But he kept his forces 
within the city, for he neither deemed 
himself a match for the Romans in the 
field, nor dared to leave the people un- 
controlled by his presence. 



By Aristaenus ? — What decree was passed ? 
Where did the allied army pitch their camp?- 



-Who commanded in Argos ? — What was his situation . 
— Why did not Flamininus besiege Argos?— Towards what country did he proceed .'—What did he re- 
ceive by land ?— By sea '—What cruelties did Nabis perpetrate .'—Why did he remain within the city > 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



365 



Attacks on Sparta. — Taking of Chjthium. — 
Nobis requests a conference. 

The confederate army entered Laconia, 
and passed under the walls of Sparta. 
Two warm attacks were made upon it 
from the town on two successive days ; 
but both were repulsed, and with these 
exceptions the march was unmolested. 
After ravaging part of the country, the 
Roman general sat down before Gy- 
thium, the naval arsenal of Lacedsemon. 
He was there met by the fleet, which 
had already brought most of the mari- 
time towns to submission. The siege 
of Gythium was vigorously commenced, 
and the works were pushed with gi-eat 
rapidity, by the aid of a multitude of 
hands from the shipping. The place 
was strong and well defended, but it was 
in the end obliged to submit. 

Nabis now requested a conference with 
Flamininus. When they met he com- 
plained that he was attacked in violation 
of existing treaty, and craved to know 
what provocation he had given. The 
Roman alleged his oppressions and cruel- 
ties, and various acts of aggression to- 
wards the neighbouring states, together 
with his own obligations as an ally of 
the Achaians, and as the professed de- 
liverer of Greece. But he could not 
clear himself from the charge of incon- 
sistency, for the principal acts of which 
he complained, and particularly the oc- 
cupation of Argos, were prior to the 
treaty of alliance which he had concluded 
with Nabis against Philip. The tyrant 
finally consented to give up Argos ; and 
requested that, if anything further were 
required, he might have it in writing, to 
consult on it with his friends. They 
parted therefore, and Flamininus delibe- 
rated with his allies on the terms which 
were to be given. The greater pait ad- 
vised that war should be continued till 
the tyrant were deposed. The proconsul 
wished for peace. Their hopes, he said, 
could only be realized by besieging 
Lacedsemon; and it would be rash to 
embark in so difficult an undertaking at 
a time when hostihty was much appre- 
hended from Antiochus. Besides this 
reason, which he publicly urged, he had 
a secret motive of his own, which often 
influenced the conduct of Roman lead- 
ers; the fear that he might be super- 
seded by one of the consuls, and thus 
deprived of the glory of finishing the 



war. His arguments did not at first 
produce conviction, but he reached his 
object by a different road. Professing 
to come round to the opinion of his allies, 
he began to state the exertions and sa- 
crifices which would be necessary to the 
attainment of their wishes: and these 
appeared so great to all, considering the 
general povert}- and inward disorders of 
the states, that they bade him do what 
he deemed best for Rome and for her 
confederates. 

Terms of peace proposed and rejected by 
Nabis. 

Having gained their consent he pre- 
scribed the terms of peace, taking coun- 
sel as to the particulars with his officers 
only. He required that Nabis should 
give up Argos and its dependencies, 
with all slaves belonging to the state or 
to individuals: that he should restore 
all the ships he had taken from the 
maritime states, and should keep but 
two galleys of not more than sixteen 
oars each. To all the states alhed with 
Rome he was to restore their prisoners 
and desertei-s; to the Messenians all 
such aiticles of property as the owners 
could identify; to the Lacedaemonian 
exiles their effects, their children, and 
their waves, or such of them at least as 
^vished to follow them into banishment. 
He was forbidden to make war, to build 
new fortresses, and to contract alliances; 
and specially precluded fi'om all con- 
nexion with Crete, the great market for 
mercenary soldiers. All the cities which 
had already submitted to the Romans 
were to remain independent and unmo- 
lested. For the performance of these 
conditions, he was to give five hostages, 
to be chosen by the Roman general, and 
among them his own son : and he was 
to pay a hundred talents of silver forth- 
with, and fift}' annually for eight years. 

The only thing in these conditions 
satisfactory to Nabis was, that nothing 
was said about restoring the exiles. On 
the other hand he was very unwilling 
to surrender his fleet, and to resign the 
dominion of the maritime towns. With 
the first he had increased his revenues 
by piracy; from the second he had 
drawn the best recruits for his army. 
He was inclined upon the whole to reject 
the demands, and to this he was encour- 
aged by most of his adherents, great part 



What country did the confederate army enter: — Where was it twice attacked ? — With what success ? — ■ 
What town was besiened and taken ? — Wliere is it situated ? — Who now requested a conference ? — What 
was alleged against liim? — What did Ncibis consent to give up? — What did he request? — Why did Fla- 
mininus wish for peace? — How did he gain the disposal of the whole affair? 

What terma did he offer to Nabis ?— Were Nabis's followers disposed to accept these terms ? 



34 



266 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



of whom, besides the general hardness 
of the terms, were personally touched by 
some particular conditions. Those who 
had taken the wives or the property of 
exiles were displeased with the call for 
restitution ; and the emancipated slaves 
of Argian masters were with reason 
averse from returning to them. The 
mercenaries in general, whose hai'vest 
time was in war, were of course unwil- 
ling to heai- of peace ; and the more as 
any, who were dismissed from the ser- 
vice of Nabis, might have found it un- 
safe to return to their homes, since the 
hatred of the tyrant, which prevailed 
throughout Greece, extended to his in- 
struments. When Nabis saw the tem- 
per of his followei*s, he summoned an 
assembly, and laying before them the 
proposals of the Romans, with suitable 
comments on their exorbitance, he 
finally asked what answer he should 
make. Malce none, was the cry, but 
continue the war ; and the war was ac- 
cordingly continued. Some skirmishes 
took place, in the last of which the 
Lacedaemonians were roughly handled 
and driven to their walls. They did not 
venture any further sallies, and nothmg 
remained but to besiege the city. 

Siege of Sparta. — Peace concluded. 
Sparta, un walled, according to the 
command of Lycurgus, during the pe- 
riod of its strength, had, in aftertimes, 
been fortified at the most accessible 
points. Flamininus prepared to as- 
sault it on all sides, having increased 
his force to fifty thousand men by the 
aid of the sailors from the fleet. He 
thus hoped to confound and bewilder 
the besieged, and prevent them fi'om 
concentrating their forces on the prin- 
cipal points of attack. This plan was 
not without eflTect. The tyrant himself 
was so distracted and dismayed, as to 
be unable to direct the defence: but 
his place was filled by Pythagoras, his 
son-in-law. At length a passage was 
forced against all opposition, and the 
town would unavoidably have been 
taken, had not Pythagoras ordered that 
the houses adjoining should be fired. 
This eflfectually stopped the Romans, 
and obliged them to retreat. Flamininus 
renewed the attack in various manners 
on the three following days, though his 



hope of success was chiefly grounded 
on the fear which he had inspired in the 
defendei-s. At length Pythagoras was 
sent to sue for peace. At first he was 
commanded to depart fi-om the camp; 
but by supplications he obtained a hear- 
ing, and peace was made on the same 
conditions which had before been offer- 
ed and refused. 

Liberation of Argos. — Settlement of the af- 
fairs of Greece and departure of Flamin- 
inus. 

The Argians had already been em- 
boldened by the danger of Lacedsemon, 
by the absence of Pythagoras with the 
best of his forces, and by the weakness 
of those who remained, to rise in arms 
and expel the garrison. They spared 
the fife of the commanding officer, be- 
cause he had ruled them mildly. Dur- 
ing the general rejoicing Flamininus 
arrived, with the news that peace was 
made; and the people then proceeded 
to celebrate the Nemean festival, which 
had been delayed beyond the usual 
time. Great joy was caused by the re- 
turn of the citizens who had been driven 
into banishment by Nabis and Pythago- 
ras. The Roman general, as the author 
of their liberty, was requested to preside 
at the solemnity. The only circumstance 
which damped the exultation of the Ar- 
gians and Achaians, was that Lacedae- 
mon still remained under the power of 
the tyrant; and of this the ^tolians 
availed themselves as a handle for com- 
plaint against the Romans. 

After the festival was over, the Ro- 
man army was led back to Elateia, to 
be quartered there for the wdnter: and 
the general spent that season, accord- 
ing to Livy, in doing justice within the 
states, and reversing the arbitrary acts 
committed by Philip and his officers to 
strengthen the hands of their friends and 
deprive their enemies of their rights. 
These transactions would doubtless have 
assumed an opposite complexion in the 
mouth of a writer fiiendly to Macedo- 
nia, who would have represented Phi- 
hp as protecting the laws, and Flamin- 
inus as overruling them. The simple 
fact is, probably, that each established 
and maintained his own party in power; 
which the Roman may perhaps have 
done with less violence, since his habit- 



Waa the war renewed ? — What ensued ? 

What city did Flamininus prepare to besiege ? — With what force ? — How did Pythagoras save the city .' 
— Who sued for peace ? — On what terms was it granted ? 

What had the Argians done during the siege of Sparta? — What festival was celebrated? — Where? 
(See Chapter II. $ 8.)— Who presided ? — Where did the Roman army winter ? — How did Flamininus spend 
the winter, according to Livy ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



267 



ual conduct seems to have been milder, 
and his superiority was less disputed. 

In the beginning of spring, before 
quitting the province, the proconsul 
summoned a meeting at Corinth. He 
related the acts of his predecessoi-s and 
his own, all of which were heard with 
great applause, till he came to the men- 
tion of Nabis ; whose escape from de- 
struction was evidently a general cause 
of dissatisfaction. He excused himself 
by arguing that the tyrant could not 
have been overthrown, except with the 
ruin of Lacedsemon. He then declared 
his intention of sailing for Italy, and 
carryuag with him all his army. In ten 
days the garrisons should be withdrawn 
from Demetrias and Chalcis, and the 
Acrocorinthus should immediately be 
dehvered to the Achaians; so that all 
might see the good faith of the Romans 
and the falsehood of the ^toUans. He 
impressed on his hearers the necessity of 
concord, moderation, and firmness: by 
these virtues they must keep the liberty 
which had been given to them, and 
prove the benefits of Rome not ill be- 
stowed. His words were interrupted 
by the tears and applauses of the as- 
sembly; but when the tumult was 
hushed he went on to request that they 
would search out and redeem the Ro- 
man citizens who were in slavery among 
them. These were prisoners sold by 
Hannibal, and their number was very 
great. The hearers promised compU- 
ance, and thanked him for reminding 
them of so sacred a duty. Before the 
assembly broke up, the garrison was 
seen descending from the Acrocorin- 
thus; and the general departed with 
them, amidst the acclamations of all 
present. He fiilfilled his pledge with 
respect to Chalcis and Demetrias, and 
then proceeded to settle the affairs of 
Thessaly, which was much torn with 
continual seditions, by distributing the 
powers of government in every state 
according to a scale of property. He 
finally returned to Rome, and was hon- 
oured with a triumphal procession, the 
highest honour the commonwealth could 
bestow on a successful commander. 

Flamininus appears to have been 
really solicitous for the welfare of the 
Greeks, and even for their liberty, as 
long as it did not clash with the pride 
or interest of Rome. In its immediate 



effect, his administration was benefi- 
cial; for he left the country unusually 
tranquil, and many cities free which had 
lately been oppressed. Yet more arbi- 
trary conduct might in the end have 
been better for the Greeks, if it had 
weaned them from asking Rome to in- 
terfere in their quarrels, and united 
them, ere it was too late, in the determi- 
nation to resist that interference if ob- 
truded on them forcibly. To affect 
moderation and disinterestedness till a 
footing should be gained was a not un- 
frequent art of Roman ambition; and 
such a policy was never so likely to 
succeed, as when the person chosen 
to carry it into effect was partly sincere 
in his professions. Flamininus, though 
not a man of nice or elevated moraUty, 
was an ardent lover of popularity, and 
one who coveted the fame of benefi- 
cence, as well as of talent and power. 
His character suited the purpose of 
his^ commonwealth, as long as opinion 
was to be courted; and sterner agents 
enough were to be found, when the 
times were ripe for violence. 

SECTION II. 
Intrigues of the Italians. 
The discontent of the ^tolians did 
not slumber. Their ambassadors were 
busy wherever there was hope of stir- 
ring up enemies to the Romans, and 
their views extended to a coalition with 
Nabis, Philip, and Antiochus. They 
urged upon the first the weakness to 
which he had been reduced by losing 
the maritime cities; and suggested that 
he might never again have so fair an 
opportunity for their recovery, since no 
Roman army was now in Greece, and it 
was not likely that fresh legions should 
be sent on their account. To Phihp 
they spoke of his present humiliation, 
contrasting it with the triumphs of his 
predecessors, and asking whether he, 
who had so long alone withstood the 
Romans and ^tolians combined, might 
not now defy the Romans, when he had 
both the JEtolians and Antiochus on his 
side. To Antiochus they magnified their 
own forces and the advantages of their 
situation, and assured him of support 
both from Phihp and from Nabis. 
These promises appear to have been 
unauthorized, though the latter was 
verified in the event. 



Where did he summon a meeting in the spring? — What did he there announce? — What advice did 
he give the Greeks ? — How was his speech received ? — What did he request ? — Was compliance promised ? 
— Did he fulfil his pledge? — How was he honoured on his return to Rome ? — What was his character ? 

What design did the yEtolians entertain ? — What did they urge upon Nabis ? — Philip ? — Antiochus ? 



268 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



War between Nobis and the Achaians. 

Nabis immediately began to stir up 
dissension in all the maritime towns of 
Laconia; he won some of the leaders 
to his interest by bribes, and procured 
the murder of others. The Achaians 
sent ambassadors to remind him of the 
treaty, and others to Rome, with the 
news of its violation ; and as Gythium 
was already besieged, they sent troops 
to assist in its defence. The Roman 
senate, on receiving their complaint, 
equipped a fleet for their assistance, 
under Aulus Atilius, one of the prse- 
toi*s, officers next in rank to the consuls. 
Flamininus and three others were ap- 
pointed commissioners to take care of 
the Roman interest in Greece; and as 
the negotiations with Antiochus were 
continually assuming a more unfriendly 
complexion, preparations were made in 
case it should be necessary to engage in 
war on a larger scale. 

Meantime Nabis pressed the siege of 
Gythium, and wasted the lands of the 
Achaians, in revenge for the succoure 
which they had thrown into the place. 
Still they did not venture to engage 
unreservedly in the war, until the return 
of their ambassadoi-s fi-om Rome; a 
fact which illustrates the nature of that 
independence which the Romans pro- 
fessed to have given to the states of 
Greece. The ambassador returned, and 
the Roman commissionei's with them ; 
and then the Achaians assembled their 
great council at Sicyon, and sent to Fla- 
mininus for advice. The voice of the 
assembly was for immediate war; but 
some delay and doubt was caused by 
the lettere of Flamininus, who recom- 
mended waiting for the Roman prsetor 
and his fleet. The multitude called for 
the opinion of Philopoemen, who was 
then chief magistrate. He replied that 
it was a wise enactment of the ^Eto- 
lians, that the general should not give 
an opinion on any question of peace or 
war. It belonged to them to make 
their choice; and whatever they de- 
creed he would endeavour to execute in 
such a manner that they should have 
no occasion to repent of it. The im- 
pression of the assembly was, that his 
judgment was for war, and it carried 
the greater weight from his unwilling- 
ness to express it in a case where he 



might have been biassed by personal 
feelings. War was voted, and the time 
and manner of waging it left to the dis- 
cretion of the general. He thought it 
would have been better to wait for the 
Romans, if the time had admitted it; 
but fearing that Gythium might be lost 
in the inteiTal, he resolved to make an 
efibrt for its rescue. 

Naval defeat of Philopamen. — His successes 
by land. 

Nabis, at the end of the late war, had 
surrendered his fleet to the Romans, 
according to treaty; but he had since 
collected three-decked gaUies, and many 
smaller vessels, and these he was daily 
exercising, for he considered the fate of 
Gythium to depend on his success in 
excluding all relief by sea. Philopoemen 
went against him with the ships of the 
Achaians; but this great commander, 
born and bred in the inland province of 
Arcadia, was a mere novice in naval 
warfare. He had taken for his own an 
old and rotten vessel, which went to 
pieces at the first shock. Philopoemen 
escaped in a skiff, but his crew were 
made prisoners, and on seeing the fate 
of the leading ship, the othei-s took to 
flight. This failure on an element where 
he knew himself unskilful, did not dis- 
courage the Achaian general, but only 
made him more eager to prove his su- 
periority on the land. The tyrant had 
detached a portion of his forces to oc- 
cupy a post commanding the way by 
which, if the siege were to be raised, 
the reheving army would probably ad- 
vance. The soldiei*s had, for the most 
part, constructed their huts with reeds 
and branches. Philopoemen, having se- 
cretly collected a number of small ves- 
sels on the Argian coast, embarked with 
a body of troops, chiefly hght armed, 
and came in the night to the encamp- 
ment. Before his anival was known to 
any, he had fired the huts on eveiy side, 
and the flames and the sword did their 
work so effectually, that but few escaped 
to the camp before Gythium. 

Having thus efllaced whatever dis- 
couragement had been occasioned 
among his soldiei*s by his maritune dis- 
aster, Philopoemen advanced with his 
army to Tegea, where he had appointed 
a meeting of the Achaians, and their 



What measures did Nabis take .'—What did the Achaians do ?— Who was sent to their relief ?— How 
was Nabis occupied ?— Where did the Achaian council assemble? — Of what were they desirous? — What 
general's opinion was called for ? — What reply did he make ? — What was voted ? 

How did PhiiopoBmen first attack Nabis's forces? — With what success? — How was his next attack 
conducted ?— To what place did he then advance ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



269 



allies. He stated to them his purpose 
of advancing against Sparta, as the only 
method of removing the besiegers from 
Gythium. But the place was taken on 
the very day on which he entered La- 
conia, and Nabis immediately quitted 
it to take a position for the protection 
of Spaita. On the following day, as 
Philopoemen was advancing, in igno- 
rance that Gythium was lost, he unex- 
pectedly came upon the Lacedaemonian 
army, strongly posted in the way by 
which he intended to proceed. The sur- 
prise was not without danger; for his 
forces were extended through a distance 
of five miles, on account of the narrow- 
ness of the way ; while the ground was 
such that light troops only could act 
with effect, and most of the light troops, 
as well as the cavalry, were in the rear. 
But Philopcemen had been accustomed 
in travelUng, whenever he came to any 
difficult defile, to speculate on the man- 
ner in which, if passing through it with 
an army, he would repel every attack 
which could be made, expected or un- 
expected, in front, or flank, or rear. He 
had exercised himself with such prob- 
lems, till hardly any possible combina- 
tion of circumstances could take him al- 
together unprepared. He now quickly 
threw his host into such an aiTangement, 
as gave it all the security which the case 
would allow. But darkness came on in 
time to prevent any considerable colli- 
sion between the armies, and they passed 
the night within five hundred paces of 
each other, but separated by a river. 

On the morrow an engagement took 
place between the horse and light 
troops on each side, and those of Nabis 
were drawn into an ambush, and de- 
feated. Philopcemen knew that his an- 
tagonist was fearful, and resolved. to 
practise on his ten'ore while the im- 
pression of his discomfiture was fresh. 
He sent a soldier into his camp under 
the pretence of deserting, who persuaded 
him that the Achaians were about to 
cut him oflf from the city. On the fol- 
lowing day the tyrant hastily retreated. 
The way was narrow, steep, and rugged ; 
and the enemy attacked him vigorously 
in the rear: his troops were entirely 
routed, and the pursuit did not cease 
till three -fourths of them were slain or 
taken. Nabis escaped into the city; 



and Philopoemen ravaged Laconia for 
thirty days, and then led home his forces. 

Flamininus at Demetrias. — Flight of Eury^ 
lochus. 

While these things passed in Pelo- 
ponnesus, the Roman commissioners 
were visiting the cities of their allies, 
lest the ^tolians should have prevailed 
on any to favour Antiochus. They 
went first to Athens, then to Chalcis, 
then into Thessaly: and having ad- 
dressed the great council of the Thessa- 
lians, they proceeded to Demetrias, the 
capital of the Magnetes. They had here 
a more difficult game to play, for some 
of the Magnete leaders were decidedly 
alienated from the Romans on account 
of a prevailing suspicion that they meant 
to restore Demetrias to Philip. The 
commissioners wished to quiet the ap- 
prehensions of the Magnetes, without 
destroying the hopes of Philip ; and ac- 
cordingly they framed their language so 
as to* convey the idea that Demetrias 
was to continue independent, but care- 
fully avoided giving any positive pledge 
of their intention. Upon this Eurylochus, 
the chief magistrate of the Magnetes, 
plainly stated the current report, de- 
clared that all extremities were to be en- 
dured before Demetrias should be sur- 
rendered to the Macedonian, and went 
so far as to say that even now it was 
but nominally fi-ee, since all was done in 
it according to the pleasure of the Ro- 
mans. This last sally provoked Flam- 
ininus to anger, to which he may per- 
haps have yielded the more readily for 
the sake of avoiding to answer the sus- 
picion alleged. He spread his hands to- 
wards heaven, and called the gods to 
witness Magnesian perfidy and ingi-ati- 
tude. All present were alarmed at this 
expression of indignation, and Zenon, a 
man of authority, and a constant fiiend 
to the Romans, besought him not to im- 
pute to the nation the madness of an in- 
dividual. The multitude concurred in 
the request; and Eurylochus privately 
withdrew, and fled to the iEtolians. 

Italians invite Antiochus into Greece. 

This nation was daily more and more 
decided in hostility to Rome. Thoas, its 
leading man, had just returned from a 
mission to Antiochus, bringing with him 



What did he propose to the allies ?— What was the fate of Gythium .'—Relate the manner of Philopoe- 
men's meeting Nabis's force. — What was the result? 

How were the Roman commissioners occupied ? — Of what were they suspected by the Magnetes?— 
What did they pretend ? — What did Eurylochus say to them ? — How was this received by Flamininus ?- 
What did Zenon say ? — Whither did Eurylochus fly ? 

What was the disposition of the ^Etolians ? — Who was their leading man? 



270 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Menippus as ambassador from the king ; 
who promised to aid them largely with 
ships and men, foot, horse, and elephants, 
and, what moved them most of all, Avith 
abundance of gold. The meeting of the 
iEtolians was at hand, at which Menip- 
pus was to have his audience ; and Fla- 
mininus requested of the Athenians that 
it might be attended by ambassadors from 
them. When the day arrived, Menip- 
pus, being inti'oduced into the assembly, 
lamented that his master had not been 
able to come to Greece till by Philip's 
defeat it had fallen altogether under the 
power of the Romans. He trusted, how- 
ever, that with the aid of the ^Etolians 
Antiochus would be able to restore the 
ancient dignity of Greece ; which con- 
sisted in fi'eedom maintained by arms, 
and not enjoyed during the pleasure of 
foreignei*s. The Athenian ambassadors, 
who followed, made no mention of the 
king, but simply reminded the assembly 
of their alliance with Rome, and of the 
obligations of all Greece to Flamininus ; 
and advised them, before they declared 
against the Romans, at least to hear 
their officers, who were not far off. Thus 
much was obtained by the authority of 
the principal eldei's, though even this 
was against the inclination of the multi- 
tude. A vote was passed that the Ro- 
mans should be admitted to a hearing, 
and Flamininus accordingly went into 
iEtoha. But he could not withstand 
the influence of Thoas and his party, or 
prevent a decree from being earned in 
his presence, which invited Antiochus to 
libemte Greece, and settle the differences 
between the JEtolians and Romans. To 
this the general Damocritus added an 
insult of his own ; for when Flamininus 
asked for a copy of the decree, he re- 
pUed that he had then more pressing 
business, but he would shortly give it 
him in Italy, in his camp on the banks 
of the Tiber. 

Demetrias betrayed to the ^tolians by Eu- 
rylochus. 

The Roman commissionei*s returned 
to Corinth, and the ^tolian leadei-s em- 
ployed themselves in devising some bold 
stroke for the beginning of the war. 
The result of their deliberations was, in- 
deed, such as showed a more than usual 
audacity ; for they undertook at once to 



occupy Demetrias, Chalcis, and Lace- 
deemon. The first of these projects was 
committed to Diodes, the commander of 
the cavalry ; and Eurylochus the Mag- 
nete assisted him, in the hope of resto- 
ration. The part of Eurylochus, in this 
affair, was marked with scandalous trea- 
chery. He directed his kinsmen and 
partisans to bring before the assembly 
his wife and children in mourning habits 
with the ensigns of suppliants, and to 
beseech those present each and all that 
they would not suffer a man, uncon- 
demned and guiltless, to grow old in 
exile. The multitude was moved, and 
the general voice was in favour of his 
recall. He set out towards Demetrias, 
attended by Diodes with all his cavalry. 
When they came within six miles of the 
city, Diocles chose three troops to go 
forward with himself, and commanded 
the rest to follow at a distance. He left 
one troop at the gates, to secure an en- 
trance for their comrades; ^vith the 
others he advanced through the streets 
leading Eurylochus by the hand, while 
all his friends were thronging to wel- 
come him. Meanwhile the horsemen 
filled the city, and occupied all com- 
manding posts ; and when this was done, 
persons were sent into the houses to 
murder the leaders of the adverse party. 
Thus Demetrias came into the hands of 
the iEtolians, by a trick not unUke to 
that which had made the Romans mas- 
ters of Thebes. 

Murder of Nobis. 
To gain Lacedaemon it was considered 
that no force need be put on the wishes 
of the citizens, who would gladly join in 
friendship with any that should rid them 
of their tyrant. Nabis was continually 
urging the ^tolians to send him aid in a 
war, in which they had mainly prevailed 
on him to engage. Alexamenus was 
sent with a thousand foot, and thiity 
chosen horsemen ; and these latter were 
charged by Damocritus in the secret 
council of state, an institution apparently 
peculiar to the ^tolians, that they should 
not think that they were sent for war with 
the Achaians, or for any end which they 
could possibly guess ; but that whatever 
Alexamenus should do, however rash, 
however unexpected, they should un- 
doubtingly concur in it, as if they knew 



What did he bring from Antioclins? — W'^hat powers were represented by their ambassadors at the 
meeting of the ^Etolians? — What decree was passed ? — What insult did Damocritus offer to Flamininus.' 

What did the ^Etolians undertake ?— Who went to secure Demetrias ? — Relate the treachery of Eury- 
lochus. 

Who was sent to Lacedsmon .' — With what force ? — What charge was given them? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



271 



it to be the special purpose of their mis- 
Bion. Alexamenuscarae with his soldiers 
to Nabis, and filled him with joy by his 
assurances of further support. At his 
suggestion the Lacedaemonian army was 
more frequently reviewed. At such 
times the tyrant's guards were posted 
in the middle of the line, and he himself 
was wont to ride about the field and visit 
the diflTerent divisions, attended only by 
two or three horsemen, one of whom 
was commonly Alexamenus. That chief, 
on the day which he had chosen for the 
execution of his plot, after riding awhile 
with the tyrant, returned to the right, 
where the JEtolians were posted. " Now," 
he said to his thirty horsemen, " the deed 
is to be done, which you are commanded 
to execute under my direction. Prepare 
your hearts and hands, and do as I do. 
Who hesitates, can never return home." 
The tyrant approached. " Be ready 
with your spears," said Alexamenus, 
and look on me." He paused to collect 
himself, then dashing forward killed the 
horse of Nabis, and threw the rider to 
the ground, where his foUowei's des- 
patched him. 

Alexamenus hastened to occupy the 
palace, with all the ^Etolians, both those 
who had come with him, and othere who 
had previously been engaged in the ser- 
vice of Nabis. If they had grounded 
their arms and called an assembly of 
the Lacedaemonians, and their leader 
had spoken to the people as suited the 
occasion, the happiness of the dehver- 
ance might have covered the foulness 
of the treason, so that no one would 
have stirred to avenge it. Instead of 
this, Alexamenus remained shut up in 
the palace, searching the treasury of 
the tyrant, while his followei-s fell to 
plunder, as if they had taken the city. 
This was too much, and the Lacedas- 
monians flew to arms. They set a boy 
of the royal race on horseback at their 
head, and going through the streets 
slaughtered all the iEtoJians whom they 
met with. They then forced the gates 
of the palace, and killed Alexamenus, 
and the few about him, who resisted to 
the last. The rest of the ^Etolians as- 
sembled, for the most part, about the 
Brazen House. They were here attack- 
ed on every side, and most of them were 
slain : but a few escaped to Tegea and 



Megalopolis, where they were sold for 

slaves. 

Philopcemen joint LacedtBmon to the Acha- 
ian league. — Attempt of the jEtolians on 
Chalcia. 

Philopoemen, when he heard that the 
tyrant was dead, immediately hastened 
to Lacedsemon, and calling together the 
principal men, addressed them in such 
language as Alexamenus ought to have 
used. He persuaded them to join in 
alliance with the Achaians, the more 
easily because at that very time Atihus 
came with his fleet to Gythium. Thus 
shame and loss were all the portion of 
those who plotted the treachery, while 
the benefits of it were reaped by their 
enemies. 

About this time Thoas attempted 
Chalcis, having prepared a party among 
the citizens to favour the enterprise, by 
means of Euthymidas, an exiled Chal- 
cidian leader, and Herodorus, a Cian 
merchant, who had gained by his riches 
great influence in the place. The plot 
was suspected by Miction and Xeno- 
cleides, the chiefs of the Roman paity. 
At fii-st they were so much dismayed as 
to think of nothing but flight; but after- 
wards taking courage, they procured 
assistance from the neighbouring towns 
of Eretria and Carystus, and then, leav- 
ing the walls in the care of the auxih- 
aries, led out the citizens to meet the 
^toUans. When the latter approach- 
ed, they sent messengers to ask what of- 
fence in word or act the Chalcidiaus had 
given, that the ^tolians, their fiiends 
and allies, should come to attack them. 
Thoas rephed that they came not to at- 
tack them, but to free them fi-om the 
Romans: the Chalcidians denied that 
they were under any constraint; and 
Thoas retired Avithout attempting any- 
thing further, since his force had been 
calculated only for surprisal, and not 
for a campaign or a siege. 

SECTION III. 
Hannibal at the court of Antiochus. 

Antiochus was now on the point of 
commencing the war, after a long time 
spent in preparing for it, and deliberating 
on the manner of conducting it. Among 
his counsellors was Hannibal, who was 
an exile at his court. Three years be- 



How were they received by Nabia .'—Relate the treachery of Alexamenus.— How could he have profited 
by his treason .'—How did he proceed .'—What was the conserjnence.' 

How did Philopoemen turn these events to the adviitiMge of the Achaians .'—Who attemptLd to sain 
Chalcis .'—By whom was the attempt defeated .'—In what manner.' 

For what was Antiochus preparing.'— Who was among his counsellors.' 



272 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



fore he had been chief magistrate of 
Carthage. The state was then oppress- 
ed by the order of judges, a standing 
ohgarchy, who held men's hves and 
fortunes at their mercy. They had hith- 
erto been appointed for Hfe ; but Hanni- 
bal broke their power by carrying a law 
to make their office annual. The pub- 
lic revenues had been wasted through re- 
missness, or pillaged through corruption : 
he adopted a rigorous system of account- 
ing, which enabled him at once to hght- 
en the taxes, and amply to provide for 
the service of the commonwealth. But 
by these reforms he added, to his ene- 
mies, all those whose pride had exulted 
in power beyond the laws, or whose av- 
arice had fattened on the public spoils. 
It was stated in letters to Rome that he 
corresponded with Antiochus. The 
Roman government, which hated and 
feared him, unworthily profited by the 
malice of his enemies, and without fur- 
ther inquiiy sent ambassadors to Carthage 
to arraign him. But as soon as they came 
he suspected their object, and secretly 
escaping from Carthage he took refuge 
with Antiochus. 

Hannibal advised that he should be 
sent with a fleet and army first to Afiica, 
in the hope of stirring his countrymen 
to revolt; and then should go to Italy, 
and once more attack the Romans in 
the sources of their strength. Antiochus 
was nearly persuaded to comply, when 
his purpose was shaken by the envious 
suggestions of Thoas the iEtolian. It 
was dangerous, he said, to trust an exile ; 
and the military fame by which Hanni- 
bal was allured was in fact too great for 
a royal general. If Hannibal lost a fleet 
or an army, the damage would fall upon 
the king; if he gained a victory, the glo- 
ry would be all his own ; but if he con- 
quered the Romans in the main issue of 
the war, the throne itself would not be 
safe from his ambition. Antiochus was 
prevailed on, unhappily for himself, to 
give up the attempts on Africa and Italy, 
and to make no use of Hannibal's abili- 
ties, except sometimes as an adviser. 

Antiochus lands at Demetrius and is ap- 
pointed commander in chief of the j^to- 
lians. 

Near the end of the year B. C. 194, 
Antiochus sailed for Greece, and landed 



at Demetrias. The iEtolians forthwith 
passed a decree inviting him to come to 
them, and when he came he was wel- 
comed by the crowd with shouts, and 
with every mark of joy and favour. 
When he was brought into the great 
council, he began by excusing the small 
force which he had brought with him, 
which was but of ten thousand foot, six 
hundred horse, and six elephants. But, 
he said, it was the strongest proof of his 
good- will, that he had complied at once 
with the summons of their ambassadors, 
without waiting till his preparations were 
completed. In the following spring, as 
soon as the season favoured navigation, 
he would cover the land with his armies, 
and the sea v^iith his fleets. In the 
meantime he requested that plenty of 
com might be provided, and all other 
necessaries suppUed to his soldiers at a 
moderate rate. 

When the king had quitted the assem- 
bly, a dispute ai'ose between Phaeneas 
and Thoas, the two leaders of the nation. 
The former, who was the existing chief 
magistrate, was of opinion that Antio- 
chus should rather be employed as a 
mediator, to settle their differences with 
the Romans, than as their leader in the 
war. His name might probably, Phae- 
neas thought, be more serviceable than 
his ai'ms ; and much might be conceded 
to avoid a war, which could not be gained 
if the war were begun. Thoas main- 
tained that all peaceful methods had al- 
ready been tried, both by embassies to 
Rome, and by conference with Flami- 
ninus ; that nothing fair or just was to 
be thus obtained ; and that therefore they 
should not lose the opportunity which 
now presented itself of enforcing their 
claims by arms. This opinion prevail- 
ed; the ^tolians voted that Antiochus 
should be their commander, and appoint- 
ed a committee of thirty, ^vith whom he 
should consult. 

Achaians adhere to the Romans. 
The first measure adopted by Antio- 
chus and the JEtolians was an unsuc- 
cessful attempt to draw the people of 
Chalcis to their interest.- They then sent 
ambassadors to the Achaians and Boeo- 
tians. The latter rephed that, when the 
king arrived in Boeotia, they would then 
consider his proposals. In the Achaian 



What had occasioned his flight from Carthage ?— W^hat advice did he give ? — By what representa- 
tions did 'I'hoyis defeat his wishes ? 

VV^Iien did Antiochus land in (ireece?— At what port ?— Who invited him to their conncil?— How was 
he received ?-VVhat did he promise ?— What was the opinion of Phsneas ?— Of Thoas ?— What was voted ? 

To whom did Antiochus and the ^Etolians send ambassadors?— What was the reply of the Bceotians? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



27a 



assembly the envoy of Antiochus was 
first admitted to a hearing. He magni- 
fied his master's power and riches, and 
declared that, though he had come fiora 
the furthest east to liberate Greece, he 
did not call on the Achaians for any- 
thing contrary to the faith which they 
had pledged to the Romans, but only 
for their neutrality. His request was 
supported by the ^tolian ambassador, 
who, moreover, enlarged in invective 
against the Romans, disparaging their 
part in the victory over Phihp, and ex- 
aggerating that of his own countrymen. 
Flamininus followed in answer to both ; 
the question was put, and the assembly 
determined wdthout hesitation to support 
the Romans, and voted five hundred 
troops to be sent to Chalcis, and five 
hundred to Peireeeus. The latter vote 
was occasioned by an attempt which 
had been made to win the Athenians for 
Antiochus. The Roman party had, how- 
ever, prevailed ; they had sent for Flami- 
ninus ; and had accused the proposer of 
the revolt, and procm-ed his banishment. 

Antiochus gains Chalcis and winters there. 

The Achaian ti'oops arrived at Chal- 
cis, with some from Eumenes of Perga- 
mus. Five hundred Romans, who were 
afterwards sent, found the ways beset, 
and stopped at Delium, The war had 
not been formally declared, nor had any 
actual hostility yet been committed ; and 
the soldiei*s, not expecting to be attacked, 
were wandering about the temple and the 
neighbouring shore, when they were sud- 
denly charged by one of the king's gene- 
rals, Menippus, and most of them killed 
or taken. Antiochus then led his army 
to Aulis, and sent ambassadors again to 
Chalcis, with better success than before. 
The people opened the gates to his army, 
and the friends of Rome went into exile. 
The Achaians, who were gaiTJsoning a 
fort on the continent, capitulated for per- 
mission to depart ; and the leading city 
of Eubcea being won, the others readily 
submitted. 

Antiochus passed the winter at Chal- 
cis, and employed it in opening negotia- 
tions with some states, and receiving 
overtures from others. The Eleians, 
being constant allies of the ^tolians, 
expected attack from the Achaians ; and 



sending ambassadors, they obtained from 
the king a thousand troops to assist in 
their defence. The Epirots sent an em- 
bassy to ask that he would not rashly 
draw them into the contest, since they 
would be, in consequence of their po- 
sition, the first to feel the hostility of 
Rome. If he, they said, had force 
enough to protect them, they would gladly 
receive him in their cities and ports ; if 
not, they prayed him to excuse their inac- 
tion. Antiochus answered that he would 
send ambassadors to consult \\dth them 
further, and then he went into Boeotia. 

Disorders of the Bceotians. 

The Boeotians, in spite of all their na- 
tural advantages, had become a weak 
and degTaded people. Long since, dur- 
ing the reign of Antigonus Gonatas, or 
of his son, they had suffered a great 
overthrow from the iEtolians. In their 
most flourishing times they had been 
less distinguished for intellectual activity, 
than for their easy, careless temper, and 
the homely plenty of their living. Illi- 
terate opulence is apt to be beset by in- 
temperance and sloth ; and these consti- 
tutional tendencies had recently been 
little counteracted by the political organ- 
ization of the province, disordered by 
repeated revolutions. These considera- 
tions may partly reconcile our under- 
standings to a change, which loses 
much of its strangeness when Aaewed 
as the consummation to which a coui-se 
of degeneracy had been gradually tend- 
ing; but which otherwise it might be 
difficult to believe, even on the authori- 
ty of Polybius. So broken, he says, 
was the spirit of the Bceotians by that 
one unfortunate battle, that thenceforth 
they never ventured to contend for any 
honourable prize, but gave themselves up 
to feasting and drunkenness, to the ruin 
alike of their bodies and their minds. 

Immediately after their discomfiture 
they abandoned the Achaian alliance, 
and joined themselves with the ^tolians. 
They adhered to their new engagements 
till war arose with Demetrius, the father 
of Phihp; but when the Macedonian 
forces entered their country, they sub- 
mitted with scarcely an attempt at resist- 
ance. From this time the government 
was in the hands of a faction supported 



Who were heard at the assembly of the Achaians ? — Whom did they determine to support ? — What 
vote was passed ? 

Where is Chalcis ? — What troops held it ? — Who cut off the Roman force sent to its relief? — Who then 
gained (Chalcis? — What island did he also gain? — Where did he winter? — From what states did he re- 
ceive ambassadors ? — Whither did he then go? 

What was the state and character of the Boeotians ? — What does Polybius say of them ?— In whoM 
bands was the government ? 

35 



274 



ANCIENT GREECE 



by Macedonia, while the opposing party 
was just strong enough to make it neces- 
sary for the Macedonian kings to attend 
to the interest of their friends. In other 
respects the state of the commonwealth 
was as bad as possible. For twenty-five 
years, Polybius declares, there had been 
no administration of justice, the sittings 
of the courts having been continually 
inteniipted by the summons of the ma- 
gistrates to engage in military expeditions 
more or less considerable. That the 
cause alleged was adequate to the efTect, 
will easily be understood by those who 
remember that, in the popularly consti- 
tuted communities of Greece, the judi- 
cial body was always a numerous assem- 
bly of citizens. Many of the generals 
were ever making largesses from the 
public treasury to the multitude ; and by 
this, and by the suspension of legal pro- 
ceedings, they made active partisans of 
all who profited by the distributions, and 
of all who had debts or oflTences to an- 
swer for. The disorders of the com- 
monwealth were increased by a fashion 
then prevailing among indiAaduals, who, 
dying childless, lefl; their fortunes, and 
sometimes the greater part even when 
they had children, to be employed in the 
establishment and maintenance of convi- 
vial clubs among their .associates ; inso- 
much that many of the Boeotians, the 
historian declares, had more suppers in 
the month than there were days in it. 
Disgust at the public customs and pri- 
vate manners of the Boeotians induced 
the Megarians to depart from their con- 
federacy, and reunite themselves to the 
Achaians, whom they had formerly quit- 
ted by their own advice, when Cleomeues, 
by occupying the Isthmus, prevented fi-ee 
communication with them. The Boeo- 
tians marched out in high wrath with all 
their forces, and finding that the Mega- 
rians disregarded their arrival, they un- 
dertook to besiege and assault the city ; 
but a panic fear arising among them, and 
a report that Philopoemen and the Acha- 
ians were coming, they fled to their own 
country, leaving their ladders before the 
walls. 

Baotian» join Antiochus. — Campaign in 
Thesaaly. — Marriage of Antiochus. 

Notwithstanding the political disor- 
ders of the Boeotians, their fortune had 



hitherto carried them safely through 
a very critical period. Antiochus now 
sought to engage them in war with the 
Romans, and his purpose was favoured 
by the resentment, which had rankled in 
their minds since the murder of Brachyl- 
las, and the invasion of their counti-y by 
Flamininus. He was received into their 
city with every mark of welcome, and 
he easily persuaded them to join in alli- 
ance with him. 

Antiochus consulted with the JEiCh- 
lians about the manner of gaining the 
Thessaliaus; and now, after a long in- 
termission, he asked the opinion of Han- 
nibal. The Carthaginian replied that it 
was needless to concern himself about 
those who were ready to join the pre- 
vaiUng party, and who brought no real 
strength to either. He had always 
thought that the alliance to be courted 
was that of Philip, whose power was 
great, and for whom, if once he engaged 
in the contest, there could be no safety 
in retreat. The ^tolians, he proceeded, 
had repeatedly declared that Philip's 
hostility to Rome was only waiting for 
opportunity to show itself; that oppor- 
tunity should immediately be given. 
His own sentiments with respect to the 
general conduct of the war were already 
known : he still held the same opinions, 
and urged the king to engage in it at 
once with all his forces, and to send an 
army into Italy. 

The advice of Hannibal was approved 
and neglected. Ambassadors were sent 
to the great council of the Thessalians 
at Lai-issa, and a day was appointed for 
the ^tolian forces, and those of Amy- 
nander, king of the Athamanians, who 
had also joined the league, to meet the 
king at Pherae. While waiting for them, 
Antiochus sent a party to collect the 
bones of the Macedonians slain at Cy- 
noscephalse. This Avas probably de- 
signed to court the favour of the Mace- 
donian people at the expense of their 
own king, who had omitted to do it. It 
failed to giatify them, and gave deep 
offence to Philip, who immediately sent 
to Marcus Bsebius, tlie Roman command- 
er in Greece, to infoi-m him that Antio- 
chus was in Thessaly, and to oflfer ser- 
vice against him. 

The Thessalians adhered to their alli- 
ance with Rome, and Antiochus with his 



What does Polybiua say of iheir political condition ? — What fashi«n prevailed among them ? — Why 
did the Megarians abandon their alliance ? — What was tlie result of their attack on Megara? 

How did the Boeotians receive Antioclius ? — Did they form an alliance with him? — Whom did Anti- 
ochus wish to gain ? — What was Hannibal's advice ? — Was it followed ? — To whom were ambassadors 
Bent ? — What insult did Antiochus ofiFer to Philip ? — What was the consequence ? — To whom did the 
Thessalians adhere ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



275 



allies laid siege to Pherse, which after a 
vigorous defence was obliged to sur- 
render. Several towns were gained by 
force or by capitulation, and the army 
advanced to Larissa. The inhabitants 
persevered in resistance ; and the king 
was doubting whether to besiege them, 
when he was alarmed by the news of an 
approaching Roman army. It was real- 
ly but a detachment sent to garrison La- 
rissa: but the commander, by enlarging 
his encampment and kindling unneces- 
sary fires, had caused his troops to be 
mistaken for the whole Roman host, 
together with that of Phihp. This need- 
less apprehension determined the alhes 
to raise the siege. Amynander and the 
iEtolians returned to their homes, An- 
tiochus to Demetrias, and thence to 
Chalcis. He there fell in love with a 
maiden of the city, and prevailed on her 
father to give her to him in marriage, 
though much dishking so unequal an 
alliance. Forgetfiil of the arduous task 
he had undertaken, the driving the Ro- 
mans out of Greece, he gave all Ms 
thoughts during the rest of the winter to 
the festivities of his wedding: and the 
disordered state of his army at the open- 
ing of the next campaign showed that 
officers and soldiei*s had too faithfully 
copied the neghgence and self-indul- 
gence of their chief. 

Antiochus gains some towns in Acarnania. 
The first important transaction of the 
spring was an attempt on Acarnania, 
conducted through Mnesilochus, a lead- 
ing man in the province, and Clytus, the 
then chief magistrate. Mnesilochus sug- 
gested in the national congi-ess that the 
inland parts of Acarnania, especially the 
towns of Medeon and Thyrium, were 
in danger from Antiochus and from the 
iEtolians, and that it was time for all the 
people to take arms in their defence. 
Other persons were prepared to say that 
a general expedition was needless, for 
the places might be secured by rein- 
forcing them with five hundred men. 
Three hundred were accordingly sent 
to Medeon, and two hundred to Thy- 
rium : all of whom Mnesilochus intend- 
ed should come into the power of An- 
tiochus, and serve as hostages for the 
conduct of their countrymen. About 



that time ambassadors came to Medeon 
fi-om the king, and the question arose 
what answer should be given. Some 
were anxious not to swerve from their 
engagements with the Romans, while 
others maintained that the fiiendship of 
Antiochus was not to be shghted: but 
a middle course was agreed on at the 
suggestion of Clytus, which was that 
an embassy should be sent to ask per- 
mission for the Medeonians to consult 
the great council of the nation. Care 
was taken that among the ambassadors 
should be Mnesilochus and others of his 
faction ; and they found excuses for de- 
laying their departure, till just after they 
quitted the city, Antiochus having been 
secretly summoned came with his army 
to the gates. While those ignorant of 
the plot were calhng to arms in hurry 
and confusion, he was quietly introduced 
into the city by Clytus and Mnesilochus. 
His fiiends all thronged to him in good 
will, his enemies through fear; and he 
gave to the latter such assurances as 
were fittest to quiet their apprehensions. 
Some less important places then sub- 
mitted, but Thyrium held out against 
him, and the friends of Rome were en- 
couraged by the arrival of a Roman 
squadron and a body of troops. It was 
moreover reported that a Roman consul 
had crossed the sea and enterttd Thessa- 
ly ; and this induced Antiochus to return 
to Chalcis. 

Philip takes part with the Romans, and 
conquers Athamania. 

The consul Manius Acilius Glabrio 
had actually come with fresh legions 
into Thessaly. He had found there 
Philip and M. Bsebius, who had already 
recovered many of the conquests of An- 
tiochus : and when they were joined by 
the new comers, they found nothing 
which could resist them. Among the 
prisoners who came into the power of 
Philip were many of the Athamanians, 
all of whom he ti'eated with the utmost 
kindness, and set fi'ee, in the hope of 
winning the affections of their country- 
men. He then led his army into Atha- 
mania. Amynander had fled fi-om the 
country, in fear of Philip and the Ro- 
mans: and the people, prepossessed in 
favour of the Macedonian by the liberat- 



Where is Pherje ? — Who took it ? — To what place did he afterwards advance ? — What made him 
abandon his design on Larissa? — Whither did he go? — Whom did he there marry ? — How did he pass the 
winter ? 

How did Clyrus and jMnesilochiis betray Medeon to Antiochus? — Did they gain Thyrium? — What in- 
duced Antiochus to return to Chalcis? 

What Roman ofhcer brought a reinforcement into Thessaly ? — Who assisted him to conquer the coun- 
try ? — How did Philip gain Athamania ? 



276 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



ed prisoners, readily submitted. Mean- 
time the consul refreshed his army, and 
reduced to submission whatever was 
yet hostile in Thessaly. 

Defeat of Antiochus at Thermopyla. 

Antiochus was beginning to repent 
having trusted to the promises of the 
^toUans, and to wish that he had acted 
through the war on the counsels of 
Hannibal. He sent to call for a general 
levy of the iEtolian youth: but the 
chiefs only came with a few of their de- 
pendents, and said, that they had vainly 
laboured to rouse the multitude to arms. 
He was moreover disappointed in the 
amount of his own forces : for in spite 
of messengers sent into Asia to quicken 
the preparations of his officers, no fur- 
ther reinforcements yet had reached him 
than filled up his numbers to the origi- 
nal ten thousand foot and five hundred 
horse. Too weak to contend in open 
field with the Romans, he intrenched 
himself in the pass of Thermopylae, in 
the hope of preventing their advance. 
The JEtolians were sent forward to the 
defence of Hypata and Heracleia. Being 
unable to hinder the ravage of the fields, 
they shut themselves up in the latter 
place. 

The consul encamped at the mouth 
of the pass. Antiochus, fearing that his 
flank might be turned, as had been done 
by the Persians against Leonidas, sent 
a message to the ^tolians requesting 
them to occupy the heights. They were 
divided among themselves whether to 
comply or refuse, and finally half of 
them did as they were required, the 
rest remained at Heracleia. Acilius ad- 
vanced to force the pass: but he met 
with a determined resistance from the 
Syrian Macedonians, the descendants of 
those who had conquered under Alex- 
ander. They were, indeed, borne back 
by superior numbers to then- intrench- 
ments, but they formed behind them, 
and their pikes and close array pre- 
sented an impenetrable barrier. Mean- 
time a detachment commanded by Mar- 
cus Cato, (who had already been consul 
and was afterwards censor) had surpris- 
ed and cut to pieces one division of the 
^tolians on the ridge. Their appear- 



ance on the flank put the Macedonians 
to the rout. The king escaped to Chal- 
cis with about five hundred men: the 
rest were mostly slain or taken. 

Submission of Phocis, Bceotia and Eubaa 
to the Romans. 

Acilius advanced through Phocis and 
BoBotia. At the gates of every city to 
which he came, he was met by the in- 
habitants in the guise of suppliants, for 
they feared to be given up to pillage in 
consequence of their revolt. He pro- 
ceeded, however, as in a fiiendly terri- 
tory, till he came to Coroneia. Here 
his anger was kindled at seeing a statue 
of Antiochus in the temple of Minerva, 
and he gave his soldiers permission to 
plunder the country. Soon afterwards 
he recalled the order, remembering that 
the statue had been erected by the com- 
mon decree of the Boeotians, and that 
their act ought not to be visited on the 
Coroneians in particular. He content- 
ed himself with rebuking the ingratitude 
of the Boeotians, and went on to Chal- 
cis, which opened its gates on his arri- 
val, Antiochus having sailed for Asia. 
After receiving the submission of all 
Eubcea, he led back his army to Ther- 
mopylae. 

Heracleia taken by the Romans. — Philip com- 
pelled to quit the siege of Lamia. 

A message was sent to the ^Etolians 
in Heracleia, offering pardon to them- 
selves and to their nation for their revolt, 
if they would immediately submit. They 
refused, and the consul laid siege to the 
town. The ^tolians, unprovided with 
defensive engines, had no means of 
checking the operations of the besieg- 
ers, except by sallies to interrupt and 
destroy their works, which they execut- 
ed with great activity and boldness. But 
they being few were soon worn out with 
fatigue, while the Romans had always 
fi*esh men to send into action. The con- 
sul kept up a continued attack for four 
and twenty days and nights: he then 
adopted the custom of suspending it 
for several hours after midnight. The 
^tolians gladly availed themselves of 
the opportunity to rest, and kept but 
little watch during the interval : and of 



How did the ^tolians support Antiochus?— Where did he intrench himself? — W^here did the ^Eto- 
lians shut themselves up?-- How many of them went to the assistance of Antiochus? — Who advanced 
to force the pass ?— From whom did he meet a determined resistance ? — What was the result? — To what 
place did Antiochus escape ? 

Through what states did Acilius advance? — What provoked him at Coroneia? — What was the conse- 
quence ? — To what place did he then advance? — Where was Antiochus? — What island submitted to the 
Romans ? 

What message was sent to the ^'Etolians ? — What was the consequence of their refusal ? — Give an ac- 
count of the siege and capture of Heracleia. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



277 



this the consul availed himself to make 
a sudden attack, and pass the walls 
while they were undefended. The -^to- 
lians fled into the citadel, which they 
were soon obliged to surrender. The 
Romans were gratified by finding among 
the prisonei-s Damocritus, whose arro- 
gant answer to Flamininus has already 
been mentioned. During the siege of 
Heracleia, Phihp had been, by agree- 
ment with Acilius, besieging Lamia, and 
had nearly reduced it to surrender: but 
now that Heracleia was taken, the Ro- 
man general imperiously required him 
to reliiiquish the siege, on the gi'ound 
that, since his soldiers had fought the 
battle with the ^tolians, it was just that 
they should enjoy the fruits of victory. 

Italians sue for peace. — Driven to war by 
the harshness of the Romans. 

The capture of Heracleia determined 
the ^tolian government to sue for peace. 
Ambassadors were sent to Acihus, who 
said that he was not then at leisure to 
attend to them, but he granted a truce 
for ten days, during which they might 
confer with Lucius Valerius Flaccus, 
one of his officei*s. In the discussions 
which ensued the vEtolians were begin- 
ning to speak of their former merits to- 
wards the Romans : but they were cut 
short by Flaccus, who told them that 
such pleas were out of date, since they 
had cancelled all claims of fidendship by 
their revolt. He advised them to give 
up all arguments on the score of justice, 
and simply to beg for mercy. They at 
length resolved to refer the whole ques- 
tion to the consul, and commit them- 
selves to the faith of the Romans : " not 
knowing," Polybius observes, "the eflTect 
of this, but being misled by the word 
fiiith, as if on this account they would 
meet with milder treatment. Whereas 
with the Romans to commit one's self to 
their faith is the same thing as to sur- 
render one's self to the pleasure of the 
victor." 

The vote of surrender having been 
passed by the secret council, Phaeneas and 
some others were sent to announce it to 
the consul. They pleaded to him the 
cause of their country, and ended by 
saying that the iEtolians had resolved to 
throw themselves on the feith of the 



Romans. Acilius asked whether this 
was really so : and being assured of it, he 
said, that no ^tolian should be allowed 
to go into Asia, whether privately or in 
a public capacity, and further demanded 
that several pei-sons, among whom was 
king Amynander, should be delivered to 
the Romans. " But this," said Phseneas, 
" is neither just, nor according to Gre- 
cian mannei-s." " Do you talk," Acihua 
exclaimed, "of justice and of Grecian 
manners, who have committed yourselves 
to my faith ? you, whom I, if it seem good 
to me, will carry away in bonds." He 
ordered chains to be brought, and an iron 
collar to be put on the neck of each. The 
^tolians stood in mute astonishment : but 
Flaccus and some other officers begged 
their general to remember that the men 
before him were ambassadoi-s. Phseneas 
then said that his commands should be 
executed, as far as depended on the secret 
council ; but the consent of the people 
was also necessary to then* fulfilment. 
The truce was prolonged for ten days 
more, and Phseneas returned to the secret 
council. It was there determined that an 
assembly should be summoned : but when 
the particulars of the conference became 
generally known, the indignation of the 
people rose so high that they would not 
even meet to deliberate on submission. 
The truce expired ; they gathered their 
forces at Naupactus; and the Roman 
general proceeded thither and laid seige 
to the place. 

Messene besieged by the Achaians. — Surren- 
ders to Philip and is re-united with the 
Achaians. 

About this time Messene was besieged 
by the Achaians. This and Elis were 
the only states in Peloponnesus that were 
not included in the Achaian league ; 
and both of them had in this war taken 
part with the ^toUans. Afte]- the de- 
feat and departure of Antiochus, the 
Achaians had sent ambassadors to both, 
to invite them into their confederacy. 
The Eleians replied that they would con- 
sider what was to be done, and after- 
wards they complied; the Messenians 
returned no answer; upon which the 
Achaians ravaged their lands and en- 
camped before their walls. The Messe- 
nians sent to Flamininus, and informed 



Where is it ? — Who was among the captives ? — Why was Philip required to relinquish the siege of 
Lamia .'—Where is Lamia ? 

Who now sued for peace ? — To whom were they referred ? — How did Flaccus treat them ? — What did 
they resolve to do? — What vote was passed by the secret council ? — Give an account of what passed be- 
tween Phaeneas and Acilius. — What did the .^tolians do on learning this treatment of their ambas- 
lador ? — Where were they besieged by the Romans ? — Where is Naupactus ? 

By whom was Mesaene besieged ? — Why ? — What offer did the Messenians make to Flamininus ? 



278 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



him that they would willingly open their 
gates to the Romans, but not to the 
Achaians. He straightway required the 
Achaian general Diophanes to withdraw 
his army from the siege, and come to 
him. Diophanes obeyed ; and the Ro- 
man, after gently rebuking him for engag- 
ing without his sanction in so important 
a transaction, bade him dismiss his army. 
He then required the Messeniansto recall 
their exiles, and unite themselves with the 
Achaians, which they accordingly did. 
He moreover craved a meeting of the 
Achaians, to hear his complaint that they 
had occupied Zacynthus (Zante,) to the 
injury of the Romans, to whom it properly 
belonged. The meeting was called. Dio- 
phanes defended the claims of his com- 
monwealth : but the assembly agreed to 
leave the matter in the hands of Flami- 
ninus, and when he maintained the claim 
of Rome, and supported it by arguments 
both of right and expediency, they voted 
with one consent that it should be given 
up to him. 

Conquests of Philip. 
Meantime Philip, having obtained the 
consent of Acihus to his recovering the 
cities which had revolted from the Ro- 
man alliance, led his forces to Demetrias. 
The inhabitants, he knew, were in the 
greatest alarm, having now no hope of 
protection from Antiochus or from the 
iEtolians, and expecting daily to be 
attacked either by Philip, or by the 
Romans, whom they dreaded more, hav- 
ing more deeply offended them. The 
place was full of the soldiers of An- 
tiochus ; but a large proportion of these 
were unarmed fugitives ; and when Philip 
sent to summon them to surrender, the 
gates were opened to him. The soldiers 
of Antiochus were sent to Lysimachia, 
with a guard of Macedonians to protect 
them; and some ships of war, which 
were in the harbour, were suffered to 
depart. Philip then reduced to submis- 
sion Dolopia, Aperantia, and some cities 
of Perrhaebia. 

Siege of Naupactus. — Flamininus obtains a 
truce. 

Two months had been spent in the 
siege of Naupactus; the place was nearly 
reduced to extremity; and it seemed that, 



if it were taken by assault, the ^tolian 
nation would be utterly destroyed. The 
consul appears to have intended that this 
catastrophe should follow ; but Flamini- 
nus determined, if possible, to prevent it. 
He repaired to the Roman leaguer, and 
beginning to walk before the walls he was 
quickly recognised by the hostile senti- 
nels. The report that it was he quickly 
spread through the town, and the ^to- 
lians crowded to the walls, and stretching 
out their hands, and calling on him by 
name, besought him to help and preserve 
them. He signified with his hand that 
he could not assist them. , He went, 
however, to the consul, and asked him 
whether he had cons^jdered, that he had 
spent his time in besieging two cities, 
till his year of command was verging to 
its close, while Philip had been adding 
whole nations to his kingdom. The 
consul was moved by the suggestion, 
but, having begun the siege, he was un- 
willing to abandon it ; he agreed, how- 
ever, to leave the matter in the hands of 
Flamininus, who then returned to the 
lines, and, when the iEtolians renewed 
their supplications, bade some of them 
come out to him. Phaeneas and some 
other chiefs approached, and fell at his 
feet. He reminded them that he had 
foretold what would happen, and that 
they had neglected his warnings. He 
advised them, however, to send to the 
consul, and request a truce, during which 
they might send an embassy to Rome, and 
submit themselves to the pleasure of the 
senate ; and he promised that he would 
support their petition. They did as he 
directed ; the truce was granted ; and the 
Roman army was withdrawn into Phocis. 
About the same time the Roman fleet had 
crossed the sea to the coast of Ionia ; and, 
being joined by that of Eumenes, had 
won a great victory over the fleet of An- 
tiochus. 

The ^tolian ambassadors arrived at 
Rome, but they found there little mercy. 
After much debate, tlie choice was of- 
fered them, whether to place themselves 
altogether at the free disposal of the 
senate, or to pay at once a thousand 
talents (upwards of 200,000Z.,) and to 
have the same friends and enemies as 
the Romans. They requested that the 
questions might be specified, with respect 



What did he do ?— What island did he afterwards obtain from the Achaians .'—Where is this island? 

Whither did Philip lead his forces .'—What was the condition of that city .'—Did Philip gain the place? 
—What other places did he take.' y t> i- 

What was the condition of Naupactus.'— What was the consul's intention .'—How did Flamininus en- 
deavour to prevent It .'—What did he obtain for the ^Etolians.'— Whither did the Roman army go.'— 
Where did the Roman fleet defeat that of Antiochus .'—How did the iEtolian ambassadors succeed at 
Eome ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



279 



to which the senate required the unlim- 
ited power of decision ; the specification 
was refused, and the ambassadors were 
sent back bootless. 

War renewed. — Second truce. — Romans pass 
into Asia. 

The war was recommenced. The 
iEtohans prevented the Roman general 
from returning to the siege of Naupactus, 
by occupying a difficult pass which lay 
upon the way ; but suddenly attacking 
Lamia, he took it by assault, and then 
proceeding to Amphissa, laid siege to that 
place by regular approaches. He was 
here superseded in command by the new 
consul, Lucius Scipio, the brother of 
Publius Scipio Africanus, the conqueror 
of Carthage in the second Punic war. 
Africanus accompanied his brother as his 
lieutenant: by offering which he had 
determined the senate to assign to him 
the province of Greece, and the war with 
Antiochus. 

The Scipios wished as soon as possible 
to finish the ^tolian war, in order that 
they might be at Uberty to pass into 
Asia against Antiochus. They therefore 
gladly received an Athenian embassy, 
which was sent to intercede for peace, 
and bade them go forward, and try the 
temper of the ^tolians. They readily 
caught at any hope of accommodation, 
and sent ambassadors, who communi- 
cated first with Africanus. He received 
them kindly, remmding them of the va- 
rious proofs which he had given in Spain 
and Africa of clemency towards the van- 
quished, and bidding them place them- 
selves in his hands, and trust in him. 
This filled them with hope; but their 
disappointment was extreme, when the 
consul, upon their asking on what terms 
peace would be granted, repeated the 
two alternatives which had already been 
proposed at Rome. They returned, 
however, to consult the nation. The 
thousand talents were more than the 
iEtolians could raise, and they feared 
to commit themselves to the discretion 
of the Romans, for they remembered 
how they had been treated by Acilius. 
The ambassadors returned, and request- 
ed, either that the sum should be 
diminished, or that the persons of the 
citizens siiould be excepted from the 



surrender: but the consul replied, that 
he had no authority to abate the de- 
mands of the senate, and they again re- 
turned without eflTecting an agreement. 
The Athenians now advised them to 
apply for a six-months' truce, during 
which they might negotiate with the 
senate; for time, at least, would be 
gained, and something might happen in 
the interval to better their condition, 
which nothing could possibly make 
worse. The suggestion was adopted; 
it suited the purpose of the Scipios, and 
Lucius was persuaded by his brother to 
comply. 

The Roman army then proceeded into 
Thessaly, the intention of its leaders be- 
ing to pass into Asia through Macedonia 
and Thrace. This route was scarcely 
practicable without the consent of Phi- 
lip, or even without his active assistance, 
by providing markets, making roads and 
bridges, ^nd the like. All these services, 
however, he readily performed, and after 
giving the Scipios a royal welcome in 
Macedonia, he accompanied them to the 
Hellespont. 

Pausistratus the Rhodian deceived by P<h 
lyxenidas, defeated and slain. 

In the naval victory obtained in the 
preceding summer by the Romans over 
Antiochus, no Rhodian squadron had 
been present; and they now sent out 
thirty-six ships in the beginning of 
spring, intending to make up for their 
then remissness by their present promp- 
titude. The principal naval commander 
of Antiochus was Polyxenidas, a Rho- 
dian exile ; and he, hearing that Pausis- 
tratus, the Rhodian admiral, had spoken 
of him slightingly, was entirely occupied 
with devising some great stroke to be 
made against him. He communicated 
secretly with him, and oflTered to betray 
the royal fleet into his hands, if he might 
be rewarded with restoration to his coun- 
try. Pausistratus would not trust him 
till he had received a written assurance 
of his intention ; but then he thought 
that, had he meant to continue in the 
service of Antiochus, he would never 
have given so dangerous a document. 
Polyxenidas promised that his ships 
should be ill manned, and unprepared 
for action ; that some should be scatter- 



Was the war renewed? — How did the JEtolians prevent the Roman general from returning to the 
liege of Naupactus? — What place did he take? — To what place did he lay siege? — Where is Amphissa? 
—By whom was the consul supersefled ? — What did the Scipios wish? — Who inediateil between them 
and the jEtolians ? — How long a trnre did they obtain? — By what route did the Roman nriny pass into 
Asia ? — Who assisted them : — To w!iat place did he accompany them r — Where is the Hellespont ? 

How many ships dia the Rhodians semi to the Roman fleet? — Who was the Rhodian admiral? — Re- 
late the manner in which he was deceived by Polyxenidas. 



280 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



ed to neighbouring ports, and others 
drawn up for repairs, and that then he 
would send information when to attack 
them. He made some show of execut- 
ing his promise, but secretly kept all his 
seamen in readiness, while Pausistratus, 
thinking that no danger was at hand, 
neglected all the customary precautions. 
One night he sailed from Ephesus to the 
neighbouring haven of Panorraus, where 
the Rhodians were lying. He beset the 
mouth of the harbour with his ships, 
while a party which he had landed at- 
tacked the enemy upon the shore. The 
surprise was complete. Pausistratus per- 
ished, fighting bravely in the attempt to 
force a passage out of the port, an at- 
tempt in which seven ships succeeded, 
but all the rest were taken. 

The grief of the Rhodians was enhanc- 
ed by the loss of many young men of 
their most illustrious families, whom the 
high character of Pausistratus had induc- 
ed to accompany him ; and it was com- 
bined with anger that they should have 
suffered this calamity through fraud, and 
at the hands of a countryman. They 
sent out, however, twenty ships without 
delay, which joined the Roman fleet. 
The summer was spent in active naval 
warfare, and the Romans and their al- 
lies were almost uniformly successful. 
The Rhodians separately gained one 
considerable victory, and their services 
were eminent in others that were won 
by the confederate fleet. 

Antiochus defeated by the Romans. — Peace 
concluded. — Distribution of conquered 
countries. 

Antiochus, having lost by the last of 
these battles all hope of further disputing 
the command of the sea, determined to 
withdraw his garrison from Lysimachia, 
which he saw that he was no longer able 
to succour. This resolution was an un- 
wise one. The place would probably 
have held out through the winter, and 
the besiegers would have suffered great 
distress; whereas now, aft;er their toil- 
some march through Thrace, they found 
an open city, convenient quarters, and 
a plentiful market; and after stopping 
to refresh themselves, and collect their 
sick men and their baggage, they were 
ready at once to enter Asia. All nec- 



essary preparations had been made by 
Eumenes, and the army crossed the 
Hellespont unopposed. After a fruit- 
less attempt to obtain peace, on any tol- 
erable conditions, Antiochus met the 
Romans in battle, and was defeated with 
great slaughter. He then sued for peace 
on whatever terms. It was granted, ac- 
cording to a practice not uncommon 
with the Romans, on conditions little 
differing from those which the Romans 
had offered before the battle, the most 
important being, that the king should 
give up all Asia within Mount Taurus. 
(B. C. 191.) 

It remained for the Romans to de- 
termine what was to be done with the 
conquered countries. An embassy came 
from the Rhodians, requesting ^ehberty 
of all the Asiatic Greeks ; while Eumenes 
craved that they should rather be made 
tributary to him, in reward for his ser- 
vices and sufferings in the war, in which 
he had nearly lost his kingdom, and had 
been besieged in his capital of Perga- 
mus. The senate assigned to Eumenes 
all that they had taken in Asia from An- 
tiochus, excepting part of Lycia and Ca- 
ria, which they gave to the Rhodians, 
and such of the Grecian cities as had 
not been subject to Attains, which they 
declared independent. 

Philip driven from Athamania. — JEtolian 
war renewed. — Submission of the Ita- 
lians. 

The iEtolians, during the truce with 
Rome, had been at war with Philip 
Since the conquest of Athamania, the 
Macedonian governors had ruled that 
country in such a manner as to make 
the inhabitants regret their native prince. 
Letters were sent to him in jfEtolia, 
which gave him the hope of recovering 
his kingdom ; he answered that, if he 
were assured of support from the people, 
he would return into Athamania, and 
that the ^Etolian government would as- 
sist him with troops. All was secretly 
arranged, so that on the appointed day 
the insurrection broke out in four places 
simultaneously, and Amynander enter- 
ed the country with a thousand iEtoli- 
ans. The Macedonian gairisons were 
everywhere driven out; and Phihp, 
who, as soon as he heard of the revolt, 



What loss was suffered by the Rhodians? — Which party was successful in the succeeding naval warfare? 

From what place did Antiochus withdraw his garrison ? — Where is Lysimachia? — What was the con- 
■equence of his abandoning it ?— What was the result of his battle with the Romans? — What was the 
most important condition of the peace? — What did the senate assign to Eumenes? — To the Rhodians?— 
Where is Curia ? — Lycia ? 

During the truce with Rome, with whom were theiGtolians at war? — What prince was recalled to 
A,tbaniania ? — Who were driven out ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



281 



had hastened to quell it, was obliged 
to retreat with loss. The iEtolians 
then recovered Amphilochia, which had 
formerly been theirs, with the good will 
of the people. Dolopia also had sub- 
mitted through fear; but in the midst 
of these successes they were alarmed 
by the news that peace was denied 
them at Rome, and that the new con- 
sul, Marcus Fulvius, had crossed the 
sea with his army. On hearing this, 
they resolved to send another embassy 
to Rome, and moreover to solicit the 
intercession of the Rhodians and Athe- 
nians. 

The consul formed the siege of Am- 
bracia. The place was strong, and >i- 
gorously defended, both by engines and 
by arms ; but it was evident that it must 
ultimately fall, unless the siege could be 
interrupted from without. At the same 
time the ^tohan coast was wasted by 
hostUe fleets, and Dolopia and Amphi- 
lochia were invaded by Perseus, the son 
of Philip. Utterly unable to make head 
against so many different attacks, the 
iEtohans, after many attempts to soften 
the inflexibihty of their enemies, resolved 
to submit to whatever conditions might 



be imposed. The Athemans and Rho- 
dians interceded in their favour: Amy- 
nander also acted as a mediator, having 
previously made his peace vnth the Ro- 
mans; and their prayer was supported 
by the consul's half brother, Caius Vale- 
rius Laevinus, the son of Marcus, who 
had negotiated their original alliance 
with Rome. He considered himself as 
called on, according to a custom preva- 
lent among the Romans, to act in a man- 
ner as the patron of a people whom his 
father had united in fiiendship with 
Rome ; and his influence with the con- 
sul was not small. Peace was granted 
at length by Fulvius, and confirmed by 
the senate and the people, on the terms 
that the iEtolians should hold, as fiiends 
and enemies, the fiiends and enemies 
of the Romans, and assist the Romans 
in all their wars ; that they should pay 
forthwith two hundred talents of silver, 
and fifty, annually, for six years; that 
they should give forty hostages; and 
that neither the Cephallenians, nor any 
city which had submitted to the Romans 
since the consulship of Flamininus, 
should be inc^ •'ed in their community. 
(B. C. 190.) 



CHAPTER XV. 



OF GREECE^ FROM THE SUBMISSION OF TELE ^TOLIANS TO ROME, TILL THE ROBfAN 

CONqUEST OF MACEDONIA. 



SECTION I. 

Revolt of LacedtBtnon from the Achaians. — 

Embassies to Rome. 

The Achaian congress had, ever since 
its first institution, been usually held at 
iEgium. PhilopcEmen wished to bresik 
this custom, and to obtain a law by which 
it should meet at every citj' in rotation. 
Being general at the time, he tried the 
experiment of summoning at Argos. His 
summons was generally obeyed ; but the 
discussion of the change which he wish- 
ed to make was delayed by a quarrel 
with Lacedaemon. At the defeat of Na- 
bis, that state had been deprived of aU 
the maritime towns of Laconia, many 
of which were now peopled in great 
measure with Lacedaemonian exiles, in- 
veterately hostile to their countrymen in 
the city. The latter, suffering no small 
inconvenience through their entire ex- 



clusion from the sea, attempted the reco- 
very of one of these towns. They sur- 
prised it by night, but in the ensuing 
day they were driven out. The attempt, 
however, raised a general terror in the 
people of the coast, especially in the ex- 
iles ; and they sent to the Achaiar^ to 
complain and ask for succour. 

Philopoemen was ever fiiendly to the 
exiles, and jealous of the city Lacedae- 
monians; and he moved and carried a 
decree, That since the Romans had en- 
trusted the maritime towns of Laconia 
to the protection of the Achaians, and 
the Lacedaemonians had assaulted one 
of those towns, which they were bound 
by treaty not to injure, unless the au- 
thors of that measure were given up to 
the Achaians, they would consider the 
treaty as broken. Ambassadors were 
sent to demand the persons in question. 



What other places did the iGtolians gain ?— By what news were they alarmed .'—Who besieged Am- 
bracia r— What other difficulties obliged the iEtolians to sue for peace .'—Who interceded for them .'— Ol 
what terms did they obtain peace.' 

Where did the Achaian congress meet? — At whose sunamons? — What attempt was made by L»c» 
temon i — What decree did Pliilopcemeo carry at the congress ? — What did their zonbassadors dernaod ^ 

3b 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



This harsh and haughty requisition fir- 
ed the Lacedaemonians with anger, and 
the more as they suspected that PhUopoe- 
meu intended, by repeated arbitraiy acts, 
to inure them to submission, and finally 
to place the city in the power of the ex- 
iles. They inflicted death on thirty per- 
sons suspected to be fidends of Philopce- 
men and the exiles ; renounced the alli- 
ance of the Achaians ; and sent to the 
Roman consul, entreating him to take 
them under the protection of his com- 
monwealth as dependent allies. 

War was declared by the Achaians, 
but winter hindered decisive action. 
The consul came into Peloponnesus, 
and at his desire a meeting was held at 
Elis, at which the Lacedaemonians were 
invited to attend. A warm debate en- 
sued, which Fulvius ended by requiring 
that the war should be suspended, till 
each party should have sent ambassa- 
dors to Rome. The heads of the Acha- 
ian embassy were Diophanes and Lycor- 
tas, the latter the father of Poly bins the 
historian. Both were eminent men, and 
both of Megalopolis ; but their political 
sentiments were difFerent, and they disa- 
greed in the conduct of their mission 
Diophanes oflTered to refer the question 
to the judgment of the senate; while 
Lycortas required, as he had been in- 
structed by Philopcemen, that the liber- 
ty of the Achaians should not be invad- 
ed, but they should be allowed to exe- 
cute their lawfiil decrees. The senate 
gave an ambiguous answer, which the 
Achaians understood as leaving them 
unfettered. 

Submission of LacedcBmon to the Achaians. — 
Abolition of the laws of Lycurgus. 

Philopcemen was continued for an- 
other year in office ; and in the begin- 
ning of spring he encamped on the La- 
cedaemonian border, and sent to demand 
that the authors of the revolt should be 
sun*endered. Those who were demand- 
ed by name declared that they would go, 
under • the assurance that they should 
suffer nothing without tnal; and some 
others of the principal citizens went vdth 
them to plead their cause. On no other 
occasion had the Achaians ever brought 
with them the Lacedaemonian exiles, 
when they entered the territory of Lace- 
daemon : but now the van of the army 
was chiefly composed of them. At the 



sight of their enemies their resentment 
broke out in all the violence of Grecian 
party rage : they began with railing, and 
went on to strike and stone them ; the 
tumult increased, and many of the Acha- 
ians were prevailed on by the exiles to 
join with them ; and in spite of all which 
the general and the ambassadors could 
do, seventeen of the Lacedaemonians 
were killed. The rest, in number sixty- 
three, were saved from the violence of 
the crowd by the exertions of Philopce- 
men. To this his faith was pledged, and 
this was the only favour he was inclined 
to show them. On the following day 
they were brought to plead their cause 
before the multitude : the little they spoke 
was unfavourably heard, and they were 
condemned and led to execution. 

After this bloody act of revenge and 
intimidation, the Achaians prescribed 
the terms of peace. These were that 
the walls of Lacedaemon should be de- 
molished; that all foreign mercenaries 
should quit the country, as well as all 
the slaves who had been liberated by 
the tyrants ; that any of the latter who 
remained might be seized and sold by 
the Achaians; that the laws of Lycurgus 
should be abolished, and those of the 
Achaians adopted in their room. A de- 
cree was passed at Tegea in the great 
council of the Achaians, that the exiles 
should be restored ; the most galling of 
all injunctions to those in the city. In- 
formation being brought that the libe- 
rated slaves had quitted the city, but re- 
mained dispersed about the country, 
Philopcemen was sent with a body of 
light troops to seize them. Many were 
caught and sold ; and the price of them 
was applied to the rebuilding of a por- 
tico in Megalopolis, which had been de- 
stroyed by the Lacedaemonians. 

Thus, in the year B. C. 189, the laws 
of Lycurgus came to an end, after seven 
centuries of existence. During most of 
that period they had maintained Lace- 
daemon at the highest pitch of power, 
and carried her onward with unfailing 
energy in the career of what the world 
calls glory. How far they promoted 
real excellence of character, we have 
often had occasion to remark. Before 
the times of Agis and Cleomenes, they 
had long been verging to decay. The 
vigorous measures of the latter reformer 
seemed to promise their entire reno- 



What did the Lncedaemonians do ?— Who declared war?— Who required its suspension?— For what 
parpose ? — Was the answer of the senate decisive ? — How did the Achaians interpret it? 

What did Philopoemen demand of the Lacedjemonians? — Under what assurance did the authors of tho 
rerolt go to him?— How were they treated? — By whom ?— How many were saved? — How were they 
ttaposed of next day ? — What were the terms of peace with Lacedaeiuon I 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



283 



vation: but his ambition provoked a 
host of enemies, who di'ove him into 
exile before he had time to cousohdate 
his work ; and by his violences, and the 
changes which followed his expulsion, 
the state was left more unsettled than 
before. Usurpers rose and fell, each 
more lawless than his predecessor, and 
little remained of the ancient constitu- 
tion, long before it was formally abo- 
lished. In ail these revolutions the La- 
cedaemonians appear as a people little 
capable of governing itself; and their 
incorporation v\dth the Achaians, how- 
ever galling to their national pride, ap- 
pears to have furnished the best method 
of rescuing them from anarchy. 

The Lacedaemonians sent ambassa- 
dors to Rome to complain of the harsh- 
ness with which they had been treated : 
and the Romans were ready to listen to 
any complaint which gave them an op- 
portunity of breaking the independent 
spirit of the Achaians. Achaian minis- 
ters, however, were sent to defend their 
government; and they reported on re- 
turning that the senate was manifestly 
dissatisfied, but had not actually demand- 
ed the reversal of any of their proceed- 
ings. This report was made in a con- 
gress held at MegalopoMs, when Aristae- 
nus was general, in the third year after 
the submission of Lacedaemon. 

Achaians decline the gifts of Eumenes. 

Among other embassies received at the 
same congress, was one from Eumenes, 
to renew the alUance contracted with his 
father, and to offer a gift of 120 talents, 
from the interest of which a salary might 
be provided for the representatives of the 
Achaian states in their great council. 
ApoUonidas, of Sicyon, dissuaded the 
assembly from accepting it: for each 
man, whether a magistrate or a private 
individual, was forbidden by law to take 
gifts from princes; but here the wages 
of subserviency were openly proffered 
to all in common : and yet, he said, the 
feelings and interests of monarchs are 
naturally opposed to those of democra- 
cies ; so that if we take the money of 
Eumenes, we shall risk to be unavoida- 
bly either servile or unthankful. He was 
followed by Cassanderof ^gina, who 
reminded the assembly that his native 
city had been taken, in consequence of 



its adherence to their league, by the Ro- 
man general Sulpicius; that all the in- 
habitants had been made slaves, and the 
island given up, according to agreement, 
to the ^Etolians, who had sold it to At- 
tains. He called on Eumenes, if he real- 
ly wished to merit thanks from the Acha- 
ians, to restore to them iEgina ; and on 
the Achaians, not to cut off all hopes 
from the unhappy JEginetans, by accept- 
ting a favour which would for ever pre- 
clude all endeavours for their deUverance. 
So gi'eat was the effect of these speeches 
on the meeting, that the gift was refused 
by general acclamation, and no man ven- 
tured to recommend its acceptance. 

Embassy of Metellus. 
Soon after, during the Nemean festi- 
val, Aristaenus summoned the men in 
authority to meet in council at Argos, 
Quintus Caecilius Metellus had arrived 
there, on his return from Macedonia, 
whither he had been sent on an embassy 
by the Romans : he came into the coun- 
cil, complained that they had treated the 
Lacedaemonians Avith imdue severity, and 
exhorted them to repair their error. It 
plainly appeared by the silence of Aris- 
taenus, that he agreed in sentiment with 
the speaker; and Diophanes even sug- 
gested fi-esh accusations against the gov- 
ernment of his country: but Philopoe- 
men and Lycortas answered at length, 
maintaining the justice and expediency 
of what had been done, and the impos- 
sibility of alteration. The council resolv- 
ed that nothing should be changed. Me- 
tellus then demanded a general congress. 
They asked to see his commission from 
the senate : and when he made no an- 
swer, they declared that the laws did not 
allow a meeting to be held for the recep- 
tion of an ambassador, unless he brought 
written credentials, stating the object of 
his coming. The pride of the Roman 
took fire at this repulse, and he went 
away without receiving the answer of 
the council. Aristaenus and Diophanes 
became popularly suspected of having, by 
intrigues with the Romans, contributed 
to the dangers which threatened Acha- 
ian independence ; the firet through a 
strong attachment to their interest, which 
he had manifested from the beginning ; 
the second through enmity to Philopoe- 
men. 



To whom did the Lacedaemonians complain? — Did they obtain redress? 

What ofTer did Eumenes make to the Achaians? — Who opposed its acceptance? — Was ll ac- 
•epted ? 

Of what did Metellus complain in the assembly at Argos ?— Who replied to him ?— What did the a>un> 
cil resolve ? — How did they offend Metellus ? 



284 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Embassy of Appius. 

ApoUonidas and others were sent to 
Rome, to repel the expected complaints 
of Metellus, and the charges of the La- 
cedsemonian ambassadors. These were 
Areus and Alcibiades, exiles restored by 
the Achaians, who were now foremost in 
petitioning against their restorers. After 
hearing all parties, the senate decreed to 
send an embassy into Peloponnesus. 
Before it came, the Achaians were as- 
sembled, to prepare for the discussion, 
Lycortas, who was general, complained 
that the Lacedaemonians had been con- 
verted from adversaries into accusers, 
and were now more dangerous than be- 
fore their conquest. He proceeded to 
comment on the ingratitude of Areus and 
Alcibiades ; the multitude broke out into 
vehement indignation ; and a hasty vote 
was passed, condemning both to death. 

The Roman ambassadors arrived a 
few days after. A congi-ess was called, 
and they appeared attended by the men 
whom the preceding assembly had con- 
demned. Appius Claudius, the leader, 
declared that the senate was displeased 
with the acts of which the Lacedsemo- 
nians complained ; with the tumultuous 
massacre and the subsequent executions, 
the demolition of the walls, and the ab- 
rogation of the laws. Lycortas replied 
to each particular. "You charge us, 
Romans, with the death of those whom 
Philopoemen, when general, demanded 
for trial. This complaint befits not you 
to make, nor even to receive. Your 
treaty provided that the maritime towns 
should not be molested by Lacedsemon. 
Attacked when you were far away, to 
whom should they fly for aid, unless to 
us, your allies, whom they had seen giv- 
ing succour to Gythium, and co-operat- 
ing with you in the siege of Lacedsemon ? 
We conquered for you in a righteous 
war: why question what the laws of 
war entitled us to do ? Yet much of 
these charges concerns not us. We 
brought the authors of the wrong to tri- 
al ; but that some of them were slain in 
entering the camp, this, Areus and Alci- 



biades, was not our deed, but yours and 
that of your fellow exiles. 

"We razed, they say, the walls of 
Sparta, and abolished the institutions of 
Lycurgus. Those walls, expressly for- 
bidden by Lycurgus, were built by the 
tyrants for their own defence and the 
coercion of the citizens, who ought to 
have been foremost in effacing those 
unseemly scars of former bondage. But 
we abolished the laws. I^y those laws 
were already abolished by their tyrants: 
we could not abrogate them, but we 
gave our own. 

"I know that this is not the language 
of allies or freemen, but of servants 
pleading with their lords. For if force 
be in treaties, or meaning in your as- 
surances of liberty to Greece, why 
should you demand account of our con- 
duct towards Lacedsemon, and we not 
ask about your conquests in Italy? 
Grant that we have put some men to 
death : did you not execute the senators 
of Capua ? * We demolished ramparts : 
you took to yourselves the city and the 
lands. The treaty, you will say, is equal 
in seeming ; but really there is power on 
the one side, and on the other such 
liberty as it pleases the powerful to al- 
low. I feel it, Appius, and, if patience 
be fitting, I am patient : yet let not your 
enemies be more favoured than your al- 
lies. We made them equals by giving 
them our laws : but that which satisfied 
the victors is too little for the vanquish- 
ed. They bid us cancel decrees which 
we have sanctioned with oaths, and en- 
graven on columns f for an everlasting 
memorial. We respect you, Romans ; if 
you will, we even fear you : but we more 
respect and fear the immortal gods." 

Lycortas was heard with general ap- 
probation, and all considered that he 
had spoken in a manner becoming the 
dignity of his office: so that the credit 
of Rome, it was easily seen, could not 
be upheld by gentle proceedings. Thus 
says the Roman historian Livy, in the 
spirit of his country: as if it could be 
necessary to the credit of a state to dis- 



* When a treaty was made between two Grecian states, the most usual and most solemn method of 
recording it was by engraving it on pillars erected for the purpose. These pillars were invested with a 
character of sacredness : and it was often agreed that they should be erected not only in the contracting 
cities, but also for the sake of giving to the treaty at once additional publicity and additional solemnity, 
at some of the preat resorts for religious festivities, especially Olympia. 

t In the second Punic war, the city of Capua, having revolted from the Romans and joined itself with 
Hannibal, was obliged to surrender to its former masters. The Roman general put to death fifty-three 
of its senators, most probably all whom he found in the place : and afterwards, by a decree of the Roman 
people, the citizens of Capua were entirely removed from their dwellings, and their lands and bouses as- 
signed to Roman colonists. 



Who were sent to Rome? — What did the senate decree.' — What vote was passed by the Achauaa 
assembly .'—Who arrived soon after .'—What did Claudius declare .'—What reply did Lycortas make ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



285 



play its power by trampling on rights 
which it had repeatedly and solemnly 
pledged itself to maintain. The ambas- 
sador was fitly chosen for his mission, 
being one of a family always remarkable 
for overbearing pride. He strongly ad- 
vised the Achaians, he said, to merit fa- 
vour by doing freely what they would 
otherwise have to do against their wills. 
All heard these words with inward 
groaning, but they did not hazard fiir- 
ther resistance. They annulled the con- 
demnation of Areus and Alcibiades. 
With respect to the Lacedaemonians, 
they begged that the Romans would 
themselves make what changes they 
thought proper, and would not impose 
on the Achaians the reversal of acts 
which they had sworn to maintain. 

Negotiations of Rome and final settlement. 
The negotiations continued at Rome, 
and among the embassies there assem- 
bled, were no less than four fi-om differ- 
ent parties among the Lacedaemonians. 
One was fi-om those who had been 
exiles, who sought to be restored to the 
full enjoyment of all their possessions, 
as before their expulsion. Another, 
headed by Areus and Alcibiades, recom- 
mended that restitution should be made 
to an amount not exceeding a talent to 
each, and that the remainder should be 
employed in recruiting the diminished 
people, by assigning portions for the 
maintenance of such as might seem to 
deserve admission to the rights of citi- 
zens. The third was from those who 
wished the commonwealth to remain on 
the footing on which it had been settled 
by the Achaians. The fourth from 
those whom the Achaians had expelled 
or condemned to death ; who craved 
their own recall and a change in the go- 
vernment. The senate appointed Fla- 
mininus, Metellus, and Appius Claudius, 
as a committee to hear and decide on 
the various demands. They agreed that 
the exiles should be restored, and that 
Lacedaemon should still belong to the 
Achaian federation : on the other points 
they could not agree, but they made their 
award with respect to those which they 
had decided, and called on the Achaian 
ambassadors to say whether they con- 
sented. They were placed by this in 



some perplexity. The part of the award 
relating to the exiles was against the de- 
crees of the Achaians, and against the 
inscription on the pillar which they had 
erected ; yet on the whole they were not 
dissatisfied with the decision, since it re- 
tained Lacedaemon in union with them ; 
and partly in embarrassment, and partly 
in fear, they finally put their seal to it. 

Intrigue of Flamininus and Deinocrates. 

About this time Messene had revolted 
fi-om the Achaians, and sent an embassy 
to Rome to justify it. Deinocrates, the 
leader, was a personal friend of Fla- 
mininus : and he thought hLs work was 
done, when he found that Flamininus 
was going on an embassy to Prusias, 
king of Bithynia, since, through fiiend- 
ship to him and enmity to Philopoemen, 
he would use all his influence in his sup- 
port. The Roman entered into all his 
counsels, and they went together into 
Greece. On arriving at Naupactus, 
Flamininus wrote to Philopcemen, and 
requested him to call a meeting of the 
Achaians. Philopcemen well knew that 
he had no insti'uctions from the senate 
with respect to the aflTaii-s of Pelopon- 
nesus, and he replied that he would 
summon the Achaians, if the other 
would state on what subject he intend- 
ed to address them. This he did not 
venture to do, and so the hopes of 
Deinocrates were frustrated. 

War between the Achaians and Messenians.— 
Death of Philopcemen. 

A war took place between the Acha- 
ians and Messenians, in which the for- 
mer were altogether superior, when their 
prosperity was turned into mourning by a 
great and most unexpected disaster. Phi- 
lopoemen was surprised by the enemy, 
when passing with a small party of ca- 
valry through a difficult defile. It was 
thought that he might have escaped by 
the aid of some light-armed Thracians 
and Cretans in his band : but he would 
not quit the horsemen, whom he had re- 
cently selected fi-om the noblest of the 
Achaians; and while he was bringing 
up the rear and bravely covering the 
retreat, his horse fell Nvith him. He 
was seventy years old, and weakened by 
recent sickness ; and he lay stunned and 



What advice did the ambassador give the Achaians ? — What were they obliged to do .■' 

How many parties of Lacedaemonians had ambassadors at Rome? — Who were appointed to decide on 
their demands ? — On what did they agree ? — Uere the Achaian ambassadors obliged to agree to it ? 

What state revolted from the Achaians ? — Who was sent to Rome to justify it? — With whom did De- 
inocrates intrigue? — Who defeated their intrigues? 

Between whom did a war now take place? — How was PhilopcBmen made prisoner? 



286 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



motionless under his horse, till he was 
found by the Messenians, who raised him 
from the ground with as much respect, 
as if he had been their own commander, 
and carried him to the city, sending be- 
fore them the news that the war was 
finished, for Philopajmen was taken. 
The first impression of those who heard, 
was that the messenger was mad : but 
when others coming afl;er, confirmed the 
statement, men, women, and children, 
freemen, and slaves, all crowded to see. 
So great was the throng, that the gates 
could scarcely be opened; and as the 
greater part could not see the prisoner, 
there was a general cry that he should 
be brought into the theatre close by. 
The magistrate showed him there for a 
moment, and then hastily removed him, 
for they feared the eflfects which might 
be produced by pity and reverence for 
so great a man, and gi'atitude for his 
merits. They then assembled in coun- 
cil, to dehberate how to dispose of him. 

It grew late, and in addition to their 
other perplexities, they knew not where 
to keep him for the night. They would 
not take on themselves the responsibility 
of guarding him, nor trust it to any hi- 
dividual. At last they were reminded of 
a treasure chamber, underground, and 
walled on all sides with hewn stone. 
Into this they put him, and closed the 
entrance with a stone that could only 
be moved by a veiy powerful engine. 
On the morrow, the people were assem- 
bled, and remembering that their com- 
monwealth had formerly received im- 
portant benefits at his hands, the gene- 
ral sentiment was that he should be kind- 
ly treated, and the hope was expressed 
that by his means they might be extricat- 
ed from their difficulties. But any hope, 
which looked towards reconciliation, 
was only a subject of fresh alarm to the 
authors of the revolt, in whose hands 
were all the principal magistracies. They 
were secretly consulting to a very differ- 
ent purpose ; for it was unanimously 
resolved that Philojjoemen should die. 
The only question was, whether his fate 
should be hastened or deferred, and on 
tliis point the more impatient prevailed. 
A cup of poison was sent into the dun- 
geon. It is said, that Philopoemen 
asked the bearer, whether Lycortas and 
the horsemen had escaped; and when 



told that they had, he said, it is well, and 
calmly drank the poison. His eulogy is 
summed up by Polybius, with the words, 
that in forty yeai*s, during which he 
played a distinguished part in a demo- 
cratical community, he never incurred 
the enmity of the people, though he spoke 
and acted freely and boldly, nor ever 
courted popular favour by compliance. 

Submission of Messene.—Messene reunited 
ivith the Achaians. 

He was soon avenged. Lycortas being 
general, pressed the war, till the distress 
of the Messenians overcame their fear of 
the men in administration, and they began 
to talk of treating. Deinocrates and the 
other rulers yielded to the crisis, and 
retired to their houses : and the people 
were persuaded by the older men, and 
by some Bceotian ambassadors who 
chanced to be in the city, to sue for 
mercy to the Achaians. Lycortas an- 
swered, that the only conditions on 
which peace would be granted, were, 
that they should straightway give up to 
him the authors of the revolt, and the 
murderers of Philopcemen ; should sub- 
mit themselves entirely in all other 
points to the discretion of the Achaians ; 
and should forthwith receive a garrison 
into their citadel. His answer was re- 
ported to the Messenians. Some had 
long been exasperated against the au- 
thors of the war, and were ready and 
even glad to deliver them to punishment : 
some, believing that they were safe in 
the hands of the Achaians, consented 
willingly to give up all to their discretion ; 
but all submitted without hesitation, for 
they felt that they had no alternative. 
Lycortas occupied the citadel, and then 
entering the city, he assembled the mul- 
titude, and assured them that they should 
not repent having trusted to the Acha- 
ians. The general settlement was re- 
ferred to the great council of the na- 
tion, which just at that time was held 
at Megalopolis. Of those who had been 
delivered up to him as liable to punish- 
ment, he commanded that all who had 
been concerned in the murder of Philo- 
pcEmen, should immediately be put to 
death. The Achaian congress then read- 
mitted Messene into their fellowship on 
the same terms as before. 

The account which the Achaians gave 



Whither was he carried .'—Relate the story of his imprisonment and death. — What does Polybius say 
of him ? 

Who now conducted the war against the Messenians ? — With what success? — On what terms did he 
offer peace ? — Were they accepted ? — How were the murderers of Philopoemen punished ? — Was Messene 
admitted again to the Aohaian league ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



287 



at Rome of their difference with the 
Messenians, had been in the firet in- 
stance unfavourably received ; but when 
the Romans found that the war had been 
pursued and brought to an honourable 
ending, they gave a fresh answer to the 
same ambassadors, and told them they 
had provided that no arms or provisions 
should be carried from Italy to Messene. 
It seems they did not like that any im- 
portant transaction should appear to have 
been successfully managed in Greece, 
without their participation. The ambas- 
sadors returned home, bringing with them 
the answer concerning Lacedaemon : and 
Lycortas called the Achaians together at 
Sicyon to receive it, soon after they had 
settled the affairs of Messene. 

It appeal's that, since the union of 
Lacedaemon with the Achaians, some 
struggles of faction and consequent ex- 
pulsions had taken place within that city ; 
and that the principal sufferei-s had been 
among those of the old exiles, who had 
turned against their restorers. The 
present rulers wished to be in league 
with the Achaians; and Lycortas ad- 
vised his countrymen to close with the 
offer, and thus at once to receive into 
fellowship those who had kept faith with 
them throughout, and, by confirming 
their acts, to be rid of those who had 
requited evil for the greatest benefits. 
Diophanes and some others pleaded for 
the exiles, and contended that all should 
not be sacrificed for the fault of a few ; 
and it was fhially agreed that the city 
should be received into the league, and 
that those of the exiles should be re- 
stored who had not offended against the 
Achaians. On these terms the Lacedae- 
monians were again associated with the 
Achaians, and a pillar was solemnly 
erected for a record of the transaction. 

SECTION II. 
Rtring ill-vnll between Philip and the Ro- 
mans. — Massacre of the Maronites. 

While these events took place in 
Peloponnesus, there were altercations go- 
ing on between Philip and the Romans, 
which visibly boded a rupture. The king 
had been offended by the consul Acilius, 
when he employed him in the siege of 
Lamia, and then forbade him to taite it. 
His anger had been softened by permis- 
sion to master Athamania, and the cities 



possessed by the ^tolians in Thessaly, 
and afterwards Demetrias and the Mag- 
netes: but he still applied his whole 
attention to the increase of his resources, 
that he might be prepared for a quarrel 
whenever it should arise ; and among 
other measures to repair the waste of war 
in the population of his kingdom, he gave 
settlements to a great multitude of Thra- 
cians. Fresh matter of offence soon 
came. The Thessalians and Peniiaebi- 
ans complained to Rome of his holding 
towns in their countries: ambassadors 
from Eumenes alleged that he had oc- 
cupied certain cities in Thrace ; accusa- 
tions poured in fi'om various quarters, 
and the Romans evinced an uniform 
determination to decide against him, 
whatever might be the merits of the case. 
The last of these decisions, which related 
to ^nus and Maroneia, towns of Thrace, 
that he had occupied and was requu'ed 
to give up, inflamed him to a pitch of 
savage ferocity, which he vented on the 
unfortunate Maronites, since he could 
not on the Romans. He sent directions 
to one of his officers that he should cut 
off the chiefs of the adverse party ; and 
a body of Thracians being introduced 
by night, made great slaughter in the 
town. To the Roman ambassadors he 
said that the massacre had taken place 
in a sedition among the tovnismen ; not 
doubting that no one hving in the place 
would dare to contradict him. They 
replied, that they were well informed as 
to the slaughter and its author, and re- 
quired him to send to be examined by 
the senate, the two officers whom report 
accused as the chief instruments of it. 
He sent the one who had actually di- 
rected the execution : but to prevent his 
babblmg, he poisoned him on the way. 

Demetrius sent as ambassador to Rome. — His 
excessive favour with the Romans. 

Philip was now more than ever in- 
censed against the Romans; but he 
wished to have further time for prepar- 
ation before the commencement of war. 
He had two sons, Perseus and Deme- 
trius. Demetrius, the younger, had been 
taken as a hostage by the Romans, at 
the conclusion of peace, and had since 
been sent back to him, as a proof of 
satisfaction with his conduct during the 
war with Antiochus and the ^Etolians. 



Did the Romans object to this ? — What other state was admitted to the Acliaian league? 

How was Philip disposed towards the Romans? — VVhat had oiTonded !iim?— To what did he direct his 
attention ? — What accusations were brought to the Romans against Philii)? — How were thry decided on? 
— How did he treat the Maronites ? — How did he endeavour to conceal his agenc y in this affair ? 

Who were Philip's sons ?— Which was a favourite of the Romans ? — For what was be sent to Rome? 



^8 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



The young man, while at Rome, had 
been treated by the senate with great 
consideration; probably as well from 
views of policy, as from real regard to 
his pleasing manners and promising 
talents. He was now deputed by his 
father to plead his cause before that 
body, and to answer the existing charg- 
es, as well as those which were constant- 
ly springing up, now that every com- 
plaint was seen to be acceptable. 

The discussion went off amicably for 
the present, but care was taken by the 
senate to show that, if anything was 
yielded to Phihp, it was not on account 
of the justice of his claims, but as a 
favour to Demetrius. This indiscreet 
manifestation of friendship was very dis- 
astrous to its object, and to all the royal 
house of Macedonia, through the guilty 
ambition which it fostered in Demetrius, 
and the jealousy of Perseus and Philip. 
There were some, indeed, in the senate, 
whose conduct was liable to heavier 
charges than indiscretion. One leading 
man * at least held secret conference 
with Demetrius, and encouraged him to 
hope that the Romans would make him 
king. The pohcy of this is easily fath- 
omed. If the hope were fulfilled, the 
new made king would be bound both 
by gratitude and by the necessity of sup- 
port, to comply with the power that had 
raised him ; and thus the liberty of his 
country might be made the price of his 
elevation. In any case the kingdom 
would be weakened by strife and mutual 
distrust in the royal family ; and in the 
event of a Roman war, the foreign ene- 
my might perhaps be supported by a 
Macedonian faction, with a son of Phihp 
at its head. 

Demetrius on his return was wel- 
comed by the Macedonians with the 
strongest marks of favour, as v/ell on 
account of his personal qualities, in 
which he far excelled his brother, as 
because they deemed him to have saved 
them from war with Rome. This exas- 
perated the jealousy of his father and 
brother : but the former concealed his 
displeasure, while the latter bent all his 
efforts to the destruction of his rival. 
Meantime Philip, in preparing for war, 
used some measures of such desperate 
and reckless violence, that Polybius ac- 



counts for them, after the manner of 
his country, by supposing him possess- 
ed with furies sent by avenging justice 
to pimish his many impieties and cruel- 
ties. He removed from all the princi- 
pal maritime towns, the citizens, with 
their wives and children, and planted 
Thracians in their stead, to whom he 
thought he could better trust in a Ro- 
man war. In order to secure himself 
against private revenge, he commanded 
that aU the sons and daughters of aU 
whom he had slain should be thrown 
into prison, where many were put to 
death. These actions filled the king- 
dom with mourning: the third tragedy 
was in his own fiimily, where his sons 
were plotting against and accusing each 
other; and he was racked night and 
day with the horrible doubt which of 
them he should put to death on the 
evidence of the other, and which be 
should preserve to be an object of ter- 
ror for the remainder of his life. 

Death of Demetrius. 
Here Polybius fails us: and the de- 
tails of the sequel must be found in Livy, 
who tells them, however, with an evi- 
dent partiahty towards the favourite of 
Rome. Demetrius was charged by Per- 
seus with an attempt upon his hfe : and 
Philip, after hearing the accusation and 
the defence, professed himself unable to 
decide on the tnith or falsehood of the 
complaint. He was, however, prejudiced 
against Demetrius, on account of his 
attachment to the Romans, and his fa- 
vour among them : while Perseus, who 
shared in his hostility against them, 
was trusted and admitted to his coun- 
sels. Demetrius being lefi; in Macedo- 
nia while his father and brother were 
engaged in a militaiy expedition, and 
seeing himself to be an object of sus- 
picion, meditated flight to the Romans. 
His purpose was betrayed by one of his 
chief intimates, who, like many others 
of his household, had been seduced 
by Perseus. At the same time letters 
arrived from Rome, professing to be 
from FlamJninus, which asked the par- 
don of Demetrius, for any talk impru- 
dently held wdth the writer touching 
the Mfitedonian crown. These letters, 
when combined with the project of 



* There is reason to think that the person here hinted at by Polybius was Flamininus. 



How did the Romans sow dissension between him and his father? — For what purpose ? — How was De- 
metrius received in Macedonia? — What was the effect of this? — How did Philip prepare for war? 
— By wFiat was his mind disturbed ? 

With what did Perseus charge Demetrius? — What did Demetrius meditate.' — Who betrayed his de- 
sign ? — What other proof of treachery was brought against him ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



289 



flight, convinced the king that his 
younger son was guilty of treason : and 
fearing to put him openly to death, lest 
it should prematurely disclose his hosti- 
lity to Rome, he procured that he should 
be poisoned. 

Death of Philip. 

The short remainder of Philip's Ufe 
was full of misery. He was full of re- 
gret for the son whom he had slain, and 
of misgivings as to the justice of the 
sentence : and he was also subject to 
continual mortifications fi*om the sur- 
vivor, who being now assured of the suc- 
cession in his own and in the general 
opinion, assumed httle less than regal 
authority, and was more feared and fol- 
lowed than the actual monarch. Philip 
had a kinsman, Antigonus, whom Per- 
seus hated because he could not mould 
him to his purposes. He, seeing little 
hope of safety to himself under the 
dominion of his enemy, undertook, if 
possible, to hinder his accession, and 
vsdth that view to unravel his intrigues 
against his brother. According to Livy, 
he succeeded in proving, by the confes- 
sion of the agents, that the letters of Fla- 
mininus, which led to the death of De- 
metrius, were a forgery. These confes- 
sions were however partly, or, according 
to some accounts, entirely drawn forth 
by torture : and there were authoi-s 
who stated that one of those accused 
as agents could not be brought by tor- 
ture to confession. Even without this 
latter statement, the value of the con- 
fessions which were made would be 
much diminished by the means of ob- 
taining them: though the ancients ap- 
pear, most strangely and unreasonably, 
to have deemed examination by torture 
the surest method of arriving at truth. 

Though now con\anced that Pei*seus 
was guilty, Philip found him too power- 
ful to be punished. He only took care to 
keep at a distance, from his father, that he 
might be safe from any sudden violence. 
The king endeavoured to change the 
succession, and to make Antigonus his 
heir, but his life did not continue long 
enough to allow of his effecting his pur- 
pose. He died of a disease occasioned 
by remoi"se and continual agony of mind : 



and Perseus, having received the ear- 
hest intelligence of his danger, was on 
the spot to take advantage of his decease 
before it was generally known. He 
mounted the throne without opposition ; 
and one of his fii-st acts was to put 
Antigonus to death. (B. C. 180.) 

Dardania invaded by the Bastamee. 

Among other measures adopted by 
Philip ^vith a view to war with Rome, 
was the invitation of the Bastamae, 
a barbarous nation fi'om beyond the 
Danube. He intended that they should 
extirpate the Dardanians, a people al- 
ways hostile to Macedonia; and then 
should proceed to the attack of Italy, 
leaving then' families in the Dardanian 
country. In this case, if they were 
destroyed by the Romans, he hoped to 
enter unopposed into the possession of 
Dardania : but if they were successful, 
they would occupy the Romans, and he 
meanwhile would recover all his lost 
dominion in Greece. For these rea- 
sons he had invited them, had engaged 
for their safe passage through ThracC; 
and had prevailed on the princes of that 
countiy to let them proceed, and to pro- 
vide markets for their use. 

They entered Thrace in a peacefiil 
manner : but as soon as Philip's death 
was known, both nations began to fail 
in their engagements, the Thracians to 
vidthhold the necessary supplies, and 
the Bastarnse to straggle and plunder. 
Mutual injuries soon led to avowed hos- 
tility. The Bastarnae at first prevailed ; 
the Thracians were obliged to seek a 
refuge on one lofty mountain, and here 
they were attacked. But besides the 
advantage resultuig fi-om their position, 
they were further aided by a violent 
storm, which greatly distressed and con- 
founded the assailants. The Bastarnae 
were repulsed. When they were again 
assembled in their camp, they disputed 
whether to advance or return. About 
thirty thousand went on, and reached 
Dardania: the rest returned across the 
Danube to their homes. A war ensued 
between the Dardanians, and those of 
the Bastarnae who persevered, in which 
the invaders were victorious at first, but 
were finally expelled. 



What was the consequence ? 

What disquieted the rem;iining days of Philip? — Who proved the letters of Flamininus to be a forgery? 
— Why did not Philip punish Perseus for falsely accusing his brother? — Whom did Philip design for bii 
heir? — How did he die? — Who succeeded him ? — When? 

Whom had Pliilip invited into Dardania ?— For what purpose? — What country did they enter ?— What 
happened after Philip's death ?— What was the consequence of their repulse by the Thracians ?— How 
many went into Dardania ?— Were they finally driven out? 



37 



990 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Popular conduct of Perseus. 
Perseus began his reign by sending an 
embassy to Rome, which was honour- 
ably received, and assurances of friend- 
ship were mutually given with equal in- 
sincerity. He set himself to seek the 
good opinion of the Greeks, by acts 
which might win him the reputation of 
humanity, and place his character in 
advantageous contrast wnth that of his 
father. He dismissed state prisoners, 
remitted debts which were due to the 
treasuiy, and recalled all those who had 
been driven from Macedonia by charges 
of treason, or by debts or fines which 
they were unable to pay. He was dig- 
nified in manners, diligent and able in 
discharging the ordinary duties of his 
station ; and he observed, and enforced 
on all about him, a sobriety and tem- 
perance in pleasures very different fi'om 
the habits of Philip. AH these things 
tended to make him popular, and to 
assist the negotiations by which he en- 
deavoured to engage the states of Greece 
in liis interest. 

Perseus seeks to be reconciled with the Acha- 
ians. — Callicrates. 

In the fifth year of his reign, some 
of the Dolopians having revolted from 
him and appealed to Rome, he attacked 
and subdued them. He then went to 
Delphi to consult the oracle. His sud- 
den appearance in the midst of Greece 
caused some alarm : but after three days' 
stay he returned through Thessaly, with- 
out committing any injury in the coun- 
try. He moreover sent ambassadors, not 
only to the states through which he pass- 
ed, but to many others, and craved that 
all their quarrels with his father might 
be ended with his life. But above all he 
desired reconciliation with the Achaians, 
whose enmity to Philip had been such, 
that a decree existed, forbidding the en- 
trance of any Macedonian on their soil. 
The Achaians in consequence could not 
venture into Macedonia, which was 
hence a refuge to their fugitive slaves. 
All these Perseus collected as far as he 
could, and sent them back with letters, 
importing that it belonged to the Acha- 
ians to see that the mischief should not 
recur. 

Among the most active speakers in 
the Achaian assembly, was one Calli- 



crates. Afler the last-mentioned set- 
tlement of affairs in Lacedsemon, the 
exiles had continued to solicit the Ra- 
mans, and the Romans to urge their 
recall. Lycortas advised that the act 
should be maintained, and the senate 
informed that its reversal was preclud- 
ed by the laws, and by all the mutual 
obligations of the confederate states. 
Callicrates contended that nothing should 
hinder obedience to Rome : but the as- 
sembly agreed with Lycortas, and sent 
an embassy with such instructions as 
he recommended. Unfortunately Cal- 
licrates was sent upon this mission ; and 
he, instead of doing his errand, incited 
the senate to invade the independence 
of his country. He said that they en- 
couraged the Greeks to disobedience, 
by not supporting the party, which 
maintained that laws, and oaths, and 
graven pillars, should yield to the will 
of the Romans. While left to them- 
selves, the Achaians would favour those 
who professed to stand up for law and 
liberty: but if the senate marked its 
preference of the men who upheld its 
unlimited authority, it would easily make 
the leaders its own, and the Many would 
be deterred from opposition. He re- 
minded them of the war with Messene, 
which the Achaians had waged and 
brought to an end vsdthout consulting 
them : though the Romans had never yet 
made this a subject of complaint. He 
recalled to them how often they had re- 
quired the Achaians to restore the Lace- 
daemonian exiles : instead of which they 
had pledged themselves anew to those in 
the city not to do it. These suggestions 
were too alluring for Roman integrity to 
withstand. The senate wrote not only 
to the Achaians, that they should enforce 
the restoration of the exiles, but to the 
iEtolians, Epirots, Athenians, Bceotians, 
and Acanianians, to request their utmost 
exertions in the cause. In their letters 
to the Achaians, they expressed their 
wish that all Achaian statesmen should 
be like Callicrates: and the traitor re- 
turned in triumph to his countrymen, 
who little guessed what public service 
had merited this praise. 

Alliance of Perseus rejected by the Achaians. 

Henceforward, Callicrates was the 

leader of a party which always recom- 



To whom did Perseus send an embassy ? — How did he try to gain the good-will of the Greeks ? 

Whom did Perseus subdue in the fifth year of his reign ?— For what did he go to Delphi ? — To whom 
did he send airibassadors ? — With whom did he particularly desire reconciliation? — What decree had 
they passed?— Who was Callicrates ?— On what mission was he sent? — Of what treachery was he guil- 
ty ? — What did the Romans write to the Achaians ? — What did the letters say of Callicrates? 

To what power was Callicrates subservient ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



291 



mended entire obedience to Rome. His 
influence was supported by the belief 
that he stood high in the good opinion 
of the senate, and that his favour with 
that body might be a protection to the 
commonwealth. He was chosen gene- 
ral, in which capacity he restored the 
Messenian and Lacedaemonian exiles: 
and in his after conduct he was ever 
ready to do whatever he deemed agree- 
able to the Romans. In the present in- 
stance, when Xenarchus the general had 
read the letters of Perseus to the Acha- 
ians, and many were inclined to receive 
them favourably, Callicrates expressed 
an opposite opinion. A way, he said, 
was sought for introducing alliance with 
Macedonia, to the detriment of that 
connexion which existed with Rome. 
He made use of various arguments to 
show that a war was impending between 
the Romans and Perseus, and especially 
dwelt on the conquest of Dolopia, and 
the coming of the Macedonian king to 
Delphi. "If now," he said, "we re- 
peal the decree which excludes the Ma- 
cedonians from Peloponnesus, we shall 
again have royal ambassadors in the 
country, and interchange of hospitality 
between them and our chief men, and 
finally armies, and the king himself, cross- 
ing the gulf from Delphi ; and thus we 
shall be mingled with Macedonians arm- 
ing against Rome. I advise that nothing 
should be changed till we know whether 
our fears be just or not. If peace remain 
inviolate between the Macedonians and 
the Romans, we may then have friend- 
ship and intercourse with the former." 

Archon, the brother of the general, 
spoke next. Callicrates, he said, had 
assumed to be acquainted with the in- 
tentions of Pei-seus and of the Romans. 
The Achaians, however, knew not these, 
nor did it concern them to inquire: it 
was enough for them that peace existed, 
and assurances of friendship had been 
mutually given. When Rome hei-self 
was at peace with Macedonia, why 
should the Achaians cherish intermin- 
able hatred ? And if the offences of 
Philip were to be remembered against 
his son, why should the many benefits 
formerly received from the Macedonian 
kings be entirely forgotten? No new 
aUiance was now proposed, nor any 



breach of friendship with the Romans, 
but simply the repeal of an unsocial 
interdiction, injurious to private inter- 
ests, and offensive to human feelings. 
If war broke out, not Perseus doubted 
their adherence to the Romans : but if 
peace could not put an end to hatred, it 
ought at least to suspend it. The argu- 
ments of Archon were extensively ap- 
proved ; but some of the leaders pro- 
cured the postponement of the question, 
by suggesting that the dignity of the 
nation would suffer, if they listened to 
an overture made to them by letter, when 
the more respectful course would have 
been to send an embassy. An embassy 
afterwards came from the king, at a 
subsequent meeting of the Achaians: 
but those who called themselves more 
especially the fiiends of Rome, succeed- 
ed in preventmg its reception. 

Troubles of j^tolia. 
About this time the ^tolians were 
torn with bloody struggles of faction, 
chiefly arising from the debts with which 
the many were burdened. Wearied out 
with war, both parties sent ambassadors 
to Rome, and began to treat for recon- 
cihation with each other: but a new 
and most atrocious violence broke oflf 
the negotiation. The exiles of Hypata 
had been invited to return, the faith of 
the state was pledged to their safety, 
and the people went out to welcome 
them at their approach with every ap- 
pearance of good will. Scarcely had 
they entered the gates, when eighty 
men, the chief of them, were slaughter- 
ed; and anger and distrust being thus 
revived, the war was rekindled with ad- 
ded violence throughout JEtolia. Some 
attempts were made unsuccessfully by 
the Romans to settle these disputes. 
In the following year, however, both 
parties appeared at Delphi, to defend 
themselves, and arraign their adversa- 
ries, before the Roman commissioner 
Marcellus. He declined to give sentence 
in favour of either, but prevailed on both 
to be mutually reconciled ; and hostages 
being given by each party, were placed 
in custody at Corinth. In Thessaly and 
Perrhoebia also, where hke causes had 
led to like convulsions, tranquillity was 
restored by Appius Claudius Ceniho, * 



♦ He was not the Appius Claudius who is mentioned above (p. 284) as ambassador to the Achaians. 



When chosen general whom did he restore? — Did he oppose the alliance with Perseus? — What were 
his ari-'uments? — What was Archon's reply ?— Was an alliance formed with Perseus? 

What caused troubles in iEtolia ? — Relate the act of violence which increased them. — By whom were 
they quieted ? 



292 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



another Roman commissioner, who ef- 
fected a compromise between the debt- 
ors and the creditors. 

Preparations for war between Perseus and 
the Romans. — Perseus attempts the life of 
Eumenes. 

Marcellus went from Delphi into Pe- 
loponnesus, and made manifest the 
enmity of his commonwealth towards 
Perseus, by commending the Achaians 
for retaining the decree of exclusion 
against the Macedonians. The break- 
ing out of war was hastened by Eu- 
menes, who went to Rome to stimulate 
the senate. He made use of various 
arguments to show that Perseus was 
already a dangerous enemy to Rome; 
that his hostile disposition had been 
abundantly shown, and his power was 
daily increasing. These exhortations 
well accorded with the previous opin- 
ions and feelings of the Romans, and 
they were further exasperated by the Ma- 
cedonian ambassador sent to Rome to 
justify his master, who spoke in lan- 
guage very different from that which 
they were accustomed to hear from their 
allies. His king, he said, had earnestly 
sought to clear his faith from suspicion : 
but if cause for quaiTel were obstinately 
sought, he would defend himself with 
courage. The honours bestowed on Eu- 
menes were such as showed that his 
counsels as well as his person were ac- 
ceptable to the senate : and the envoy of 
Perseus returned in haste to his master, 
and announced that the preparations for 
war had not actually been commenced, 
but that it was evident they would not be 
long delayed. 

Perseus was now in full readiness 
for war ; but before commencing it, he 
plotted the death of Eumenes, whom he 
both hated and feared. It was known 
that this prince, in returning from Italy 
would visit Delphi ; and in going thither 
he was waylaid by assassins, who stun- 
ned him with stones thrown upon him 
fi'om above, and left him for dead upon 
the ground. The assassins escaped, but 
enough transpired to throw upon Per- 
eeus a strong suspicion of having em- 
ployed them. Eumenes was taken up 
and embarked for Corinth, and again 
for ^gina ; and thence, after a tedious 



and uncertain convalescence, he returned 
into Asia. 

SECTION III. 

Romans declare war. — Quintus Marciua 

makes a truce with Perseus. 

About the beginning of the year B. C. 
172, war was declared by the Roman 
senate and people against Macedonia, 
and an army was ordered to be levied 
under the consul Publius Licinius. Am- 
bassadors arriving from Perseus to ex- 
press their master's surprise at the pre- 
parations making, and his desire of 
peace, were sent out of Italy, and in- 
formed that all communications were 
thenceforth to be made through the 
consul. Commissioners were sent into 
Greece, to exhort the allies of Rome to 
be faithful and active. The heart of 
Perseus failed at the sight of the ap- 
proaching struggle, though it was the 
point to which his plans and those of 
his father had long been tending. He 
had a hereditary connexion of hospitaU- 
ty with Quintus Marcius, the first of 
the Roman commissioners; and this 
encouraged the hope that through him 
terms of peace might be obtained. The 
wily Roman gave countenance to this 
hope; for his commonwealth was at 
the moment unprepared for war, while 
all the preparations of Perseus were 
complete. A conference took place be- 
tween them. At the king's entreaty 
Marcius consented to a truce, during 
which ambassadors might be sent fi'om 
Macedonia to Rome ; a step from which 
he knew that no result could be expect- 
ed, except delay ; and thus by the indis- 
creet timidity of Perseus he was enabled 
to assume the appearance of reluctantly 
granting, to urgent solicitation, the thing 
which he most wished to bring to pass, 
as veiy convenient to Rome and useless 
to her adversary. During the period of 
truce, various negotiations were carried 
on among the Grecian states, especially 
the Boeotians. 

Troubles of Baotia. 
At the end of the war between the 
Romans and Antiochus, the administra- 
tion of justice had been partly renewed 
among the Boeotians, after an intermis- 
sion, as we may remember, of nearly 
twenty-five years. This was not done 



How did Marcellus show the enmity of Rome to Perseua ?— Who hastened the war?— How? — How 
did the envoy of Perseus behave at Rome? — What news did he bring to his master? — How did Peneat 
attempt the life of Eumenes ? 

When did the Romans declare war against Macedonia? — How were Perseus's ambafisadors treated?-* 
Who made a truce with Perseus ? — For what purpose ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



293 



without great opposition, for there were 
many who profited by the continuance of 
disorder. About the same time Flami- 
ninus, in consideration for services re- 
ceived from Zeuxippus in the wars with 
Philip and with Antiochus, persuaded 
the Roman senate to write to the Boeo- 
tians, and require them to recall him and 
his fellow exiles. This they were loth to 
do, lest they should be withdrawn fi-om 
the fHendship of Macedonia. As soon 
as they heard the purpose of the senate, 
they pubhshed two judgments which had 
passed against Zeuxippus and the rest 
for sacrilege and for the murder of Bra- 
chyllas. They then, on receiving the 
letters, sent ministers to Rome, to say 
that they could not annul a sentence 
legally pronounced ; whereupon the se- 
nate wrote to the Achaians and iEtolians, 
to enforce the restoration of Zeuxippus. 
The Achaians did not resort to arms, but 
sent an embassy to persuade the Boeo- 
tians to consent, and also requested that, 
as they had restored the administration of 
justice between their own citizens, they 
should restore it likewise in cases touching 
the Achaians. They promised compU- 
ance, but afterwards neglected it. Upon 
tliis Philopcemen, being general of the 
Achaians, gave leave to all that had been 
injured by the Boeotians, to make forcible 
repiisals. An attempt bemg made to 
drive away some cattle from Boeotia, a 
skirmish took place, and war was all but 
commenced. The senate, however, did 
not repeat the demand that Zeuxippus 
should be recalled, and the Achaian re- 
prisals having been stopped at the inter- 
cession of the Megarians, the war was 
prevented. 

Alliance of the Bosotians with Perseus. — Mar- 
cius breaks up the union of the Bceotians. 

The good will of the Boeotians toward 
the Macedonian princes still continuing, 
induced them to form a new alUance with 
Perseus. This did not take place without 
some struggles, in the course of which 
many persons were driven into banish- 
ment. When Quintus Marcius and his 
colleagues came into Greece, these exiles 
flocked to them, throwing the blame of 
the alliance on Ismenias, a chief of the 
adverse party, and affirming that several 



of the Boeotian towns had been forced 
into it much against their will. Marcius 
declared that this should be tried, for 
he would secure to each the exercise of 
its own independent judgment. When 
he had made the truce with Perseus, 
he entered Boeotia. Ambassadors came 
from many of the towns, to submit their 
several communities to the pleasure of 
the Romans. All these he directed to 
follow him to Chalcis : and thither also 
came Ismenias fi-om Thebes, to make a 
hke surrender in the name of the whole 
Boeotian nation. The envoys from the 
towns were received %vith favour: for 
their errand suited the purpose of the 
commissioners, who were determined to 
break up the Boeotian confederacy. Is- 
menias was neglected and scomftilly 
treated : and the party hatred of the ex- 
iles, encouraged by this, broke out in an 
attempt to stone him, fi'om which he was 
only saved by taking refuge in the tri- 
bunal * of the Romans. 

Meantime there was strife in Thebes. 
The men of Coroneia and Haliartus, who 
were devoted to Perseus, had gathered 
in the capital, and were earnestly sup- 
porting the Macedonian aUiance. For 
some time the parties were equally 
matched : but at length the leader of the 
Coroneians changed his opinion, and 
then the tide set strongly towards sub- 
mission to Rome. A fresh embassy was 
sent forthwith to Marcius, to excuse the 
alhance with Perseus. The multitude 
then proceeding to the house of Neon, 
the head of the Macedonian party, and 
to those of his principal followers, and 
angrily calhng them to account for their 
acts, made them think it prudent to go 
into banishment. After this they re- 
turned to the place of assembly, where 
they voted high honours to the Romans, 
and sent ambassadors to surrender the 
city to them and recall the exiles. 

The arrival of the Theban ministers at 
Chalcis interrupted a warm discussion, 
in which the exiles were passionately 
aiTaigning Ismenias, Neon, and their 
friends. Marcius commended the The- 
ban people, and advised that the ambas- 
sadors should conduct the exiles home, 
and then that every city should send 
ministers to Rome, to make its own 



* Tribunal, a raised seat of a particular form, on which the Roman magistrates sat to administer justice. 



What Boeotian exiles were the Roiians desirous of restoring ? — How did they endeavour to effect it ?— 
What part flid Philopcemen take in the affair? — Did a war ensue? 

With \\ honi did tiie Bteot an-i for.ii an alliance? — Were any persons exiled in consequence of this? — 
To whom did they make complaint? — Where did Marcius give them a hearing? — How was luneniaa 
treated ? — Meantime wliat vote was procured in tbe asseiubiy of Thebes? — What did Marcius advise f 



294 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



particular surrender. Neon escaped into 
Macedonia, but Ismenias and some 
others were thrown into prison, where 
they slew themselves. " Thus the Boeo- 
tian nation, after long preserving its 
union, and unexpectedly outliving many 
critical seasons, was broken up and re- 
solved into its several states, through 
inconsiderate haste in leaguing with 
Perseus, and vain and childish timidity, 
in suddenly shrinking from him." — Po- 

LYBIUS. 

Lycians refuse submission to Rhodes. 
Among the states whose support would 
be important to either party in the war, 
the Rhodians held a foremost place. At 
the end of the war with Antiochus, the 
Romans had bestowed upon them part of 
Lycia and Caria. But upon the arrival of 
the ten commissioners whom the senate 
appointed to settle the affairs of Asia, 
the Ilians interceded with them for the 
freedom of the Lycians. The name of 
Ilium had belonged to ancient Troy ; and 
the town which now bore it had been 
built upon the tenitory of the fallen 
city. The intercession of its inhabitants 
carried weight as from the successors of 
the Trojans, from whom the Romans 
loved to think themselves descended: 
though the Ilians were really an iEtohan 
colony, and in nowise of idn to the an- 
cient occupiers of their territory. The 
Roman delegates, unwilling to disoblige 
either their pretended kinsmen or their 
valuable allies, gave a doubtful answer, 
which each understood as favourable to 
themselves. The lUans sent to the Ly- 
cian cities, and said that they had pro- 
cured them liberty : and the Lycians sent 
ambassadors to Rhodes to treat of alli- 
ance, when the Rhodians were appoint- 
ing commissioners to settle the affairs of 
Lycia and Caria. The difference of in- 
tention did not immediately appear : but 
when the Lycians, being introduced into 
the assembly, began to speak of alhance, 
and the Rhodian chief magistrate plainly 
required their subjection, they declared 
that they would brave all dangers rather 
than do the bidding of the Rhodians. 

Lycians supported by the Romans. 
A war ensued, in which the Lycians 
were reduced to submission. But before 



their subjugation they had sent an em- 
bassy to Rome, to complain of the 
harshness used by the Rhodians: and 
the senate chose ambassadors to tell the 
Rhodians that the Lycians had been as- 
signed to them as friends and allies, and 
not as a free gift. Before the coming of 
the embassy the Rhodians had considered 
that they had settled the matter accord- 
ing to their wish : but now, on this fresh 
encouragement, they saw the Lycians 
again in commotion, and ready to hazard 
everything for independence. A sus- 
picion arose that the Romans wished 
to waste their strength and treasure in 
unprofitable contests. The reign of 
Perseus was begun in Macedonia, and 
the new king had married the daughter 
of Seleucus king of Syria, the son and 
successor of Antiochus. The Rhodians 
had transported the bride into Mace- 
donia, and had taken this occasion to 
make a trial and a display of their 
maritime strength, by accompanying her 
with all their navy magnificently equip- 
ped. This courtesy had been returned 
by Perseus with largesses to the rowers, 
and a supply of ship-timber to the state. 
There was nothing here with which the 
Romans could reasonably be offended: 
but yet it was thought that their jea- 
lousy might have been excited both by 
the display of power and wealth, and also 
by the proof of readiness to cultivate 
independent relations of fiiendship with 
oth ei-s than themselves. Whatever might 
be surmised with respect to their inten- 
tion, the Rhodians gave no sign of sus- 
picion or anger. The arrangements with 
respect to Lycia stood unchanged, but 
ambassadors were sent to Rome to in- 
struct the senate better in those points 
in which the Lycians had deceived them ; 
and there the matter rested, all further 
prosecution of it being interrupted by the 
breaking out of the Macedonian war. 
Ambassadors then were sent from Rome 
to exhort the Rhodians to fidelity: but 
they found on their arrival that exhorta- 
tion was needless, for the people' already, 
foreseeing the war, had refitted forty 
ships to be prepared for the service of the 
Romans. This aid was afterwards of- 
fered to the Roman admiral in the Gre- 
cian seas, but was declined by him as 
unnecessary. 



What remark is made by Polybius ? 

What provinces iiad the Romans given to Rhodes ? — For whose liberty did the Ilians intercede ? — Whal 
■ort of answer was given ? — What was the consequence ? 

How did the Lycians fare in the war which ensued ? — What message did the Romans send to the Rho- 
dians ? — What suspicion arose from this ? — For what did the Rhodians send a fleet to Macedonia? — How 
was the courtesy returned? — Who sent an embassy to Rhodes? — Did the Rhodians continue faithful to 
Rome ?— What aid did they offer in the Macedonian war ? — Was it accepted ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



395 



Macedonian embassy to Rhodes. 

Letters were sent by Perseus to the 
Grecian states, with an account of his 
conference with Marcius, and those to 
Rhodes were accompanied by ambas- 
sadors. These requested of the Rho- 
dians that they would be neutrals and 
peace-makei-s ; " for this," they said, " was 
good for all, and becoming to the Rho- 
dians, who, professing to value freedom 
of speech and to maintain the common 
liberty of Greece, ought especially to 
avoid being drawn into any action con- 
trary to these objects." These arguments 
were not without effect upon the Rhodi- 
ans, but their minds were still pre-occu- 
pied with attachment to Rome, in spite 
of some particular reasons for displea- 
sure ; and they declined doing aught to 
compromise her friendship. They ex- 
pressed however, in other respects, great 
good will towards the ambassadors and 
their master. 

Another Macedonian embassy was 
sent into Boeotia. The only cities where 
it could hope for success were Thebes, 
Hahaitus, and Coroneia: it was re- 
pulsed at Thebes, but welcomed at the 
other two. Ambassadors then were 
sent to Perseus from HaHartus and 
Coroneia, to ask succour for those states 
which embraced his interest against the 
Thebans, who were troublesome neigh- 
bours to all that would not league them- 
selves with Rome. The king replied that 
he could not then aid them, on account 
of the truce: but he advised them to 
defend themselves as well as they could 
against the Thebans, and to avoid giving 
occasion of hostility to the Romans. 

Commencement of war. — Successes of Per- 
seus. 

The time of truce ran out ; the Mace- 
donian ambassadors were haughtily re- 
pulsed by the senate, and ordered to 
depart from Rome forthwith, and within 
thirty days from Italy ; and the consul 
P. Licinius crossed the sea with his 
army. Perseus now assembled his forces 
for the war, to which they seemed 
not inadequate. Five-and-twenty years 
had passed since the peace with the 
Romans ; and during all that period the 
kingdom had been recruiting its popula- 



tion and resources, undisturbed by wars, 
excepting some trifling contests with 
the bordering nations, which had kept 
the soldiers in exercise. The army was 
numerous, disciplined and well appoint- 
ed, and warhke stores and implements 
of every kind were abundantly provid- 
ed. Thus prepared, Perseus advanced 
into Thessaly. Several of the smaller 
towns submitted at his approach, and 
MylsB holding out was taken and sack- 
ed after a desperate resistance. The 
king then fixed his head-quarters upon 
r the roots of Ossa, and near the open- 
ing of the pass of Tempe; and from 
hence he sent out detachments to annoy 
and plunder the allies of Rome. 

Meanwhile the consul advanced 
through Epirus and Athamania into 
Thessaly. His way was through a very 
difiicult countr)', and if he had been 
attacked in emerging from it, while his 
men were yet fatigued and disordered, 
he might have been easily overthrown. 
But Perseus did not inherit the military 
talents of his father, and this oppor- 
tunity was suffered to pass by. The 
consul advanced to Larissa, where he 
was joined by Eumenes with 4000 foot 
and 1000 horse, and by succours, mostly 
very scanty, from his Grecian allies. 
Perseus attempted to draw him to a 
distance from his camp, by sending 
troops to ravage the lands of Pherae: but 
Licinius did not hazard the attempt to 
protect them. Encouraged by this, the 
king repeatedly approached the hostile 
camp, and offered battle. An engage- 
ment of cavalry took place, in which 
the Romans were defeated t and »t was 
thought that their army might have been 
destroyed, if Perseus had followed up 
his success with an attack on their camp. 
So fully was their general convinced of 
his danger, that in the ensuing night he 
silently transported his forces to the far- 
ther bank of the river Peneus. 

Obstinacy of the Romans and weakness of 
Perseus. 

Pei'seus was now advised by many of 
his friends to offer peace on the same 
terms on which it had been made with 
his father. If it were accepted, the war 
would be honourably terminated with a 



To whom did Perseus send ambassadors ?-With what request .'-What was the answer of the Rhodians ? 
— ^What Boeotian cities joined Perseus ?— What answer did he make to their application for protection ? 

How were the Macedonian ambassadors treated at Rome? — What did Perseus now do? — What was 
the condition of his force? — Into what country did he iidvaiice?— What city did he take? — Where did he 
fix his head-<iuarters ?— Where is Mount Ossa?— By what ntutedid the Roman eonstri advance into Thes- 
saly ?— Where was he joined by Eumenes?— With what force?— What lands did Perseus ravage? — What 
advantaKe did he neglect?— Beyond what river did the consul retire ?— Where is it situated ? 

On what terms did Perseus offer peace? 



296 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



victory, and the Romans would have 
received a lesson, which would make 
them less ready to encroach on the 
rights of the Macedonians: if it were 
refused, he would have gods and men 
to witness his moderation, and the ob- 
stinate pride of his enemies. The king 
agreed, and an embassy was sent. The 
consul called a council of war, and all 
unanimously resolved that the answer 
should be as harsh as possible. "For 
this," Polybius observes, "is a custom 
peculiar to the Romans, to be haughty 
and obstinate in reverses, but moderate 
in success. That this is honourable, all 
will allow: but whether it be always 
practicable may be doubted." It is 
doubiless honourable to a state, when 
unjusily attacked, to suffer all things 
rather than compromise its character or 
its independence : but in a war of ambi- 
tion, to sacrifice its armies, and perhaps 
to hazard its national existence, rather 
than confess a failure and retire from the 
contest without an extension of empire, 
has more of obstinate perverseness than 
of magnanimity. If the Roman principle 
were acted on universally, no war could 
end, (except by the destruction of one of 
the j)arties : and for a state to propound 
one rule of honour for itself and another 
for all with whom it comes into contact, 
is a common insult to -mankind. The 
boast of moderation in success is of a bet- 
ter kind, though the claim of the Romans 
to it may well be disputed. It is true 
that they often granted terms far easier 
than those which they might probably 
have en forced ; but it is no less true 
tliat those terms were frequently ill kept, 
and that peace was the beginning of 
systematic encroachment on the rights 
of the vanquished people: and in all 
Buch cases, the apparent liberality can 
have been litde better than crooked po- 
licy or vain ostentation. This at least 
is an inference which we may reason- 
ably draw with respect to the general 
conduct of a people, among whom 
such instances are continually recurring: 
though exceptions be sometimes to be 
made in favour of an individual com- 
mander, and even in favour of the na- 
tion itself, to the extent of a real, though 
transitoiy good intention, at the moment 
of contracting some particular engage- 
ment 



Haliartus taken by the Romans, 
The message of Perseus was answered 
by a demand that he should surrender 
himself and his kingdom to the disposal 
of the senate. This insolence filled his 
counsellors with resentment; and they 
advised him to negotiate no more. But 
he was the more alarmed by the apparent 
confidence of his enemies : and he con- 
tinued to tempt them with higher offers, 
till he was at length induced by repeated 
failure, and by the indignation of his 
friends, to desist. 

The Roman arms were more success- 
ful in Boeotia. , The praetor Caius Lucre- 
tius, who had been sent with a fleet into 
the Grecian seas shortly before the set- 
ting out of the consul, had landed his 
forces and besieged Haliartus. The 
townsmen defended themselves with de- 
termined resolution, but with inadequate 
resources: the place was stormed, and all 
the inhabitants were either slaughtered 
or sold for slaves. The pictures, statues, 
and other valuable spoils having been 
carried to the ships, the city was rased 
to its foundations; and the Romans 
then, if the copies of Livy are correct, 
proceeded to Thebes. If so, there must 
have been some fresh revolt of the 
Thebans not mentioned by the historian. 
The people submitted at the approach 
of the praetor, who made over the city 
to the exiles and other friends of Rome, 
and sold the slaves and all the effects of 
the Macedonian party. He then re- 
turned to his ships. 

Perseus attempted unsuccessfully to 
fire the encampment of the Romans. A 
few days after he led out a party to cut 
off their foragei*s and surprise an out- 
post. In this he partly succeeded : but 
the soldiers of the outpost having formed 
upon a hill, defended themselves, though 
with difficulty, till aid arrived from the 
camp; and then the king was over- 
matched and obliged to retire, with some 
loss and with great hazard. This action 
partly restored the confidence of the 
Romans. It was the last of the season, 
for the king immediately went into 
winter-quarters in Macedonia, and the 
consul soon after in Bceotia. 

Misconduct of the Roman generals. 
The next year's transactions are im- 
perfectly recorded ; but they seem to 



What custom of the Romans is noticed by Polybius ?— What observations are made on it? 
What was the answer to the message of Perseus ?—WJiat was Irs nffect? — What places did Caius La- 
cretiue take in Bceotia ? — What unsuccessful attempts did Perseus make before retiring to winter quartera? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



297 



have extended the influence of Perseus 
in Greece, an end that was much pro- 
moted by the cruelty and avarice of the 
Roman commanders, es|jecially the con- 
sul Licinius, and the pi^etors, Lucretius 
and his successor Hortensius. The last 
demanded from the people of Abdera a 
large supply of com and money ; they 
asked him for time to send to the then 
consul Aulus Hostilius, and to Rome ; 
but scarcely had their envoys reached 
the consul, when they lieard that Hor- 
tensius had taken their city, beheaded 
the chiefs, and sold the other inhabi- 
tants. The senate ordered that all who 
had been sold should be sought out and 
released. The Chalcidians complained 
of both the praetors: and the urgency 
of their necessity was testified by the 
appearance of Miction as their principal 
ambassador, who had come to Rome 
for that purpose, though he was disabled 
in all his limbs, and was obliged to be 
carried into the senate house in a htter. 
He declared that to shut the gates against 
Lucretius and Hortensius was safer than 
to admit them : for these towns were for 
the most part unharmed, which had ex- 
cluded them; while at Chalcis, where 
they had been re(*eived, all .nc? temj)les 
were pillaged. Lucretius had freighted 
his ships with the spoils of sacrilege, and 
had carried freemen into slavery : and 
both he and Hortensius had quartered 
their seamen summer and winter in the 
houses of the citizens, and exposed their 
wives and children to the insolence of 
rude and profligate men, who cared not 
what they said or did. The senate sent 
orders to Hortensius to redress as far as 
possible, and not to re[)eat the wrongs 
complagied of: and Lucretius being 
accused before the assembly of the com- 
mons, was condemned by all the tribes, 
and heavily fined. 

Encouragement given by Rome to traitors 
among the Greeks. — Lyciscus. — Charops. — 
Defection of Cephalus. 

These outrages were imputable to 
particular magistrates, and not to the 
state, which condemned and punished 
them : there were other faults on which 
a different verdict must be given. Such 
was the disposition, already seen in the 
case of Callicrates and the Achaians, to 
fevour those who flattered Rome by be- 



traying the liberty of their country, and 
to encourage their slanders against better 
men than themselves. Of this sub- 
servient crew was the ^tolian Ly- 
ciscus, on whose evidence Eupolemus, 
Nicander, and others of his countrymen, 
were transported to Rome, under a fri- 
volous charge of treacherously causing 
the defeat of the Roman cavalry by 
Pereeus. Another was the Epirot Cha- 
rops. He set all engines to work against 
Antinous aod Cephalus, the men most 
respected in his nation, who had earnest- 
ly wished that peace might continue, 
but who, since it was broken, advised 
the people to do their duty faithfully as 
aUies of Rotne, but without unbecoming 
subserviency, or forwardness beyond 
their covenant. Whatever they did in 
anywise contrary to the wdshes of the 
Romans, Charops imputed to infidelity. 
At fii-st they despised the slander: but 
when they saw the credit given by the 
Romans to like accusations made by Ly- 
ciscus, they foresaw that they too might 
be summoned to Ronje Avithout a trial. 
They were thus induced for their own 
safety really to enteitain the puipose of 
revolt: and by this and similar conduct, 
as Polybius observes on another occasion, 
the Romans became rich in flatterers, but 
poor in true friends. In the present 
instance the defection of Cephalus car- 
ried with it that of Epirus. 

Embassy to the Cfrecian states. 
Early in the following year Hostilius, 
from his winter-quarters in Thessaly, 
sent Caius PopiUius and Cnaeus Octa- 
vius to visit the states of Greece. They 
carried vnth them a decree of the senate, 
that none of the allies should be requir- 
ed to furnish any supplies to the Roman 
officers, unless the demand had been 
sanctioned by the senate. They vaunted 
the kindness of the decree in each cit)'^ of 
Peloponnesus, and went on to say that 
they knew the men who were not heaity 
in the cause of Rome, and to express as 
much displeasure towards them as to- 
wards their avowed opponents. It was 
believed that they meant to accuse Ly- 
cortas, his son Polybius, and Archon, 
in the great council of the Achaians: 
but failing to find any decent pretext for 
so doing, when the assembly met, they 
only addressed to it some words of com- 



How d d Hortensius frent the people of Abdera ?— What redress did the Roman senate order .'—Whom 
did the ('hilcidian-^ send to Rmne .'—What complaints did he make .'—What did the senate order with 
respect to Hortensius? — Fjicrcins? 

Whom did the Romin-* favoir ?— ^''hom did Lyciscus falsely accuse?— Of what?— Whom did Charopi 
dander? — Did he occasion their revolt fro-n Rome? 

Whom did Hostiliu:^ se'id to the Grecian states? — With what decree? 



38 



298 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



pliment and exhortation, and then went 
into ^tolia. 

Their object here was to take hostages 
fi-oni the nation, and it was supported by 
Lyciseiis. The Romans, he said, had 
done well in removing the chief conspi- 
ratoi-s against them, meaning Eupole- 
mus and Nicander; but these had left 
accomplices, who ought to be similarly 
treated, unless they gave their children 
as pledges for good behaviour. The 
pei-sons chiefly hinted at were Archida- 
mus and Pantaleon, the latter of whom 
being with Eumenes, when the attempt 
to murder him was made, was the only 
one who had courage to stand by him 
and defend him. Pantaleon rising, short- 
ly rebuked the sycophancy of Lyciscus, 
and then turned to Thoas, whom he 
deemed his more accredited calumnia- 
tor, from the absence of known enmity 
between them. He called to his mind 
the war of Antiochus, which he had 
kindled against the people whom he 
now unworthily flattered. He reproach- 
ed him with ingratitude towards Nican- 
der and himself, who, when he was 
given up to the Romans by treaty, had 
gone as ambassadoi-s to Rome, and ob- 
tained his pardon. The indignation of 
the crowd broke out against Thoas: 
they would not hear him speak, and be- 
gan to pelt him. It was now no time to 
talk of hostages, and after slightly re- 
proving them for pelting Thoas, the 
Romans departed. 

They went next into Acarnania, 
where they were advised by their warm- 
est partisans to put garrisons into the 
towns, and so to guard against the at- 
tempts of the Macedonian faction. The 
independent party protested against this, 
as the treatment due to conquered ene- 
mies, and not to allies who had committed 
no offence. It was manifest that the pop- 
ular opinion went with the latter speak- 
ers; wherefore the ambassadors thought 
it most prudent to agree with them, and 
after expressing themselves to that eflTect, 
they returned to Hostilius at Larissa. 

Counsels of the Achaian leaders. 
These transactions caused the Acha- 
ian leaders to deliberate on the line of 
conduct fittest for the times. Lycortas 
maintained, as he had done from the be- 



ginning, that they should not aid either 
Pei-seus or the Romans : for the power 
of the victor would certainly be too great 
for the fi'eedom of Greece, and it there- 
fore was not the part of a patriot to con- 
cur in building it up. At the same time 
he advised them not to thwart the Ro- 
mans, for that would be too dangerous, 
especially to those whose independent 
conduct made many powerful enemies 
among them. Apollonidas dissuaded 
direct opposition to Rome, but said that 
they should fearlessly check and censure 
those domestic traitors, who courted the 
Romans by sacrificing the liberties, laws, 
and common interests of the state. But 
the majority fell in with Archon, who 
recommended that they should yield to 
the times, and carefully avoid giving to 
their enemies any handle for slander, lest 
they should suffer the lot of Nicander and 
his fellows. It was agreed that Archon 
should be proposed for chief magistrate, 
and Polybius for general of the cavalry; 
and they were elected accordingly. 

Perseus in Illyria. — Negotiation with Gentitis. 
Perseus, secure at present against at- 
tack from the Romans, since the inter- 
vening mountains were impassable by 
reason of the snows, resolved to break 
the strength of the neighbouring Illy- 
rians, lest they should ravage his bor- 
ders when he was occupied elsewhere. 
This was not all: he had long sought 
the alliance of Gentius, who ruled over 
most of Illyria ; and this display of pow- 
er, he thought, might deteiTnine that 
prince to join him. His arms were 
everywhere prosperous: but Gentius 
answered his ambassadors that he was 
too poor to go to war with Rome, unless 
he received a large supply of' money. 
This the Macedonian refused to funiish : 
and although he continued to sohcit 
Gentius by repeated embassies, he could 
not overcome his own habitually penu- 
rious disposition so far as to consent to 
the only terms on which the Illyrian 
could be induced to aid him. 

Quintus Marcius consul. — Enters Macedonia, 
Spring came ; Hostilius gave up his 
command to the new consul Q. Marcius, 
and with it an army which he had wean- 
ed from great disorder and licentious- 



Did they effect anything in the council of the Achaians ?— Did they succeed any better in if^tolia.' 
In Acarnania? 

On what did the Achaian leaders deliberate ? — What was the opinion of Archon ? — Was it adopted ?— 
To what office did they elect Archon ? — Polybius ? 

Where is Illyria ? — Who ruled over it ' — What were Perseus's designs towards it ? — Why had he not 
succeeded in gaining the alliance of Gentius? 

Who succeeded Hostilius in the command of the Roman army ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



299 



ness, and trained to vigilance, obedience, 
and inoffensive conduct in quaitei*s. 
Mai-cius advanced into Macedonia, over 
heights which seemed insurmountable to 
an army. An active enemy might have 
ruined him: but Perseus let him pass 
with slight opposition, and then in bhnd 
terror retired to Pydna, leaving open the 
rich city of Dium, with the strong defile 
which it commanded, the only passage 
for the Romans from the narrow plain 
under the mountains into the open coun- 
try of Macedonia. The consul took 
possession of Dium, and advanced a lit- 
tle beyond it : but finding it difiicult to 
supply his army at a distance from Thes- 
saly, he soon retired within the pass, and 
suffered Perseus to reoccupy the city. 
The summer was spent in attempts on 
various places by the consul, and by the 
co-operating fleet of the Romans and 
of Eumenes. The townS were well de- 
fended by the Macedonians, and com- 
monly with success ; and the army went 
into winter-quartei-s, after a campaign 
in which little had been won, except an 
entrance into Macedonia. 

Marcius declines the aid of the Achaians. 
The Achaians had decreed, at the sug- 
gestion of Archou, that they would aid 
the Romans with all their forces. Poly- 
bius and others being sent to the consul 
to signify their resolution, arrived when 
he was about to cross the mountains, 
and shared in the dangers of the pas- 
sage. They then declared their errand 
to Marcius, who thanked the Achaians 
for their good will, but said that he had 
no present need of putting them to such 
expense and inconvenience. The am- 
bassadors returned to Achaia, all except 
Polybius, who continued with the army ; 
till the consul, hearing that Appius Cen- 
tho, who was then commanding a body 
of troops in Epirus, had asked five thou- 
sand soldiers of the Achaians to assist 
his operations, sent Polybius back to 
frustrate his request, declaring that 
there was no necessity for the reinforce- 
ment, and that the Achaians ought not 
to be burdened with it. Whether this 
was done for the sake of the Achaians, 
or in jealousy of Appius, Polybius con- 
sidered as very doubtful. However, he 
undertook the commission, and was plac- 
ed by it in some pei-plexity. He had no 



■written instructions fi-om Marcius to bear 
him out, and without them he felt it dan- 
gerous to oppose the wishes of Appius. 
He made use, however, of the decree of 
the senate, which relieved the allies fi*om 
comphance with any demands of its ofii- 
cei's, not authorized by itself. He pro- 
cured a vote that the matter should be 
refen*ed to the consul ; and by this he 
saved the nation fi^om a heavy expense, 
but gave great offence to Appius. 

Disputes among the Rhodians. — Embassies to 
the senate and to the consul. 

Perseus continued his endeavours to 
engage the Rhodians in his cause, and 
the city was full of contention between 
his favourers and those of Rome. When 
the decree of the senate arrived there, 
which relieved the allies from obedience 
to the unauthorized commands of the 
Roman ofiicei-s, this act was kindly taken 
by the multitude : and the leaders fifiend- 
ly to Rome, availing themselves gladly 
of the existing impression, persuaded 
them to send ambassadors to the senate, 
to the consul, and to the praetor who 
commanded the fleet. The ambassadors 
to Rome were instructed to ask permis- 
sion for a purchase of corn in Sicily; 
and all had orders to defend their com- 
monwealth against the charge of disaf- 
fection, and to renew all its engage- 
ments of friendship. Each of these 
missions was favourably received. The 
consul, moreover, privately conferred 
with the leader of the embassy sent to 
him, and wondered that the Rhodians 
did not endeavour to make peace be- 
tween Perseus and the Romans. His 
purpose in this is not ascertained. A 
war had broken out between Ptolemy 
Philometor, king of Egypt, and An- 
tiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria, on 
account of Coelesyria, which the former 
Antiochus, the present king's father, had 
wrested from Egypt. The consul may 
perhaps have feared the power of the 
Syrian, should he be enabled to conquer 
Egypt while the Romans were engaged 
with Perseus : he may have wished to 
stimulate the Rhodians to do something 
which the Romans might consider as 
a pretext for attacking their indepen- 
dence, when the Macedonian war should 
be ended. Polybius thought that • the 
latter motive was the ti'ue one; he 



Into what country did Marcius advance?— How did Perseus behave ? — What city did Marcius take ? — 
Did he keep possession of it? — What was the result of the campaign ? 

W^hat had the Achaians decreed ? — Was their offer accepted ? — How did they offend Appius Centho?— 
At whose request did they refuse him aid ? 

Whose alliance did Perseus seek ? — To whom did the Rhodians send embassies? — How were they re- 
ceived? — At what did the consul express wonder?— What did Polybius think was hia motive ? 



300 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



certainly deemed such crooked policy 
not inconsistent with the consul's cha- 
racter, and we shall hereafter find that 
the event at least corresponded with such 
a suspicion. 

Rhodians endeavour to mediate between the 
belligerents and are roughly repulsed by 
the senate. 

The return of the ambassadors filled 
all parties with joy. Some exulted in 
the fiiendship of the Romans, others in 
their weakness, which they thought to 
be proved by their unusual earnestness 
in demonstrations of good will, and espe- 
cially by the suggestion that the Rho- 
dians should mediate between Perseus 
and the Romans. The people were 
easily persuaded to undertake the me- 
diation of peace. They voted an em- 
bassy to each of the belligerents, to 
declare that they could no longer en- 
dure the evils arising from the war, 
and that if either party refused to put 
an end to it on equitable terms, the 
Rhodians would consider what was to be 
done against him. Such a message was 
little fitted to conciliate the haughty 
spirit of the Romans. The bearers of it 
were roughly answered, and they part- 
ed from the senate in mutual anger. 

Alliance of Perseus and Gentius. — Illyria 
conquered by the Romans. 

Perseus had at length concluded an 
alliance with Gentius, under the condi- 
tion of giving him three hundred talents. 
He defrauded him, however: for when 
he had paid but ten talents, the Illyrian 
was induced to oflTend the Romans irre- 
trievably by imprisoning their ambas- 
sador, and Perseus then withheld the 
rest of the money. The two monarchs 
jointly sent an embassy to Rhodes, to 
engage that state as far as possible in 
their cause: and the hopes of their par- 
tisans were supported by the success of 
a fleet sent by Perseus to the coast of 
Asia, which dis]|)ersed a squadron of 
transports belonging to Eumenes, and 
slew or made prisoners a thousand Gal- 
lic horse,* whom that prince had des- 
patched as a reinforcement to the Per- 
gamenian troops, that were acting under 



his brother Attains as auxiliaries to the 
Roman army. The Rhodians received 
the embassy with favour, again declared 
that they would make peace, and exhor- 
ted the two kings to throw no obstacles 
in the way. While these things were 
passing, the new consul Lucius -^mirli- 
us-Paullus arrived in Macedonia: and 
the praetor, L. Anicius, entering Illyria, 
soon put an end to all the hopes which 
had rested on Gentius, by reducing him 
within thirty days to sun*ender his king- 
dom and himself. 

Battle of Pydna. — Eclipse perdicted by 
C. Gallus. 

The consul ^Emilius was a warrior of 
tried abihty. His coming filled his sol- 
diers with confidence and his enemies 
with alarm, both of which were increas- 
ed by the result of the Illyrian war. 
Still his task was not an easy one, for 
he had before him a gallant army, in a 
strong and a carefully fortified position 
on the rugged banks of the Enipeus. 
Some skirmishes took place in the bed 
of the river, rather to the advantage of 
the Macedonians : but in the meantime 
a detachment sent by ^Emilius had 
opened a passage over Mount Olympus, 
and surprised and cut to pieces the Ma- 
cedonian guard. The king now quit- 
ted his position, and hastily retreated to 
Pydna : the consul followed, and found 
him ready for battle, and drawn up on 
ground which favoured the action of the 
phalanx. Both armies were eager to 
fight, but they were restrained by the 
caution of their leaders, who wished to 
receive rather than to make the attack. 
Late on the second day an accident 
brought on the engagement.' At fii^st 
the power of the phalanx bore down 
eveiything that opposed it : but it could 
not long preserve the })erfection of its 
aiTay, and the Romans, penetrating be- 
tween the pikes wherever an opening 
was given, disordered and finally defeat- 
ed it. In the battle itself, and in the 
butchery which followed it, 20,000 Ma- 
cedonians are said to have been slain. 
(B. C. 169.) 

An eclipse of the moon had taken 
place on the eve of the battle. Such 



* Probably from Galatia in Asia. 



How were the Rhodians afffcted by the ret'irn of their ambassadors? — What did they vote? — How 
were their envoys treated ? 

How did Perseus defraud Gentius? — To whom did they send an embassy? — How was it received? — 
What new consul arrived in Macedonia ? — VVlio reduced Gentius to submit to the Romans? 

What was the character of /Emilius ? — On what river was Perseus f irtified ? — What was effected by s 
leiachment sent by /Emilius ? — To what place did Perseus retresit ? — Describe the action which followed. 
— How many Macedonians fell ? — What had taken place on the eve of the battle ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



301 



appearances were then superstitiously 
believed to be ominous of ill to states 
and kingdoms. C. Sulpicius Gallus, a 
Roman officer, had science enough to 
know their nature and foretell their 
occurrence: and he, lest the soldiere 
should be disheartened by the eclipse, 
called them together, declared that it 
would happen, and explained its cause. 
This changed the fear, which might 
other^vise have arisen, into wonder at 
the knowledge of Gallus : while in the 
Macedonian camp the appearance was 
apprehended by many to portend the 
extinction of the kingdom. Thisfeehng, 
however, does not appear to have pre- 
vailed to such a degree as materially to 
diminish then' readiness for battle. 

Conquest of Macedonia. — Capture of Perseus. 
Within a few days after the victory, 
all Macedonia submitted to the consul. 
That this should have been the effect of 
a single battle, seems to mark that the 
monarch was generally unpopular, and 
may add some credit to the crimes and 
weaknesses here recorded of Perseus, and 
to the many others which are imputed 
to him by the Roman historians. His 
fate was a wretched one. After many 
wanderings, he was obhged to put him- 
self into the hands of ^Emilius. He 
entered the camp in a mourning habit, 
and would have thrown himself at his 
conqueror's feet. The consul made him 
sit down, and then asked on what pro- 
vocation he had so violently attacked 
the Roman people, which had faithfully 
kept its treaty with his father. The 
boast was as false as the insult was un- 
generous: but a bolder man than Per- 
seus might have been deterred from reply. 
iEmilius then, if Livy is to be trusted, 
declared, that the often tried clemency 
of the Roman people gave to the con- 
quered monarch almost an assurance of 
safety. After this he canned him to 
Rome, and exhibited him to all the 
people as a captive in his triumph. 
That brutal ceremony commonly finish- 
ed with the death of the prisonei-s who 
were led in it. Perseus was not exe- 
cuted: but he was thrown into prison, 
where his life was shortened, accord- 
ing to some by his own despair, ac- 



cording to others by the cruelty of his 
treatment. 

War of Antiochus Epiphanes in Egypt. 

While these things passed in Greece 
and Macedonia, some important events 
took place in Egypt. Antiochus had 
oveiTun that country, and obliged the 
king to shut himself up in Alexandria. 
There were several Grecian embassies 
at the court of Ptolemy, from the Acha- 
ians, Athenians, and other states; and 
these he sent to Antiochus to plead in 
his behalf. The Syrian received them 
kindly, heard and rephed to their argu- 
ments, and promised to give his final 
answer upon the return of an eml)assy 
which he had sent to Ptolemy : for he 
wished, he said, that the Greeks should 
be witnesses of all his proceedings. 
Whatever may have been the further 
progress of the negotiation, it did not 
lead to peace: on the contrary, the 
Egyptian monarch ventured a battle, 
was defeated, and taken. Hereupon 
the Alexandrians declared his younger 
brother king, who also bore the name of 
Ptolemy, according to the custom of 
the Macedonian princes of Egypt, but 
was distinguished by the addition of 
Physcon. 

Antiochus made peace with his pri- 
soner, and earned on the war against 
the Egyptians under pretence of rein- 
stating their rightful monarch. He won 
a Aictory at sea, took the strong city of 
Pelusium, at one of the mouths of the 
Nile, and laid siege to Alexandria. A 
Rhodian embassy aniving to mediate, 
received for answer, that Antiochus was 
fully determined to restore the diadem to 
its proper wearer. Finding, however, 
that there was little hope of speedy suc- 
cess against Alexandria, he resolved to 
leave the brothers to fight ,it out, ex- 
pecting that, when they had weakened 
each other, the victor would fall an easy 
prey. He established Ptolemy Philo- 
metor as king in the ancient capital of 
Memphis, and gave up to him all Egypt, 
except Pelusium, where he kept a gar- 
rison, that he might be sure of a ready 
entrance into the kingdom which he 
pretended to restore. But Ptolemy, well 
aware of his protector's insincerity, 



Who gained great reputation by predicting it? 

What country now sulntiittcd to iEinilius ? — What was the fate of Perseus ? 

Where is Alexandria?— Memphis? — Pelusium? — Who had overrun Egypt? — Where was Ptolemy shut 
up? — Who inteiceded for him? — What was the event of the battle which followed? — Whom did the Al- 
exandrians declare l<ing ? — W^hat did Antiochus then do for his prisoner? — To what agreement did Ptole- 
my and bis brother come ? — What did Antiochus then do ? 



302 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



straightway opened a negotiation with 
his brother, which, by the common 
apprehensions of both, and the good 
offices of their sister Cleopatra, was soon 
brought to a conclusion. It was agreed 
that both should reign conjointly, and 
the elder Ptolemy was re-admitted into 
Alexandria. But Antiochus, instead of 
rejoicing that the end was attained, for 
which alone he professed to war, now 
prepai-ed for fiercer hostilities against the 
two. He sent a fleet to Cyprus, and 
himself proceeded towards Egypt. On 
his march he was met by ambassadors, 
who thanked him, in the name of Pto- 
lemy Philometor, for his recovered in- 
heritance, and prayed him not to cancel 
his bounty, but rather to speak his 
wishes as a fiiend, than proceed by 
violence as an enemy. Antiochus an- 
swered, that he would not cease from 
war, unless Cyprus and Pelusium, with 
the country round it, were yielded to 
him. These demands were not com- 
plied with, and he advanced into Egypt. 
The Achaians were bound to the house 
of the Ptolemies by alliance, by old 
fiiendship, and by benefits received. 
These princes in their present difficulties 
had asked them for a thousand foot and 
two hundred horse, with Lycortas as 
leader, and Polybius to command the 
cavalry. CalHcrates and Diophanes op- 
posed the grant, on the ground that the 
consul Marcius was wintering in Mace- 
donia, and the decision of the war was 
now at hand, and therefore the Achaians 
should keep in readiness, in case the 
Romans should want their help. To 
this it was replied, that Marcius, a year 
before, had declined their offered aid as 
unnecessaiy. It therefore appeared, said 
the friends of Lycortas, that the mention 
of the Romans was a mere pretence for 
persuading the Achaians to desert their 
benefactors in their utmost need, in con- 
tempt of ol)ligations imposed by grati- 
tude, and bound upon them by the faith 
of treaties and the sanctity of oaths. 
The voice of the multitude was loudly in 
favour of sending the succour required : 



but CaEicrates procured the adjourn- 
ment of the question, by alleging that 
a meeting, such as was then convened, 
was not legally competent to decide 
upon it. At the next meeting, which 
was a more general one, it was again 
brought forward. Lycortas and Polyb- 
ius again proposed the sending troops: 
Callicrates, the sending ambassadors to 
mediate. The sense of the people was 
manifestly with Lycortas ; but Callicra- 
tes carried his point by means of a letter 
fi*om Marcius, recommending his pro- 
posal. 

Fortunately for the Ptolemies, a more 
powerful mediation came into play. Be- 
fore the reconciliation of the brothers, 
while Physcon £ind his sister were be- 
sieged by Antiochus, they had prevailed 
on the Romans to interfere in their 
favour. One embassy had been sent, 
which effected notliing: but a second 
followed, headed by C. Popillius, and 
beaiing an express requisition on the 
part of the senate, that all prosecution of 
the war should be forthwith given up. 
The conquest of Macedonia had now 
been completed, and the increase of pow- 
er thence resulting to the Romans was 
more than matched by the increase of 
their pride. Antiochus, after compelling 
the rest of Egj^pt to submission, was on 
his march towards Alexandria, when 
Popillius met him within four miles of the 
city. The king saluted him, and offered 
his hand ; the ambassador bid him first 
read the decree of the senate. He read 
it, and said he would take counsel with 
his friends : Popillius drew a circle round 
him with his stick, and required his an- 
swer before he stepped beyond it. An- 
tiochus hesitated awhile, and then said 
he would obey : whereupon the Roman 
took his hand, and hailed him as a 
friend. Antiochus withdrew his troops 
fi'om Eg}'pt, according to the mandate 
of the senate : and the ambassador, 
after visiting the Ptolemies in Alexan- 
dria, went to Cyprus, which the Syrian 
generals had wellnigh conquered, but 
were now obliged to abandon. 



Who met him? — With what request r — What was his answer? — Did he advance into Egypt?— From 
whom had the Ptolemies sought aid?— Who oi)posed the granting of it? — Who were in favour of it? 
— Was any assistance rendered the Ptolemies by the Achaians? — Whom did the Romans send into 
Egypt to mediate a peace ? — Relate the manner in which he brought Antiochus to terms 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



303 



CHAPTER XVI. 



OF GREECE, FROM THE CONQUEST OF MACEDONIA TO THE CONQUEST OF ACHAIA, 

BY THE ROMANS. 



Violence of the Romans against the Rho- 
dians. 

When the senate heard of the defeat 
of Perseus, they sent for the Rhodian 
ambassadors, who had not quitted Rome. 
Polybius seems to intimate that they had 
not before been admitted to a hearing ; 
but this is not expressed with precision 
enough to warrant us in setting aside the 
positive assertion of Livy. Tiiey said 
that their commonweahh had sent them 
to mediate a peace, considering the war 
as burdensome to the Greeks and charge- 
able to the Romans ; but now that it was 
ended as the Rhodians most wished, they 
shai'ed in the joy of their friends. The 
senate repUed that it well knew the 
Rhodians to have acted neither from 
good will to Greece nor to Rome, but 
merely from the wish to rescue Pei*seus 
from his fate; and that theiefore they 
must not expect the language nor the 
treatment due to friends. 

This repulse was hardly needed to 
increase the teri'or wliich had already 
driven the Rhodians to acts unworthy 
of themselves. The master- work of 
tyranny is to make its victims accom- 
plices in their own degradation, and 
thus to render unmerited suffering no 
longer respectable. We may better 
bear to see a gallant struggle unsuc- 
cessfully maintained, for the pity due to 
suffering is absorbed in the higher sym- 
pathy \vith moral gi-eatness. But to see 
a brave, a wise, a once free-spirited people, 
reduced to kiss the foot that spurns them 
without cause, and by tame, and even by 
criminal submissions, to sue for pardon 
where no wrong has been committed, 
this is indeed a painful spectacle, and not 
more painful than humiliathig. The 
Rhodians hearing that C. Popillius was 
passing near their island on his way to 
the king of Syria, sent a deputation 
that with difficulty pereuaded him to 
visit them. He came, but only to in- 
crease their fears and exaggerate their 
offences. His colleague Decimius, says 
Livy, spoke more moderately. He ad- 
vised the Rhodians to save themselves 



from punishment, by turning it on the 
heads of their evil counsellors. Ac- 
cordingly they voted death to all who 
had ever spoken in favour of Perseus 
or against the Romans. Some had al- 
ready escaped, others slew themselves, 
but the decree was executed against the 
rest. Such was the mild atonement 
exacted for a few haughty words and 
suspected wishes, by those same tender- 
hearted Romans, who had been so much 
shocked, as we may remember, at the 
cruelty of the Achaians, in putting to 
death some principal Lacedaemonians for 
a flagrant breach of treaty and a massacre. 
Even after this propitiation the senate 
would hardly listen to the ambassadors 
whom the Rhodians sent to plead for 
their pardon. The temper of the lead- 
ing men was generally unfi-iendly, and 
one of the praetors went so far as pub- 
licly to harangue the people, and ex- 
hort them to war. The ambassadore 
put on mouniing attire, and besought 
forgiveness with pi*ayei-s and teai*s ; but 
the greatest favour which they could 
obtain was an answer reheving them 
from the apprehension of war, but bit- 
terly reproaching their several delin- 
quencies, and declaring that but for a 
few tried friends of Rome, especially 
the ambassadors themselves, the senate 
well knew how they ought to be treated. 
On receiving the answer, the Rhodians 
voted to the senate a present of ten thou- 
sand gold pieces in the form of a crown, 
and sued to be admitted into confederacy, 
which they had hitherto avoided. For 
the Rhodians, trusting in their strength, 
like the ancient Corcyrseans, had ever 
declined such engagements as could en- 
tangle them against their will in the quar- 
rels of othei-s, or prevent them from 
assisting any state when they saw cause. 
They were now reduced to beg for that 
which they would not formerly have ac- 
cepted ; but that a decree might not exist 
among their records to shame tliem if 
they were refused, the mission was 
entrusted to their admiral, as the only 
person legally empowered to engage m 



After the conquest of Macedonia what did the Rhodian ambasjsadors declare to the Roman senate?— 
What was the answer ? — To whom did the Rhodians next send an embassy ? — What advice did Dei imius 
give theiii? — What did they vote? — How did th»; Rhodian ambassadors endeavour to gain the compassion 
of the Romans? — What was the greatest favnur they could obtain? — What present did the Rhodians vote 
on receiving this answer? — What did they then request? 



904 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



any negotiation without being author- 
ised by a popular vote. A year or more 
passed before their request was granted. 
During the interval, the senate decreed 
the independence of those Lycians and 
Carians whom it had consigned to the 
Rhodians after the conquest of Antiochus. 

Submission of Epirus. — Settlement of Mace- 
donia. 

If the Romans were unjust and cruel 
towards the Rhodians, it is yet to be 
seen whether their conduct in Greece 
deserves a more favourable repoit. After 
the conquest of lUyria, Anicius led his 
forces into Epirus. Four towns alone 
held out against him under Antinous, 
Cephalus, and other leaders in the re- 
volt: but these, soon feeling the hope- 
lessness of resistance, threw themselves 
on the Roman outposts and died fight- 
ing; and the towns then opened their 
gates, ^mihus meantime, while he 
waited for the ten commissioners ap- 
pointed to assist him in settling the af- 
fairs of the province, was travelling 
through Greece to visit its most remark- 
able places, carefully avoiding to inquire 
into the past conduct of the inhabitants. 
In returning he was met by a crowd 
of ^tolians in mourning raiment, who 
complained that Lyciscus and Tisippus, 
the heads of the Roman party, after 
surrounding the national congress with 
a body of soldiers obtained from Aulus 
Bcebius, a Roman officer, had slaughter- 
ed five hundred and fifty of the lead- 
ing men, driven others into banishment, 
and distributed to their followers the 
goods of the slain and the exiles. The 
proconsul bid them follow him to A-m- 
phipolis, where he was to appear on a 
stated day with the commissioners, in 
order to settle the government of Ma- 
cedonia. On the appointed day, his 
tribunal being set forth, he appeared in 
state with his ten assistants, and publish- 
ed the decree of the senate to the anx- 
ious multitude. He declared that all the 
Macedonians should be free, should en- 
joy their cities, lands, and laws, and an- 
nually elect their magistrates ; that they 
should pay to Rome but half the tribute 
they had paid to the king ; but that their 
country should be parcelled into four 
cantons, having separate capitals, sepa- 



rate magistrates and congresses, and that 
no one should maiTy, or purchase lands 
or houses out of his canton. 

Violences of the Roman party in JEtolia con- 
firmed. 

After this he called in the ^Etolians: 
but his inquiries were directed to de- 
termine, not who had done the wrong, 
or who had suffered it, but who had 
favoured or opposed the Romans in the 
war. He acquitted the murderei-s, con- 
firmed them in power, and ratified their 
sentences of exile and confiscation: 
and only condemned Baebius for lend- 
ing Roman soldiers as agents of mas- 
sacre. This iniquitous decision gave 
new confidence to the servile tools of 
Rome in every state : the patriots gene- 
rally gave way to the season, and the 
betrayers of their country were ap- 
pointed without opposition to all magis- 
tracies and public missions. Callicrates, 
Charops, Lyciscus, and the rest, flocked 
in to iEmilius in Macedonia : they vied 
with each other in slandering their more 
honest fellow citizens ; and all whom it 
pleased them to accuse as secret ene- 
mies of Rome, were demanded by the 
proconsul, and sent to Italy to answer 
for their conduct. 

Achaian patriots transported to Italy. 
With the Achaians only the com- 
missioners went to work more indi- 
rectly ; for they feared lest they should 
refuse compliance, and perhaps put 
Callicrates and his fellow traitoi-s to 
death. Besides, in examining the writ- 
ings taken from Perseus, they found no 
letters from any Achaian. However, 
they selected two of their number as am- 
bassadors to the Achaians. These de- 
clared that some of the leaders of the 
nation had assisted Perseus both with 
money and otherwise, required a vote 
condemning them to death, and said 
that when this was passed they would 
state their names. The assembly cried 
out against the injustice of the proposal, 
and demanded that the men should be 
named and tried before they were sen- 
tenced : whereupon the Romans an- 
swered, by the advice of Callicrates, 
that all who had recently been generals 
of the Achaians were involved in the 



Was their request granted ? — What provinces were taken from them and made independent? 

Whither did Anicius lead his furces ? — What resistance did he meet? — What complaint did the ^to- 
lians make to .^miliiis ? — How did /Emilius settle the affairs of Macedonia ? 

What did -^Emilius decree concerning the ^tolians and their oppiessors; — What was the effect of this 
decree ? 

What did the' Roman commissioners demand of the Achaians? — W^hat did the assembly demand?— 
What did tlie Romans answer? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



305 



charge. This called up Xenon, a man 
of high consideration : *• I," he said, 
" have lately been general, but I know 
myself guiltless towards the Romans, 
and am ready to answer for my conduct 
either here or at Rome." The ambas- 
sadors caught at the unguarded ex- 
pression, and demanded that all who 
were accused should be examined be- 
fore the senate. Under this pretence 
they sent to Rome all those whom Cal- 
licrates pointed out, in number above 
a thousand. The senate without hear- 
ing them placed them under guard in 
different cities of Etruria. To an em- 
bassy sent by the Achaians to request 
that the men might be either brought 
to trial at Rome, or sent back to be tried 
in their own country, the senate affected 
to consider them as already condemned 
by their fellow-citizens. Driven out of 
this subterfuge by a second embassy, 
which fully stated the true features of 
the case, the senate answered that they 
deemed it not for the good of Achaia 
that those men should return. Many 
embassies were sent with no better 
success. At length, after seventeen 
years, when scarce three hundred of 
them were left, the rest having died in 
prison, or suffered death for attempting 
to escape, the survivors, among whom 
was Polybius, were allowed to return. 
Such was the treatment vouchsafed by 
Rome to men, whose sole offence was 
fidelity to their country; and such the 
paltiy trickery by which her oppressions 
were facilitated. 

Further measures of ^milius in Macedonia. 
^milius again assembling the Mace- 
donians bade them choose their council 
of state, and then published a list of 
Macedonian chiefs, whom he required 
to go into Italy with their grown-up 
children. This, Livy says, though ap- 
parently harsh, was really a safeguard to 
the general liberty against men accus- 
tomed to obey the king, and domineer 
over his subjects. It is far more proba- 
ble that they were dreaded, not as op- 
pressors, but as leaders, who might 
unite their countrymen against oppres- 
sion : especially since the ordinary Mac- 
edonian government, though irregular, 
was far from being despotic. jEmilius 
gave out a code of laws for the province. 



of which the Roman historian speaks 
with high commendation. Lastly, he set 
forth a splendid feast fi-om the spoils of 
Macedonia, and then went out from the 
bosom of rejoicing to do a deed, perhaps 
the foulest in the black and bloody 
chronicles of Roman conquest. 

Seventy cities ruined in Epirus. 
The fear of oppression, we may re- 
member, had driven most of the Epirots 
to revolt ; but they do not seem to have 
been active in the war. All however 
whom it pleased the Romans to accuse 
of any disaffection towards them, had 
already been arrested and sent into 
Italy. Nevertheless the senate, to gra- 
tify the soldiers without diminishing the 
Macedonian treasure, had resolved to 
give up all the cities of Epirus to pillage 
that had shown any favour to Pei*seus. 
^milius being ordered to execute the 
decree sent officers to each, who pro- 
fessed that they were come to withdraw 
the garrisons, so that the Epirots might 
be free like the Macedonians. He sum- 
moned ten chiefs from every place, and 
charged them to deliver up the gold 
and silver in their towns. Troops were 
sent to the devoted cities, and their de- 
partures were so an*anged that all might 
arrive on the same day at their several 
destinations. The commanding officers 
had secret orders what to do. On the 
appointed moniing the treasure was col- 
lected, and then the signal for plunder 
was given. Each city was stripped of 
everything valuable, its walls were de- 
molished, and its inhabitants made slaves. 
In one day seventy towns were ruined, 
and ] 50,000 persons sold into bondage. 
This was done in time of peace, for a 
slight offence, and one for which the suf- 
ferei-s had been taught to believe that 
their excuses were accepted: yet the 
body which commanded it was wont to 
boast itself the only power on earth which 
never failed in faith, justice, or humanity ; 
and the agent in the villainy esteemed 
himself, was esteemed by his country- 
men, has been registered by annalists, 
and commemorated by orators, as a spot- 
less pattern of integrity. Contempt of 
riches was among the virtues which the 
Romans vaunted as peculiarly their own. 
Their officers were commonly proof 
against personal coiTuption to a degree 



What did Xenon say? — What was the consequence of his unguarded expression ? — AVhat was the fate 
of most of those sent to Rome ? — Who was among the survivors ? 

What .Macedonians did iflmiliiis send into Italy? — Why ? — What did lie then do? 

Why did the Roman senate resolve to deliver up the cities of Kpirus to plunder? — How did iGmiliiui 
execute this decree ? — Howjnany cities were ruined ? — How many persons enslaved ? 



39 



306 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



that surprised the Greeks ; and ^milius 
himself, after larger revenues had passed 
through his hands than through those 
of any former Roman general, was oblig- 
ed to sell a part of his lands for the pur- 
pose of procuring ready money. Yet 
the only motive to the desolation of Epi- 
rus was the wish to avoid diminishing 
a vast treasure newly won. How can 
these things be explained ? By that dis- 
position, everywhere too common, which 
prevailed at Rome to a more than usual 
extent, to make national interest the mea- 
sure of justice, and national partiality that 
of truth: by the unexamining self-idola- 
try, which looks inward only for matter 
of praise, and is therefore really uncon- 
scious of impurities and mconsistencies, 
because it has never sought to find them 
out : by that wilful bUndness and rooted 
unfairness of a mind, severe in its judg- 
ment of others, but unboundedly indul- 
gent to itself, which are the sins espe- 
cially pointed at in the words, that " the 
heart of man is deceitful above all things, 
and desperately wicked." 

Tyranny of Charops. 
The Roman generals now sailed for 
Italy, leaving Charops all powerful 
among the remaining inhabitants of 
V Epirus. He quickly gathered about 
him a crew of plundered and i^uffians, 
and partly by their aid, and partly by 
the fear of Rome, he overbore all oppo- 
sition. His enmity and his avarice alike 
required to be satiated by bloodshed. 
Men were slain in the public market 
or in their houses ; others were waylaid 
and assassinated in the fields and high- 
ways; and confiscation ever followed 
on the heels of murder. The threat of 
banishment was another engine of ex- 
tortion from the wealthy, — women as 
well as men. By this, Charops drew 
as much as he could from the principal 
pei-sons in the city of Phoenice; and 
then, afl;er receiving the price of for- 
bearance, he nevertheless commenced 
the threatened prosecution. The charge 
he made was of enmity to the Romans ; 
and partly by persuasion, partly by fear, 
he prevailed on the people to doom the 
accused — not to exile — but to death. 
They fled to avoid the execution of the 
sentence, and Charops went to Rome 



to get his act confirmed by the senate. 
Here he was disappointed. ^Emilius 
Paullus, though he had not refused to 
execute the worst decrees of his employ- 
ers, had yet virtue enough to be displeas- 
ed with the encouragement given to flat- 
terers and false accusei-s. He marked his 
opinion of Charops, by refusing him ad- 
mission into his house: and his judg- 
ment, thus expressed, prevailed with 
the senate to withhold their approbation 
of the proceedings that had taken place. 
They declared that they would send 
commissioners to inquhe into the mat- 
ter; but Charops suppressed the real 
answer, and forged one according to 
his wishes. He died soon aft;er, proba- 
bly on his return, for the place of his 
decease was Brundusium in Italy, the 
port from which the passage into Greece 
was commonly begun. Epirus thus 
was freed from an intolerable tyranny ; 
and about the same time ^tolia was no 
less fortunate in the death of Lyciscus. 
These deaths took place in the eleventh 
year after the defeat of Perseus. 

Mission of Gallus to Greece. 
We must return to the aflTairs of Pelo- 
ponnesus. The reward of the Achaians 
for their unfailing fidelity as allies of 
Rome, was that, as soon as the Romans 
were strong enough to dispense with 
their voluntary services, they strove to 
weaken them as much as possible, that 
they might be the less able to withstand 
oppression. Three years after the re- 
turn of JEmilius to Italy, C. Sulpicius 
Gallus was sent into Greece, and in- 
structed to sever as many cities as pos- 
sible from the Achaian league. Among 
those incHned to abandon the league 
was the JEtolian town of Pleuron ; and 
Gallus, according to his orders, sup- 
ported its defection. What other suc- 
cess his mission may have had does not 
appear. 

Athenicnts plunder Oropus. 
The Athenians were now in the deepest 
poverty : for they had been chief suf- 
ferers in the Macedonian war, and they 
had few resources for the recovery of 
their loss. Driven to extremity by want, 
they plundered their subjects of Oropus. 
The Oropians complained to Rome ; and 



Describe the proceedings of Charops in Epirus. — How did he treat the principal persons of Phoenice.* 
— What decree did he procure against them ? — For what did he go to Rome ? — How did iEmilius Paullus 
treat him ? — What was the fate of Char<)|)S ? — What oppressor of ^tolia died about the same time ? 

How did the Romans reward the fidelity of the Achaians? — With what instructions was Gallus sent 
nto Greece ? — What town abandoned the Achaian league ? 

What was the condition of the Atheniajis ? — What place did they plunder.' 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



307 



the senate, judging that they had suffered 
wrong, commissioned the Sicyonians to 
lay a suitable fine upon the Athenians. 
The arbiters fined them six hundred 
talents ; but the senate remitted all but 
one hundred. The Athenians, however, 
did not pay even this, but prevailed on 
the Oropians, by promises and gifts, to 
be reconciled to them, to receive an 
Athenian garrison into their town, and 
to give hostages to the Athenians, on 
condition that, if further \M-ong were 
done to the Oropians, the garrison 
should be withdrawn and the hostages 
restored. 

Oropians apply for aid to the Achaians. 
Misconduct taking place on the part 
of the garrison, the Athenians were 
called on to evacuate the place. They 
denied the obligation ; for their com- 
munity, they said, was not to blame, and 
they were ready to punish the offend- 
ing individuals. The Oropians carried 
their injuries to the Achaians ; but they, 
through friendship to Athens, were loth 
to act against her. The complainants 
applied to Menaicidas the Lacedeemo- 
nian, who was general of the league, and 
promised him a gifl; of ten talents, if he 
would prevail on his people to assist 
them. He offered half the bribe to Cal- 
licrates, and thereby secured his sup- 
port: and by their joint influence the 
Achaians were induced to undertake the 
cause of the Oropians. As soon as this 
was known to the Athenians they with- 
drew their garrison from Oropus, having 
first plundered the inhabitants of eveiy 
thing worth taking which they had 
spared before. The Achaians having 
come too late to save the Oropians fi-om 
this mischief, Menaicidas and Callicrates 
urged them to avenge it, by invading 
Attica: but this proposal was vehe- 
mently opposed, and the army finally 
broke up. 

Corruptions and quarrels of Menaicidas, Cal- 
licrates and tHcEus. 

Menaicidas had not earned his mo- 
ney, but he did not fail to exact it. He 
then began to grudge Callicrates his 
share, and after putting him off with 
excuses for a time, he ended with plainly 



refusing payment. CaUicrates revenged 
himself by a capital charge against Me- 
naicidas, as having gone to Rome on 
embassies against the Achaians, and 
done his utmost to sever Lacedsemon 
fi*om their confederacy. Menaicidas was 
now in the utmost danger ; but he gave 
three talents to Diseus of Megalopolis, 
who succeeded him as general ; and 
Diseus exerted himself with such effect 
that he saved him. How this was done 
is not recorded, but it seems to have been 
by some illegal stretch of power; and 
Diaeus, finding that he was generally 
condemned, thought it advisable to seek 
some topic of engrossing interest, which 
might divert the people from inquiry 
into his demerits. 

Fresh disputes between the Achaians and La- 
cedemonians. 

There was some land upon the bor- 
ders of Argolis and Laconia which had 
been claimed fi'om ancient times as be- 
longing to each. The dispute had been 
lately brought before the great council of 
the Achaians; but the Lacedaemonians 
had appealed fi-om their decision to the 
Roman senate. That body answered 
that they must abide by the decision of 
the congress, except in questions of life 
and death : but Diaeus, in reporting this 
answer to the Achaians, omitted the ex- 
ception. The Achaians claimed autho- 
rity in mattei-s touching fife, as well as 
in all other ; the Lacedaemonians charged 
Diaeus with falsehood, and again appeal- 
ed to Rome: whereupon the Achaians 
quoted the law, that forbade each single 
state of the league to negotiate without 
the sanction of the rest. The quarrel 
broke out into a war. But the Lace- 
daemonians, knowing themselves the 
weaker party, began to treat witli the 
Achaians and their general ; and Diaeus 
said he warred not with Lacedaemon, but 
with certain men who disturbi^d her 
quiet. Being asked to name them, he 
pitched on four-and-twenty men, the 
principal in Sparta. Agasisthenes, a 
leading Lacedaemonian, advised the ac- 
cused, instead of staying and involving 
their country in war, to go to Rome, and 
trust to the Romans for thi^r restora- 
tion. They departed accordingly, and 



How were they ordered to atone for this by the senate? — How did they eiude the payment of the 
fine? 

How did the Athenian garrison in Oropus behave? — To whom did the Oropians apply for aid ? — Who 
undertook to procure it ? — What did the Athenians then do ? — Were they piinisheii for this : 

About what did Menaicidas and Callicrates quarrel ? — What charge did Callicrates bring against Men- 
alcida-< .' — \Vli(i saved liim ? 

About what did the Achaians and Lacediemonians dispute ?— Of which party was Diieus general ? — How 
many Spartans did he point out as disturbers of the peace ? — Whither did tbev go ? 



308 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



were capitally condemned by the Lace- 
daemonians in their absence. Callicrates 
and Diaeus, were sent by the Achaians 
as ambassadors to Rome; Callicrates 
died upon the way, but Diaeus came 
before the senate; and vehement alter- 
cation ensued between him and Menal- 
cidas, as the spokesman of the exiles. 
The senate answered, that it would send 
commissionei*s to judge between the 
contending states: but while the com- 
missioners were journeying at their 
leisure, both Diaeus and Menalcidas 
returned in haste to Peloponnesus, and 
each reported to his own community 
that judgment was given in its favour. 
Thus fed with false hopes by their re- 
spective ambassadors, the Achaians and 
Lacedaemonians both prepared for war. 

Revolt of Macedonia under Andriscus. 

About a year before, Macedonia had 
revolted from the Romans, under one 
Andriscus, a man of low biith, who 
pretended to be a son of Perseus. He 
had invaded Thessaly, but had been 
repulsed by the Roman praetor Scipio 
Nasica, assisted by the Achaians and 
some other Greeks. Juventius Thalna, 
who succeeded Nasica, was defeated and 
killed, in an attempt to enter Macedonia : 
and about the time of which we have just 
been speaking, his place was filled by Q. 
CaeciUus Metellus. The latter sent to 
charge the Achaians that, instead of 
going to war with Lacedaemon, they 
should await the coming of the Roman 
commissioners. His messengers found 
the Acnaian forces already entered into 
Laconia. Notwithstanding the mandates 
of the Roman commander, they fought 
and won a battle; and it was thought, 
that if Damocritus, their general, had 
pressed the pui-suit, he might have taken 
their city, by entering with the fugitives. 
After this, instead of besieging the place, 
he carried on a petty warfare of incur- 
sions and plundering expeditions; and 
when he led his army home, he was 
charged with treachery, and condemned 
to pay a fine of fifty talents, which ope- 
rated as a sentence of perpetual banish- 
ment. 

Diaeus, who succeeded him, paid more 
attention to the remonstrances, which 
were now renewed by Metellus. He 



consented to a &xjspension of arms, and 
directed his policy in the meantime so as 
to win the voluntary adhei*ence of the 
towns round Sparta. The truce was 
broken by the rashness of Menalcidas, 
who had been chosen general of Lace- 
daemon. He suddenly attacked the town 
of lasus in Laconia, which was sub- 
ject to the Achaians. The popular 
voice was loud against him for thus 
needlessly renewing a hopeless contest, 
and in a despairing mood he ended his 
life by poison. 

Romans require that Lacedcemon - and four 
other cities should be separated from the 
Achaian league. — /// usage of the Roman 
ambassadors. 

At length the long-expected commis- 
sioners arrived at Corinth, and declared 
the will of the senate: that Lacedaemon, 
Argos, Corinth, Heracleia, and Orcho- 
menus in Arcadia, should no more be- 
long to the Achaian confederation. Po- 
ly bins thought that the senate did not 
mean this mandate to be executed, but 
only held it out as a threat, to humble 
the pride and chastise the disaffection of 
the Achaians. If this be true, it little 
extenuates their injustice. The fidelity 
of the Achaians, as allies, had been irre- 
proachable, and their errors had been 
on the side of undue submission, and not 
of unjustifiable resistance. They were 
accused of pride because they wished to 
be something more than the mere shad- 
ow of a nation ; because they would not 
suflTer their popular assemblies to be mere 
courts for registering the edicts of the 
senate. Tlieir disaffection had not shown 
itself in any public action : but, granting 
its existence, it would have been war- 
ranted by foul wrongs repeatedly endur- 
ed ; and the only just means by which 
the senate could subdue it, would have 
been by endeavouring to merit kindlier 
feelings. To insult the nation with a 
threat of dismemberment was less atro- 
cious indeed, but not less absolutely un- 
justifiable, than actually to dismember 
it: and, after all, the excuse which is 
made for the Romans amounts to no 
more than this, that they would suffer 
the Achaians to continue incorporated, 
provided that all the acts of the incor- 
poration might be wholly regulated by 



By whom were they condemned in their absence .' — Who were sent by the Achaians to Rome ?— 
What befell Callicrates ? — Who opposed Diseus before the senate? — What induced both the Achaians 
find LTCfififfinionians t(i prepare for war? 

Who was Aiidiiscus? — What hud he done? — What did Metellus charge the Achaians to do? — Did they 
obey ? — For wh it was Damocritus fined ? — Who siiccefided him ? — How did he behave ? — What circum- 
■lances led to the death of Menalcidas? 

What did the Roman commissioners declare at Corinth? — What remarks are made on this proceeding? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



309 



themselves. The resolution of the sen- 
ate excited the Achaians to a burst of 
intemperate fury, such as often occurs 
when oppression is brought home to the 
feelings of the multitude. This is the 
more lamentable, since the good cause 
is apt to suffer for the sins of its fallible 
supporters. Where power is an-ayed 
against right, it goes well with the op- 
pressor if he can put his victim in the 
wrong in "some particular instance; for 
the greater part of mankind are fitter to 
scrutinize the details of a quarrel than to 
comprehend its general bearings; and 
there are many good men, but weak in 
goodness, who will scruple to contend 
for the better cause, unless they alto- 
gether approve of their associates. The 
Achaians in their anger aiTested all the 
Lacedaemonians whom they found in the 
streets, and even tore from the houses of 
the Roman ambassadors such of them 
as had taken refuge there. The ambas- 
sadors, returning home, exaggerated their 
ill-treatment, and falsely imputed it to 
the deliberate will of the nation. 

Unsuccessful mission of S. Julius. — Conduct 
of Critolaus. 

The senate, however, did not proceed 
to extremities, but sent Sextus Julius 
Caesar, a prudent and temperate man, to 
settle the matter peaceably, if possible. 

This unexpected moderation came too 
late. There were spirits among the 
Achaians that were madly bent on drag- 
ging their country into war, whether 
through mere turbulence, or through the 
fear that they might be the sacrifice for 
peace. The old attachment of the peo- 
ple towards Rome had been turned into 
bitterness by repeated provocations, and 
they were now readiest to listen to those 
who spoke most harshly of the senate. 
When Julius came before the congress, 
he addressed them mildly, extenuated 
the insult to the former ambassadors, 
and while he exhorted them to forbear 
further breaches of friendship, said httle 
of atonement for the past. This the tur- 
bulent party regarded as a proof, not of 
moderation, but of weakness; for the 
Roman arms had suffered some reverses 
both in Africa and Spain. Nevertheless 
a friendly answer was given, and the 
ambassadors were asked to go to Tegea, 



to be present at a conference which 
should there be held with ministers from 
Lacedaemon for the purpose of settling 
the matters in dispute. Julius went to 
Tegea, and requested the Lacedaemo- 
nians to attend the conference, and to 
make arrangements for a peaceable dis- 
cussion of the existing differences, and 
for the suspension of all hostilities till 
the Romans should send conjmissioners 
to arbitrate between the contending par- 
ties. But Critolaus, who had succeeded 
Diaeus as chief magistrate of the Achai- 
ans, was determined that the meeting 
should be to no purpose. He went in- 
deed himself to Tegea, but he prevent- 
ed the othei' delegates fi'om repaiiing 
thither: and when the Lacedaemonians 
were ready to enter, into the discussion, 
he professed that he could not decide on 
anything, but that he would submit 
their proposals to the Achaian congi'ess, 
which would meet within six months. 
Julius dismissed the Lacedtcmonians, 
and returned to Rome full of resentment. 
Critolaus, in the course of the winter, 
visited the several cities, under the pre- 
tence of giving an account of the con- 
ference at Tegea. Whithersoever he 
came, he misrepresented the conduct of 
the ambassadors, and exasperated the 
multitude to the utmost against Rome. 
He also directed the magistrates to sus- 
pend all actions for debt during the war 
with Lacedaemon : and hereby he won 
the rabble to be entirely at his disposal. 

Reconquest of Macedonia. — Metellus offers 
peace to the Achaians. — Defeats them. 

Metellus, by this time, had overthrown 
Andriscus and reconquered Macedonia. 
On receiving news of the disturbances in 
Peloponnesus, he sent thither ambassa- 
dors instructed to pursue a conduct like 
that of Juhus. Some few there were 
among the Achaians who supported 
the arguments of the ambassadoi-s ; but 
the many derided them, and drove them 
from the assembly with shouts of insult. 
Critolaus inveighed against the tyranny 
of the Romans, and accused his oppo- 
nents of cowardice and treaciiery. A 
vote was passed for the renewal of war 
with Lacedaemon ; and the general, con- 
trary to all the principles of the consti- 
tution, was invested with arbitrary au- 



How (lii the Achaians behave? 

Whom lid the senate now send into Achaia?— How did he proceed ?— Was a friendly answer given to 
him?— To wliat place did he then g.?— VVhudid he reqiest of t le Laced enaonians ?— Who opposed his 
pacific desii-n;*?— H.iw d d Crit I iii< defeat the purposes of Julius?— How did he exasperate the multi- 
tude? — How did he giin their f:iv u ? 

What had Metellus done ?— Wh ther did he send ambassadors ?— How were they treated ?— What did 
Critolaus do ?— What vote was passed ? 



310 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



thority in the conduct of it. The The- 
bans also, and the inhabitants of Chalcis, 
took part with the Achaians in the con- 
test : the former, on account of a judg- 
ment given against them by the Romans, 
the latter, for some cause unknown. 

Metellus, wishing to have the credit 
of finishing the war before he was su- 
pei'seded by the consul L. Mummius, his 
appointed successoi', again sent to offer 
pai'don to the Achaians, if they would 
consent to the separation of Lacedsemon 
from their body, and of the other states 
which had been named by the senate. 
At the same time he advanced through 
Thessaly with his army. His overtures 
being rejected, he marched against the 
Achaian forces, then besieging Heracleia, 
because it would not adhere to their con- 
federacy. Critolaufe, on hearing of his 
approach, retreated hastily. So blinded 
■was he by ten-or, that he passed through 
the defile of Thermopylse without once 
offering to make a stand there. Metel- 
lus overtook the retreating army, and 
entirely defeated it, near Scarpheia in 
the eastern Locris. Critolaus was never 
seen after the battle, but he was sup- 
posed to have perished in a neighbour- 
ing morass. 

Violence of Diceus. 
It was the custom of the Achaians, 
when their general died in office, that 
his authority should devolve upon his 
predecessor. Diseus, therefore, took the 
place of Critolaus, and resorted, forth- 
with, to the most violent measures, in 
order to provide the means of carrying 
on the war. He summoned all the able- 
bodied citizens to arms, and filled up his 
battalions with emancipated slaves. He 
recruited the exhausted treasury, by 
compelling the rich to make large con- 
tributions, which were nominally free 
gifts. The people now began to feel the 
evils of the war, and gloomily to antici- 
pate its impending dangers. They were 
troubled at losing their slaves and their 
property ; and the pride of freemen in a 
slave-holding community was wounded 
by seeing their bondmen put on a level 
with themselves. They praised the for- 
tune of the slain, and pitied those who 
were going to the war. The women la- 
mented that they had contributed their 
money, as if it had been intentionally, to 



the certain destruction of their sons. 
Yet, though every place was full of dis- 
content and fearful expectation, no at- 
tempt was made to stop the measures of 
Diaeus ; but it seemed as if the people 
were possessed by a spirit of despond- 
ency, which alike unfitted them for 
timely submission and for vigorous re- 
sistance. Most lamentable of all was 
the behaviour of the Patrians, and the 
men of certain towns associated with 
them, who had been discomfited in 
Phocis, after the battle of Scarpheia. 
Some slew themselves, others fled wild- 
ly from their dwellings, without know- 
ing or thinking whither to bend their 
steps. Some seized their fellows and 
delivered them to the Romans; some 
acted as sycophants and false accusers, 
though no sign had yet been given that 
such service would be acceptable ; some 
met the conqueror as suppliants, con- 
fessed that they had erred, and besought 
forgiveness, though their conduct had 
not yet been brought into question. 

Metellus meanwhile advanced to The- 
bes; for the Thebans had shared with 
the Achaians in the siege of Hera- 
cleia and the subsequent battle. The 
city was abandoned by the inhabitants 
at his approach. He entered it, but he 
would not suffer his soldiers to damage 
the buildings, nor to kill or make pri- 
soners the fugitives. From Thebes he 
went to Megara. The Achaian garrison 
retired at his approach, and the gates 
were opened to him. He then advanc- 
ed to Corinth, where Difeus had shut 
himself up. Still earnestly desiring to 
finish the war, he renewed his offers of 
peace through some leading Achaians; 
whether prisoners, or, which seems pro- 
bable, ambassadoi'S who had come to him 
on some mission fi-om the nation. Thus 
he endeavoured by moderation to atone 
for the original injustice of his com- 
monwealth, while the Achaians, who 
had right upon their side in the outset, 
still continued to do their utmost to- 
wards putting themselves in the wrong. 
Yet the Romans were partly to blame 
even for this; for they had robbed the 
Achaians of their best and wisest patri- 
ots, and kept down any who might have 
worthily replaced them ; so that now, 
when the servile flatterers of Rome had 
become a curse and a by-word among 



Who joined the Achaians i — What offer did Metellus make ?— Was it accepted ? — Whither did he 
mapch ? — How did Critolaus behave ? — Was his army defeated ? — What was his supposed fate ? 

Who succeeded Critolaus ? — How did he raise men and money ? — What were the feelings and condi- 
tion of the people ?— How did the Patrians behave ? — What two cities did Metellus take? — To what city 
did he next advance ? — Who commanded there i — What offers did Metellus make ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



311 



the people, there were few to take the 
lead, save reckless incendiaries. 

The Achaian chiefs who came from 
Metellus warmly urged the acceptance 
of his terms, and they wanted not sup- 
porters within the city : but Diaeus and 
some others, who despaired of forgive- 
ness, were bent tV) stake their country's 
fortune and their own upon one cast. 
To raise an insuperable bar to reconcili- 
ation, they accused the ambassadors of 
traitorous dealings with the enemy, and 
threw them into prison. Sosicrates, the 
lieutenant-general, was joined in the 
charge. He had supported, it was said, 
the sending an embassy to Metellus, and, 
in short, he was author of all the mis- 
chiefs — one of those convenient gene- 
ralities that serve to cloak injustice, 
when the trick is favoured by loose and 
arbitrary proceeding. He was con- 
demned and racked to death, without 
making any of those disclosures which 
his tormentors looked for. His savage 
treatment produced a reaction in the 
popular mind in favour of the ambas- 
sadors ; yet their release was not obtain- 
ed without a bribe to Diaeus, who could 
not forego his wonted venality, even in 
this extremity of peril. 

Metellus superseded by Mummius. — Siege of 
Corinth. 

Meanwhile, the consul Mummius, ar- 
riving with a powerful army, sent Me- 
tellus and his forces back into Mace- 
donia. He himself engaged in the siege 
of Corinth. The besiegers were careless 
through the confidence of strength, and 
the Achaians, making a sudden sally, 
drove in their outposts, and killed and 
wounded many of them. Encouraged 
by this success, they came out and of- 
fered battle. The consul was not slow 
to accept it. The Achaian cavalry fled 
at the first onset, but the foot maintain- 
ed the fight with desperate resolution, 
against an enemy very superior in force. 
A.t length they were broken by an attack 
- flank, and finally routed. If Diaeus 
}ow had retreated into Corinth, assem- 
bled the relics of the beaten army, and 
prepared for a resolute defence, he might 
probably have obtained some tolerable 
terms for his country, from the eager 



desire of Mummius to finish the war 
before his command expired. Instead 
of this he fled to Megalopolis, where 
he killed his wife to save her from cap- 
tivity, and then ended his own life by 
poison. 

The Achaians who had escaped fi-om 
the battle into Corinth, thus abandoned 
by their leader, made no attempt at de- 
fence. They silently withdrew in the 
following night, and most of the Corin- 
thians did the same. The gates were 
left open, but Mummius hesitated awhile 
to enter, for he feared an ambuscade. 
On the third day after the battle, he en- 
tered the city. He cruelly slaughtered 
most of the men whom he found there, 
sold the women and children, and pil- 
laged and burnt the town, after selecting 
the most celebrated works of art, and 
shipping them for Rome. The pretence 
for all this destruction was the insult 
offered to the Roman commissioners: 
the true motive was the wish to de- 
prive the Achaians of a fortress impor- 
tant both fi-om its strength and situa- 
tion. 

Greece reduced to a Roman province under 
the name of Achaia. — Return of Polyhius 
into Greece, 

The senate had appointed ten com- 
missioners to assist the consul in set- 
tling the affairs of Greece ; but before 
they came he had already demolished the 
walls and disarmed the inhabitants of the 
cities that had sided with the Achaians. 
The commissioners abolished democracy 
in all the states, and directed that the 
magistrates should be chosen according 
to a scale of property. They also put 
down the national assemblies, and for- 
bade the purchase of lands by any man 
beyond the boundaries of his state : 
though these two latter regulations were 
soon afterwards recalled. From this 
time forward Greece, with the exception 
of Thessaly, was reduced to a Roman 
province, under the name of Achaia, 
and a Roman magistrate was annually 
sent out to govern it. Epirus and Thes- 
saly were included in the province of 
Macedonia. 

Shortly before the arrival of the ten 
commissioners, Polyhius returned into 



Who opposed its acceptance ? — VThom did Diaeus imprison ? — How did he treat Sosicrates ? — How waa 
the release of the other prisoners obtained ? 

Who now arrived with an army ? — What did he engage in ? — What induced the Achaians to offer bat- 
tle?— What was its result .'—Relate the subsequent actions of Diaeus,— What did the Achaians then do? 
— How did Mummius proceed on entering the city? — What was his real motive for this? 

How did the Roman commissioners settle the affairs of Greece ? — To what was Greece now reduced ? — 
What was it caJled ?— To wh;it province of Rome were Epirus and Thessaly annexed ? — What Grecian 
historian now returned to Greece ? 



312 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Greece. His qualities had won respect 
and favour from many distinguished 
Romans. He had been tlie most valu- 
ed friend, adviser, and uistructer of P. 
Scipio ^milianus, the son of JEmilius 
Paullus, and the adopted grandson of 
Africanus. He accompanied Scipio 
when sent as consul into Africa, and 
was with him at the taking of Caithage ; 
after which he returned to his native 
country, in time to tiy how far his fa- 
vour with the Romans might enable 
hirn to mitigate its sufferings. Among 
other more serious insolencies of con- 
quest, some worthless fellow accused 
Philopcemen as an enemy to Rome, 
and urged the commissioners to brealf 
his statues, and abolish the honours 
paid to his memory. Polybius spoke in 
behalf of his father's friend. He did 
not dwell on the poorness of the pro- 
posed revenge, nor on the obvious fact 
that Philopcemen owed allegiance to the 
Achaian only, and not to the Roman 
commonwealth : these considerations, 
though true and just, would not have 
been well received. But he spoke of 
the trying and dangerous occasions on 
which the Achaian hero had j)layed the 
part of a faithful ally to Rome; and 



either his person or his arguments were 
so acceptable to the coinmissioners, 
that they not only refrained from the 
suggested baseness, but at his request 
they restored some statues of Aratua 
and Philopcemen which had been taken 
out of Peloponnesus to be sent to Rome. 
For this the Achaians erected a marble 
statue of Polybius himself. 

Another mark of favour was shown 
by the commissioners to Polybius — the 
permitting him to fix on anything, and 
take it freely, among the confiscated 
effects of Difeus. However, he declined 
the offer, and dissuaded his friends 
from being purchasers at any sales of 
confiscated property. The commission- 
ei-s at their departure appointed Poly- 
bius to make a circuit among the cities, 
that he might explain the laws and 
practice of the constitution which the 
Romans had given them, and might 
determine their controversies, until they 
were sufficiently accustomed to their 
new institutions to administer the go- 
vernment according to them. This 
commission he seems to have executed 
with great abihty: and high honours 
were conferred on him in the Achaian 
cities on account of it. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



OP THE STATE OF GREECE UNDER THE ROMAN DOMINION. 



SECTION I. 

General remarks on the effects of the 
conquest. 

For many ages after the fall of the 
Achaian confederacy the history of 
Greece is that of an oppressed and de- 
graded province. The states, indeed, 
retained, for the most part, a form of 
goveiTiment nominally republican, but 
constituted according to the pleasure of 
the Romans, and not according to the 
wishes or interests of tlie people. All 
authority was placed in the hands of the 
wealthier classes ; and if any person 
were aggrieved by a decision of the ma- 
gistrates, the appeal was not to a more 
popidar tribunal, but to the Roman go- 
vernor. Few, indeed, have been the 
cases in the history of the world where 



the moral superiority of the conquerors 
to the conquered has been such that an 
arrangement like this could be benefi,- 
cial. In ordinary instances the effect 
must be, either that maladministration 
would be without redress, the foreign 
officer being biassed in favour of the 
delinquent by the love of ease and 
the habits of personal intercourse; or 
else that frivolous complaints would 
be encouraged, so that the magistrates, 
finding their lives and fortunes at the 
proconsul's mercy, might be deterred 
from opposing his arbitrary will or 
checking his rapacity. In truth, the 
oppressions of the Roman officers were 
far greater than any that would probar 
bly have been exercised by the native 
aristocracy: for these, in the want of 
any immediate popular control, had the 



Of M horn vvns he the instr-icter .'—Where had he served with Scipio?— For what did the Achaians de- 
cree liiin a statue ?— What offer did he decline?— What commission did he execute ?— How was be !•- 
wardeil for it? 

What was the state of Giaece after the fall of the Achaian league?— In whose bands was tbe authority 
placed ? — To wboiu waa the appeal from tbe magistrates ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



313 



natural sympathy with persons allied to 
them by manners, language, and blood ; 
and the wish, almost universal among 
men, to stand well in the esteem of 
those with whom their lives were to be 
passed : whereas the others were stran- 
gers, widely differing in manners from 
the Greeks, and despising all from 
whom they differed; sent out for a 
year, and intending in that time to 
improve a flourishing, or recruit a shat- 
tered fortune. 

These were evils of which the full de- 
velopement did not immediately follow 
the conquest ; for personal avarice and 
corruption were not yet prevalent vices 
among the Roman magistrates. But 
the destruction of national energy in 
Greece, and of all the bolder and man- 
lier virtues, were ends to which the 
policy of Rome had been continually 
tending, even before Achaia was re- 
duced to the state of a province. These 
virtues and that energy were quickly 
stifled by the pressure of the Roman 
yoke, and by the exclusion of the 
Greeks from all important political 
action : but they had previously exist- 
ed in a greater degree than was willing- 
ly admitted by the Romans, whose pride 
avenged itself for the older civilisation 
of the Greeks, and for their acknow- 
ledged pre-eminence in the refinements 
of literature and art, and in the heights 
and depths of philosophical speculation, 
by proclaiming and exaggerating their 
inferiority in courage, constancy, and 
practical wisdom. It is a common 
error, arising perhaps from the evident 
degeneracy of the two most celebrated 
commonwealths, those of Athens and 
Lacedsemon, to suppose that the spirit 
of freedotn was extinct in Greece from 
the time of Alexander downwards. It 
was, indeed, violently overborne for 
awhile by the power of his contending 
successors, assisted by the factious ani- 
mosities of their respective partisans in 
the several cities : but though it slept it 
was not dead, as was shown by the 
rapid growth of the Achaian league. 
This latter body need not shrink from 
comparison with any that Grecian his- 
tory can show. If it was, as seems in- 
separable from a federal community, 
less prompt and energetic in its conduct 



than Athens, or even than Lacedaemon, 
it was sujierior to both in sound and 
liberal pohcy, in justice, and in modera- 
tion. Its circumstances, however, were 
by far less favourable. It had a difficult 
game to play between the ambition of 
the Macedonian and Spartan kings and 
the turbulence of the ^tolians: but 
from the time when Rome appeared 
upon the stage, its doom was sealed. 
The power of Rome might, perhaps, 
have been resisted by an union of the 
Greeks, such as was formed against the 
Persian ; but her artful policy com- 
pletely ensured that no such union 
would take place: nor ought it to be 
made a charge against the Greeks, that 
they failed to withstand the most for- 
midable combination of force and crafl 
which the world had ever seen ; espe- 
cially as in the first instance they want- 
ed the information which would have 
enabled them rightly to value the pre- 
tensions of the senate to disinterested 
generosity. As the course of history 
does not confirm their imputed political 
degeneracy, so it bears the most decided 
testimony to the preservation of their 
militaiy courage. Philopcemen's sol- 
diere were no whit inferior in bravery, 
nor in aptitude for discipline, according 
to the practice of their nation, to those 
of Flamininus or ^milius Paullus. If 
a Roman army was for the most ])ait a 
better instrument of war than an equal 
number of Greeks or Macedonians, the 
cause of the difference is to be souffht in 
the nature of the phalanx, which, after 
triumphing over every previous system 
of tactics, gave way in its turn to the 
Roman legion, as an organization but 
httle inferior in force, and far surpass- 
ing it in pliability and readiness of adap- 
tation to different circumstances. 

War in Greece between Mithridates and the 
Romans. 

We cannot, from the scanty notices 
remaining, com[)letely trace the gradual 
decay of national energy and pros[)erity; 
it may suffice to mention some [)articu- 
lars illustrating the condition of the 
Greeks, when the Roman em[)ire had 
reached its greatest extent, and when its 
system of provincial government had 
been fully developed. But first we >vill 



What were the objects of the Roman policy ? — How were the virtues and the energy of the Greeks eti- 
lled ? — What common error, with re-pect ti» the history of Greece, is noticed ? — Whsit is observed of the 
Achiinn league?— Iluw does it <oiripare with the eovcrnments of Mhens and LacediBinon ? — When WM 
its doom sealed ? — IJovv rni'M^t tie power of Uurne have bce-i ie>'ifiled ? — How was this prevented ? — Were 
the Greeks of this period deficient in courage ? — Wh'it wis the charai ter of Philop.Temen'a soldiers? — la 
what respects was the Reman legion a superior instrument of war to the Grecian phalanx? 

40 



314 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



briefly touch on the war which was 
waged in Greece before that period, be- 
tween the Romans and the generals of 
Mithridates, king of Pontus.* (B. C. 87.) 
When nearly the whole of Lower 
Asia had been brought under the im- 
mediate dominion of Rome, or under 
that of her vassal monarchs, a rival 
power arose in that of Mithridates, an 
able, brave, and high-spirited, but cruel 
and faithless prince, who had much 
enlarged and strengthened his kingdom 
at the cost of his weaker neighbours. 
War soon broke out between him and 
the Romans, wherein he vanquished 
several armies, and quickly mastered 
Asia Minor, with most of the adjoining 
islands. In his bitter hate to Rome, 
he sent letters throughout Asia, com- 
manding the people, on a stated day, to 
massacre all Italians in the country. 
The order was obeyed, as well through 
dislike of the Romans as through fear 
of the king; and eighty thousand per- 
sons are said to have perished in the 
slaughter. Mithridates then laid siege 
to Rhodes with all his forces both by 
sea and land ; but the citizens defended 
themselves resolutely and successfully. 
After this Mithridates resolved to caiTy 
the war into Europe, and sent a fleet to 
Greece, and an army through Thrace 
into Macedonia. 

Aristion tyrant of Athens. 
The Athenians, for some unknown 
cause, had been fined by the Romans, 
and their magistrates forbidden to ex- 
ercise their functions. Aristion, an Ep- 
icurean philosopher, being sent by them 
on an embassy to Mithridates, persuaded 
them, upon his return, to side with the 
king, assuring them that he would restore 
democracy, and would confer the great- 
est benefits both on the public and on 
individuals. The people followed his 
suggestions, and the chief men retired 
to Italy. Archelaus, who commanded 
the Asiatic fleet, subdued the island of 



Delos, which had revolted from the 
Athenians, restored it to them, and de- 
posited his booty in their city. Under 
pretence of guarding it, he sent two 
thousand soldiers, by whose aid Aristion 
made himself tyrant of Athens, and slew 
or gave up to Mithridates all the friends 
of Rome. Archelaus, likewise, gained 
the Achaians, Lacedaemonians, and Boeo- 
tians, and conquered the Cyclades, and 
other islands of the iEgean sea. 

Athens besieged and taken by Sylla. 

In the following year (B. C. 86) the 
consul Lucius Cornehus Sylla came 
into Greece. The command in the 
Mithridatic war had been disputed by 
arms between him and Caius Marius; 
and after a most savagely conducted 
struggle, Marius being overcome had 
escaped with difficulty from Italy, and 
his victorious rival carried his forces into 
Greece. The Bceotians submitted at his 
approach, and the other states that had 
taken part with Mithridates sent ambas- 
sadors to oflTer their obedience. Athens 
only held out. Sylla left one of his oflS- 
cers to besiege the city, while he himself 
attacked Peirseeus, where Archelaus had 
shut himself up. After vainly assaulting 
the place, he set himself to the construc- 
tion of battering engines upon a vast 
scale. For timber he cut down the sa- 
cred groves of Attica, the trees of the 
Academy, and those of the Lycseum : for 
money to carry on his operations, he 
pillaged the temple of Delphi. When 
his engines were completed he returned 
to the siege of Peiraeeus, which he con- 
tinued through the winter: but all his 
attacks were bafl^ed by Archelaus, and 
at last he desisted from the attempt, and 
turned all his forces against Athens. 

That city was already suffering grie- 
vously from famine. Supphes were 
plentiful in Peiraeeus, for the fleet of 
Mithridates commanded the sea: but 
Sylla had taken and demolished the long 
walls that protected the communication 



* The word Pontus, which signifies the sea, is commonly used by Grecian writers for a specific de- 
signation of the Euxine sea. From the sea itself it is frequently transferred to the countries upon its 
shores, with which the Greeks had very important commercial intercourse •, and by the Romans it is 
made to denote a particular region, comprising the greater part of the Asiatic coast of the Euxine sea, 
and extending from the skirts of Caucasus to the confines of Bilhynia. It is in this last sense that the 
word is to be understood whenever the kingdom of Pontus is spoken of. 



What are the different meanings of the word Pontus.' — Who was king of Pontus? — With whom did he 
wage war ? — What country did he gain ?— How many Italians were massacred in Asia Minor by his or- 
der .' — To what did he lay siege ? — With what success ? — Whither did he send a fleet.' — An army .' 

How iiad the Romans oppressed the Athenians? — Whose side did fhey take in the war?— By whose 
persuasion ? — Who took Delos ? — Hy what stratagem did Aristion make himself tyrant of Athens ? — What 
slates and islands did Archelaus <.'ain? 

When did Sylla come into Greece ? — What states submitted on his approach .' — What state held out? — 
Who besieged the city .' — Who attacked Peiraeeus ? — What acts of sacrilege did he commit ? — After failing 
in the siege of Peirseeus what did Sylla do ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



315 



between the city and its harbour, and his 
vigilance foiled every attempt of Arche- 
laus to throw provisions into Athens. 
The miseries of the besieged were en- 
hanced by the insolent profligacy of 
Ai'istion and his intimates, who wasted 
the stores of the garrison in debauchery, 
while the citizens were feeding on dogs 
and horses, and even on shoes and leath- 
ern bottles. The tyrant wantonly insult- 
ed the people in their sufferings. He 
refused a little oil to feed the holy lamp 
in the temple of Minerva, and when the 
priestess begged of him half a bushel of 
barley, he sent her in mockery that quan- 
tity of pepper. At length the people sent 
the counsellors and priests to entreat that 
he would capitulate with the Romans, 
but he drove them from his presence 
with blows. Nevertheless when Sylla 
came in person against the city, he sent 
some of his boon companions to treat for 
peace ; who, instead of coming dkectly 
to the point, began to harangue about 
Theseus and other ancient heroes, and 
the noble deeds of Athens against the 
Persian. The Roman cut them short 
by telling them that he came not to 
study rhetoric, but to punish rebels. 
Soon afterwards he took the city by a 
night attack, on a part of the wall that 
was unguarded. The soldiers by his 
order slaughtered all they met, till the 
blood ran out in streams through the 
gates : and many Athenians killed them- 
selves in despair, expecting the utter 
desolation of their country. However, 
at the entreaty of some Athenian exiles, 
and of all the Roman senators in his 
camp, the destroyer stayed his coui-se, 
and said that he would spare the living 
for the sake of the long since dead. 
Nevertheless he took from the Athenians 
the power of choosing magistrates and 
making laws ; and he condemned Aris- 
tion to death, with his associates and 
ministers. After this he returned to the 
siege of Peii*8eeus, and obliged Archelaus 
to abandon it, after a most resolute 
defence, and retire to Munychia. When 
Sylla had made himself master of 
Peiraeeus, he dismantled the ramparts, 
and burnt the store-houses and arsenal. 
Archelaus soon quitted Munychia, and 
went into Thessaly, where he was joined 
by the army in Macedonia. With these 



he again advanced into Bceotia, where 
Sylla met him. In a great battle near 
Chajroneia the steadiness and discipline 
of the Romans triumphed over a vast su- 
periority of numbers. Sometime after, 
a second Asiatic army was sent into 
Greece, and was likewise overthrown. 

Peace concluded. 
Meanwhile the cruelties of Mitliridates 
had driven Ephesus and many other 
Asiatic cities to revolt. For fear of a 
general defection, he proclaimed liberty 
to the Grecian cities, remitted debts, and 
gave civil franchise to slaves and stran- 
gers. On hearing of the second defeat 
in Greece, he directed Archelaus to 
make peace on the best conditions he 
could obtain. Sylla was no less anxious 
to put an end to the war, for his enemies 
had regained the superiority in Italy. 
The terms however, were not agreed on 
till Sylla had passed into Asia. Mithri- 
dates at length agi'eed to give up all his 
winnings in this war, to pay two thou- 
sand talents, and to deliver seventy of 
his galleys to the Romans. Sylla then 
prepared for his return into Italy, to 
wrest the government out of the hands 
of his foes. (B. C. 84.) 

Conduct of Sylla in Asia. 
Before embarking he stayed for some- 
time in Asia, to settle the government, 
and to enrich himself and his soldiers. 
He commanded all slaves who had 
been freed from Mithridates to return to 
their masters. This gave rise to tu- 
mults ; some cities revolted, and the Ro- 
mans gave a loose to confiscation and 
slaughter. The partisans of Mithri- 
dates were everywhere severely punish- 
ed, especially at Ephesus. Sylla then 
called a meeting of deputies at Ephesus, 
from all the cities of Asia. He reproach- 
ed them ^vith the benefits received from 
Rome, and with their ungrateful readi- 
ness to join Mithridates, and to execute 
his cruelties. For this he said they had 
in part been punished by the rapine 
and oppression of the master they had 
chosen ; and the chief authors of the 
mischiefs had already suflTered justice at 
the hands of the Romans. Nevertheless 
some further chastisement was due ; but 
it should be tempered with regard to the 



How did Aristion behave during tiie siege ? — How did Sylla treat his ambassadors ? — How did he lake 
the city? — What was the consequence? — How did Sylla punish the Athenians? — What did he do at 
Peiraeeus? — From Munychia whiiherdid Archelaus go? — Whercdid lie meet Sylla ? — What was the result? 

Who revolted froui Mithridates?— How did he try to prevent a general defection ? — What directions did 
be give Archelaus? — Why did Sylla desire peace? — On what terms was it made? 

For what did Sylla stay sometime in Asia? — What occasioned tumults? — Whom did Sylla summon to 
Ephesus ? 



316 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



Grecian name and to old friendship. 
He would only fine them to the amount 
of five yeai's' tribute, besides his expenses 
in the war, and the usual taxes due from 
the province. 

He sent parties of soldiers into all the 
towns to collect the sums required from 
each. The people were obUged to bor- 
row money at liigh interest, and to mort- 
gage their theatres and other pubhc build- 
ings. Furthermore, they were given up 
to the insolence and covetousness of 
Roman soldiei-s billeted upon them, each 
householder being obliged to pay to his 
unwelcome guest sixteen drachmae a day 
(about nine shillings,) and to entertain 
him, and any number of his friends he 
might thmk proper to invite. Nor did 
the proconsul defend them against the 
pirates, whom Mithridates had encou- 
raged till they grew to such a pitch of 
strength and boldness, that they not only 
infested the seas, but attacked the towns. 
While Sylla was in Asia, they took and 
plundered lassus, Samo^, Clazomense, 
and Samothrace. Aftei thus adminis- 
tering the affairs of the province, he set 
sail for Italy. 

Rhodians still comparatively free. — They 
stand a siege against Mithridates. 

When the other Grecian states were 
brought under the dominion of Ronje, 
the Rhodians alone retained their laws 
and liberties. They had indeed been 
obliged to lower their pretensions to 
absolute independence, and to become 
allies of Rome, which always imphed a 
degree of subjection ; but their political 
institutions were unchanged, and they 
Were free from the interference of Ro- 
man magistrates in matters of internal 
administiation. They still kept up their 
navy, and continued the exercise of 
arms ; and that they still had much of 
their ancient strength and spirit was 
amply proved by their resistance to 
Mithridates, when they alone, unaided 
by the Romans, withstood and repelled 
the fleets and armies of that monarch, 
directed by his eminent ability, and urged 
forward by his determined will. It was 
probably in reward of their services on 
this occasion that Sylla made the town 
of Caunus in Caria, and many of the 
islands, tributary to them. They seem 



to have continued in their then con- 
dition till the civil war in the Roman em- 
pire, which followed the death of Caesar; 
in the course of which their city was 
taken by Cassius, and plundered of 
nearly all its riches. 

Roman system of provincial government. 
The war with Mithridates was re- 
sumed and continued, with many changes 
of fortune, till that prince was entirely 
stripped of his possessions, and driven 
to kill himself that he might not fall into 
his enemies' hands ; but the supremacy 
of Rome over the Greeks, both in Europe 
and Asia, was not again brought into 
question. This sui)remacy was exer- 
cised by the provincial governors, who 
were usually taken from the principal 
magistrates of the foregoing year, and 
styled proconsuls or propraetors, accord- 
ing to the office they had borne. These 
governors commanded the forces, and 
directed the general administration ; they 
also exercised the judicial power, at least 
in all mattere concerning the state, and 
in all wherein either party was a Roman. 
They were restrained by certain rules in 
the exercise of authority over their coun- 
trymen, whom they could not punish 
with death or stripes, unless condemned 
after a regular trial, Vv'ith all the forms of 
Roman law. But those who were not 
citizens of Rome, either by birth or by 
adoption, might be scourged or slain 
by the most summary and arbitrary 
process. x\dd to this that though the 
private differences of the provincials were 
usually decided by their municipal courts, 
appeal might always be made to the gov- 
ernor, who could overrule the decision 
and condemn the judges; but if any 
wrong were done by the governor, re- 
dress was only to be sought at Rome, 
at great expense and even hazard, and 
with a strong probability that the culprit 
would be screened by family interest, or 
by the fellow-feeling of similar delin- 
quents. 

This system could not fail to be fi-uit- 
ful in abuses ; but all its evils were most 
fully developed by the manner in which 
these offices were filled. In the then 
corrupted state of Roman manners, the 
ordinary road to consulships and pi'oe- 
torships was to squander money in 



How did he punish the late defection of Asia Minor? — How was the money raised? — What places bad 
been plundered by the pirates? — For what country did Sylla depart ? 

What was the state of Rhodes? — Mow was the strenuth of th:it state proved? — How were their servicea 
on this occasion rewarded ? — When diil Cassius take and phinder their city ? 

How was the war with Mithridates terniniated ? — \\ as the supremacy of the Romans over Greece again 
questioned ? — How was it exercised ? — What powers had the governors ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



317 



iHibeiT and public shows. In so doing 
the candidates looked forrsard to the 
provincial governments, which always 
followed in the train of high offices in 
the city ; and calculated that, by squeez- 
ing the unhappy tributaries, they would 
more than reimburse themselves for the 
money which tliey had lavished on the 
gratification of the ruhug people. We 
cannot then wonder at the general pre- 
Talence of extortion and oppression, 
which a slight acquaintance with the 
history of the Roman pro\inces will lay 
before us. 

"It is admirable," says Cicero in a 
letter to his brother, "that you should 
so have governed Asia for three years, 
that no statue, no picture, no precious 
vessels nor rich tapestry, no slaves, no 
offers of money for the per\'ersion of 
iustice, should have turned you aside 
from the highest uprighmess and purit}- 
of conduct. But what can be conceived 
so excellent or so desirable, as that that 
Tirtue, that contentedness, that freedom 
from covetous desires, should not lie 
hid in darkness, but should be set in the 
broad hght of Asia, in the sight of a 
most conspicuous province, imd in the 
hearing of all nations ? that men should 
not be frightened by your journeys, ex- 
hausted bj' yoiu" expenses, disturbed at 
your arrival? that whithersoever you 
come there should be joy, both publicly 
and privately ; the city receiving you as 
a guardian, not as a tjTant, and the house 
where you lodge as a guest, not as a 
plunderer." A goodly picture of the 
feelings which usually attended the 
march and welcomed the arrival of a 
Roman magistrate ; not to mention the 
special praise attached in the beginning 
of the passage to the abstinence from 
jwactic^s, of which the very suggestion 
would, in a purer state of morals, have 
been re j>elled as an insult. But if a par- 
ticular instance be needed, hear what 
Cicero says, when sent into Cilicia, of 
the state in which his predecessor left 
the province. " I heard of nothing but 
complaints of the poll taxes, and that all 
were selling their estates ; 1 heard groans 



and mourning in the cities; portentous 
actions, not of a man, but of a savage 
beast" 

Even when the governor was per- 
sonally incorruptible, his officers, and 
even his servants, would often traffic on 
the credit of their influence oter him, 
real or pretended. This is a danger 
inseparable from arbitrary government, 
and especially when administered by 
foreign and temporary residents. But 
the proconsul and his train were not the 
only privileged oppressors. Large powers 
were given to the societ}' of pubhcans,* 
or farmers of the revenue, who often 
abused them to a great extent. Of this 
the senate was not unaware, even so 
early as the conquest of Macedonia ; for 
in a decree of that period, quoted by 
Livy, it is observed, tliat wherever the 
publicans are employed, either the re- 
venues are cheated, or else the subjects 
are oppresse<l. The publicans were all 
from the class of knights, the second 
order in the Roman commonwealth; 
and it will readily be supposed that in 
any disputes between them and the pro- 
vincials, the interests and habits of the 
governor would generally bias him in 
favour of those who were the most ca- 
pable of serving or harming him. 

The list of bloodsuckers does not end 
here. There were certain officers at 
Rome (the cediles) to whose office it be- 
longed to exhibit shows for the gratifica- 
tion of the people ; and the display of 
more than usual magnificence in these 
was the readiest way to popular favour. 
If an aedile had a fiiend in any of the 
provincial governors, he was generally 
su}>ported in defi^ying a part of h^ 
expenses by forced contributions from 
some tributan" city. Nay, so prevalent 
was this custom, that if any unfashion- 
ably conscientious proconsul refused to 
coimtenance such extortions, complaint 
was made as if of a breach of friendship, 
or a lawftil right improperly witldield. 
Roman merchants and money lenders 
swarmed in the provinces, who generally 
took care to be provided with letters 
from Rome, recommending them to the 



* 7*be3e paMkaiis mast not be oonfoanded with tbe low and desntded p~i^ons s ^ called in the F.aslish 
tnnslaiioa of die New Tesl;uneat. Thi> Utter were tbe actual ia\-s t^herers, mostly Jews of iiean con- 
dition, and despised by tbt^ir Ci*antrymen for coosen'ing to at is ministers of a foreign usurpat on, and 
•ervants of a people hated a? tyrants, and looki-d down on as strangers to iheHw md the pro;ni-*. Tbe 
proper pablicun, Bnwn genilemen of we Jtb and rank, would hare been marb surprised to find ihem- 
■elves in tbe company in wbirh the others generally appear ; from whom, indeed, tbey differed as much 
•i a eonmisBioner of excise from a common ganger. 

What circumstances rendered the Roman govemore rapacioos ? — How does Cicero describe its effects ? 
—How did the officers and servants of the aovemors enr ch tbetuselves ? — What does Livy say of tbe 
publicans : — What was their rank ? — Who were tbe ediles ? — !iow did they defray a jNirt of tbe cuet of 
Ikeir sbows ? — How did the Roman merchants and mcHiey lenders oppress tbe provinces .' 



318 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



governor, and trusted more to favour 
than to justice in their disputes with the 
native inhabitants. The money lenders 
in particular took advantage of the dis- 
tresses into which the cities were plunged 
to make loans at the most exorbitant 
interest, giving little attention to the 
question of securities or ability to pay. 
On these points, instead of exercising an 
ordinary prudence, they too often con- 
fided in their influence with the go- 
vernor, that he would support them in 
the most violent measures for the reco- 
very of their dues. It was common to 
give them commands in the province, 
expressly with the view of enabling them 
to employ their official authority in en- 
forcing the satisfaction of their private 
claims. Of the length to which this 
abuse might be earned we have a 
scandalous instance in the case of one 
Scaptius, who having a heavy claim 
upon the city of Salamis, in Cyprus, 
for a loan bearing interest at 48 per 
cent., obtained from Cicero's predeces- 
sor in Cilicia a command in the island, 
and a troop of horse to be at his dis- 
posal, with which he shut up the coun- 
cil in their hall till five of them were 
starved to death. 

Another instance of the tyranny exer- 
cised over the unfortunate provincials 
is, that they were not only deterred from 
transmitting complaints to Rome, but 
fi*equently compelled to send deputa- 
tions, at a vast expense, to bear witness 
to the moderation of their plunderers, 
and the benevolence of their oppressors. 
However shamefully a proconsul may 
have misconducted himself, when he 
quitted his government it seldom hap- 
pened but that he was followed by flat- 
tering embassies. It was thus even 
with C. Ven*es, propraetor of Sicily, 
against whose unexampled atrocities the 
voice of the province was lifted almost 
unanimously, as soon as the people had 
an opportunity of safely ventmg their 
real sentiments. 

Having specified some of the evils of 
Roman dominion, we have now to look 
for the countervailing advantages, such 
as they were. When the conquered 
nations were poor and rude, these ad- 
vantages were great, though even then 
apparently insufficient to outweigh the 
degrading effects of their subjection. 



They here comprised the introduction 
of better laws, more polished manners, 
greater mental culture, and altogether of 
a more advanced civilisation ; the esta- 
blishment of peace and order, at least 
to some degree; the increase of riches; 
the erection of noble works for public 
utility and magnificence. But few of 
these benefits could be needed by 
Greece, or by those countries which had 
felt the influence of Grecian civilisa- 
tion. In intellectual culture, in useful 
arts and elegant accomplishments, the 
Greeks were not the scholars but the 
masters of the Romans. In politics 
and jurisprudence they may have been, 
to a certain degree, inferior to them, 
but assuredly not so far as to need that 
their errors should be set right by the 
arbitrary interference of a foreign gover- 
nor. With respect to the magnificence 
displayed in public works, there is no 
doubt that many Grecian cities were 
largely benefited in this manner by the 
favour of the emperors; but the sums 
thus spent in adorning particular places 
bore but a small proportion to those 
which were drawn from all the cities of 
the provinces; and when we consider 
the taste, the love of splendour, and the 
public spirit of the Grecian race in 
general, there can be little doubt, that 
if the people had been left to develope 
and employ their own resources without 
constraint, the aggregate of beauty and 
convenience produced would have been 
far greater than that which resulted 
fi'om the partial bounty of the distant 
sovereign. 

Degradation, impoverishment, and gradual 
depopulation of Greece. 

It appears that the benefits of Roman 
rule over Grecian cities are chiefiy to be 
looked for in protection against foreign 
war and civil broils. There were draw- 
backs, however, even to these advan- 
tages. For the fierce debates in the 
popular assemblies, and bloody strug- 
gles which sometimes ensued, there was 
often substituted a war of slander and 
underhand intrigue. Power and riches 
were to be gained by the favour of the 
proconsul : that favour was to be court- 
ed by flattery and corrupt subserviency, 
and to be maintained in its exclusive- 
ness by defamation of rivals ; and thus 



How did Scaptius abuse his power at Salamis .' — For what were the provincials compelled to send 
embassies to Kome? — Give an instance? — What were the advantages of the Roman dominion ? — Were 
they needed by the Greeks? — Who were the teachers of the Romans in literature and the arts? — Would 
the public Works of the Greeks have prospered as well in their own hands as in those of the Romans ? 

What were the chief benefits of the Roman rule over the Grecian cities? — What were the drawback! 
to these advantages ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



319 



calumny, falsehood, and all baseness, suc- 
ceeded, if not to virtues, at least to vices 
of a manlier cast, and less irretrievably 
degrading. The acute and versatile 
genius of the nation enabled them, as 
they had led the way in all more gene- 
rous arts, to be also preeminent in de- 
vising the most ingenious methods of 
self-debasement. At once depraved and 
impoverished by the manner of their 
government, they threw out swarms of 
adventurers to seek their fortunes as 
buffoons, as parasites, as ready tools in 
every mean and contemptible service. 
For this they are severely lashed by the 
Roman satirists: though really, in the 
time of Juvenal, the Romans appear to 
have been but little less servile, however 
their inferiority in suppleness and quick- 
ness of perception may have made their 
adulation less successful. 

Even in respect of outward tranquil- 
lity, the sway of Rome was not pro- 
ductive of unmixed advantage to the 
Grecian cities. They were, after the 
defeat of Mithridates, effectually secured 
against attack from any foreign enemy 
of overwhelming power ; but the}'^ seem 
to have been more exposed to the at- 
tacks of robbers and pirates than while 
they trusted for their defence to their 
own energy and warlike spirit. The 
protecting force was then on the spot, 
and prompt and vigorous action was en- 
sured by personal interest and danger. 
But the troops of the Roman governor 
might be distant, or might be employed 
against enemies from whom he expected 
more of profit and of glory ; and before 
they could be brought to the spot, the 
plunderers might be safe in their in- 
accessible fastnesses. If the govenior 
foiled in his duty, the cities were too 
much reduced in strength and spirit to 
be able to supply his deficiency. Ac- 
cordingly, the trade of robbery seems to 
have prospered to a vast extent under 
the Roman government. In the rich 
and populous Sicily, where Syracuse 
and Acragas had defied attack from any 
force inferior to that of the mighty Car- 
thage, it was one of the charges against 
Verres, that piratical fleets had infested 
the seas unopposed, and that the fleet 
of the propraetor had not ventured to 
face them. For the state of Asia, we 
may again refer to the praises bestowed 
by Cicero upon his brother. "You 
restored many cities ruined and almost 



abandoned, among which were the no- 
blest respectively of Ionia and Caria, 
namely, Samos and Halicarnassus : you 
quelled the robberies in Mysia, put a 
stop to murder in many places, esta- 
bhshed peace throughout the province ; 
and not only did you repress the rob- 
beries in the fields and highways, 
but also the greater and more nu- 
merous depredations in the towns and 
temples." 

The evils here described were occa- 
sionally Ughtened by the prudence and 
humanity of a particular governor ; nor 
is it to be supposed, even under the 
worst administration, that human life 
was one unmingled tissue of wretched- 
ness and guilt. There is eating and 
drinking, and marrying, and giving in 
man'iage, in the worst times as in the 
best; and there are certain pleasures, 
pains, affections, and sensibilities, so 
closely inwoven in man's nature, that 
they never can be utterly severed from 
it. The strongest features are those 
which give their character to the pic- 
ture. As in the brightest ages of a 
commonwealth there is much of hidden 
selfishness and dishonesty, both pubhc 
and private, which escapes the eye of 
the historian ; so in periods apparently 
teeming with nothing but tyranny, de- 
ceit, and shameless licentiousness, there 
may be many instances of humble in- 
tegrity and contented industry in nooks \ 
and corners, far below the surface of 
society, condemned to obscurity by the 
veiy position which shekel's them from 
the tide-way of national corruption. So 
far however as the characters of men are 
determined by the government under 
which they live, we need not doubt that 
the Roman conquest was most perni- 
cious to that of the Greeks; nor that, 
even though we exclude the positive 
oppression and spoliation they so often 
suffered, the stagnation of energy result- 
ing from their servitude was more de- 
structive both to virtue and to happiness 
than all the storms of their turbulent 
independence. 

That this was so in Greece is proved 
by its progressive depopulation. The 
rate of increase is not a measure of 
national prosperity. In every fully- 
peopled country it must necessarily be 
slow, and it is . most desirable that it 
should be kept in check by habits of 
forethought. But in a happy and flou- 



Did the Romans always protect their provinces from robbers ? — What was one of the charges against 
Verres ? — For what does Cicero praise his brother ? — Was the Roman conquest favourable to the character 
of the Greeks? 



S30 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



rishing community, the multiplication of 
the people, however gradual, must go 
forward. A continued decline of the 
numbei's of men is a proof of more rapid 
diminution in the means of their subsist- 
ence, and an index of long and painful 
struggles with want and wretchedness. 
Between the Persian wars and the death 
of Alexander, Mr. Clinton has inferred, 
from very careful investigation, that the 
average population of Greece was little 
less than that of Britain in 1821. Under 
the Roman dominion its state was very 
different. " Returning from Asia," says 
Servius Sulpicius, in his well-known 
letter of consolation to Cicero, upon the 
loss of his daughter, " as I sailed from 
iEgina towards Megara, I began to look 
out upon the regions round about. Be- 
hind me was ^gina, before me Megara ; 
Pejrseeus on the right hand, Corinth on 
the left ; all which towns, once so flourish- 
ing, now lay prostrate and ruined before 
my eyes." The towns of Laconia in its 
flourishing state were nearly a hundred ; 
in the time of Augustus, Strabo tells 
us, they were thirty. The condition 
of Arcadia was not more flourishing. 
" Mantineia, and Orchomenus, and He- 
reea, and Cleitor, and Pheneus, and 
Stymphalus, and Maenalus, and Methy- 
drium, and Caphyse, and Cynsetha, either 
are no more, or exist but in ruins and 
faint traces." At the same time Thebes 
was a miserable village, and the other 
towns of Boeotia were little more, ex- 
cepting Tanagra and Thespise. 

In short, the effects of the Roman 
conquest upon the condition of the 
Greeks tallied exactly with those of a 
similar change upon the Italian cities of 
the middle ages; and they cannot be 
better described than in the eloquent 
language applied to the latter by an 
illustrious countiyman of ours, Algernon 
Sidney. "Whilst Italy was inhabited 
by nations governing themselves by 
their own will, they fell sometimes into 
domestic seditions, and had frequent 
wars with their neighbours. When 
they were free they loved their country, 
and were always ready to fight in its 
defence. , Such as succeeded well, in- 
creased in vigour and power ; and even 
those that were the most unfortunate in 
one age, found means to repair their 
greatest losses if their government con- 
tinued. Whilst they had a propriety in 



their goods, they would not suffer their 
country to be invaded, since they could 
have none if it were lost. This gave 
occasion to wars and tumults; but it 
sharpened their courage, kept up a good 
discipline, and the nations that were 
most exercised by them, always in- 
creased in power and number. They 
sometimes killed one another, but their 
enemies never got anything but bury- 
ing-places within their territories. All 
things are now brought into a very 
different method by the blessed govern- 
ments they are under. The fatherly care 
of the king of Spain, the pope, and other 
princes, has established peace anjong 
them. The thin half-starved inhabitants 
of walls supported by ivy, fear neither 
popular tumults, nor foreign alarms; 
and their sleep is only interrupted by 
hunger, the cries of their children, or 
the howling of wolves. Instead of many 
turbulent, contentious cities, they have 
a few scattered, silent cottages; and 
the fierceness of those nations is so 
tempered, that every rascally collector 
of taxes extorts, without fear, from 
eveiy man that which should be the 
nourishment of his family. The gover- 
nors, instead of wearying their subjects 
in wars, only seek, by perverted laws, 
coiTupt judges, false witnesses, and vexa- 
tious suits, to cheat them of their money 
and inheritance. This is the best part 
of their condition. Where these arts 
are used, there are men, and they have 
something to lose: but for the most part 
the lands lie waste, and they who were 
fonnerly troubled with the disorders in- 
cident to populous cities, now enjoy the 
quiet and peaceable estate of a wilder- 
ness. 

"Again, there is a way of killing 
worse than that of the sword ; for, as 
Tertullian says, upon a different occa- 
sion, prohibere nasci est occidere (to hin- 
der birth is to kill.) Those governments 
are in the highest degree guilty of blood 
which, by taking from men the means 
of living, bring some to perish through 
want, drive others out of the country, 
and generally dissuade men from mar- 
riage, by taking from them all ways of 
subsisting their familes. Notwithstand- 
ing all the seditions of Florence, the 
horrid factions of Guelphs and Ghibel- 
lins, Neri and Bianchi, nobles and com- 
mons, they continued populous, strong, 



Of what is the depopulation of a country generally a proof? — How great was the population of Greece 
between the Persian wars and the deaih of Alexander? — How does Fulpicius describe the country ? — 
Strabo ? — What towns were in ruins ? — With what are the effects of the Roman conquest compared ? — 
What was the condition of Italy while free ? — What was its condition after the extinction of freedom I 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



321 



and exceeding rich ; but in the space of 
less than a hundred and fifty years, the 
peaceable reign of the Medices is thought 
to have destroyed nine parts in ten of the 
people of that province. 3Iachiavel re- 
ports, that in that time Florence alone, 
with the Val d'^Amo, a small territory be- 
longing to that city, could, in a few hours, 
by the sound of a bell, bring together a 
hundred and thirty-five thousand well- 
armed men ; whereas now that city, with 
all the others in that pro\-ince, are brought 
to such despicable weakness, emptiness, 
poverty, and baseness, that they can 
neither resist the oppressions of their 
prince, nor defend him or themselves 
if they are assaulted by a foreign 
enemy. This is not the effect of war or 
pestilence: they enjoy a perfect peace, 
and suffer no other plague than the 
government they are under. But he 
who has thus cured them of disorders 
and tumults, does, in my opinion, de- 
serve no greater praise than a physician, 
who should boast there was not a sick 
person in a house committed to his 
care, when he had poisoned all that 
were in it." — Discourses concerning Gov- 
ernment, chap. II. sect. 26. 

Yet great as were the mischiefs 
springing from the triumphant ambition 
of Rome, it does not therefore follow 
that her conquests were, upon the whole, 
a thing to be lamented by the world. 
Our views of consequences is short and 
dim ; and when we see a might}^ scheme 
of action carried through at a vast ex- 
pense of blood and suffering, it is but 
reasonable to conclude, that some great 
end of a beneficent Providence must 
have been answered by it, or must be 
yet m progress, though we may be un- 
able to know that end, and to trace the 
steps that lead to its fulfihnent. The 
evils just described are natuml results 
of a successful attempt at universal con- 
quest — results which might have been, 
at least imperfectly, foreseen, and which 
now, with past experience to aid us, 
may be confidently foretold as likely to 
recur, if ever the like attempt shall be 
carried as far towards its completion. 
These therefore are the consequences 
upon which we are to reason in dedu- 
cing lessons of human conduct, and 
assigning to each actor in the story his 
proper meed of praise or blame ; and 



for this it is needless to search into the 
collateral purposes of absolute Avisdom, 
which may have been unwittingly car- 
ried forward by the oppressor, and 
opposed by the defender of his country. 
Nevertheless, in viewing the history of 
periods when the spirit of e\'il was ap- 
parently predominant, it is gratifying to 
see and comprehend, instead of darkly 
guessing, that these things were not 
suffered in vain. In the case now in 
question, adequate reasons are manifest. 
We cannot doubt that the successive 
conquests of Macedonia and Rome were 
the appointed, as they were the most 
effectual instruments, of preparing for 
the spread of the Christian revelation. 
A common language was furnished by 
the one, a common government esta- 
bhshed by the other; and, by the joint 
working of both, an easy and unrestrict- 
ed communication was ensured through 
the whole of the then ci\iHzed world. In 
one man's hfe the gospel was preached 
fi"om Syria to Spain ; though it seems 
to have been in Grecian Asia that 
churches arose most rapidly and in the 
greatest number. Thus the very revo- 
lution which poisoned the springs of 
happiness and virtue, so far ?is either 
depended on national institutions, local 
attachments, and ancient habits of think- 
ing and acting, was made the means of 
introducing a new morality, both loftier 
in principle, purer in practice, and more 
powerfully operative upon the actual dis- 
positions of men. 

SECTION II. 
Athens still preeminent as a seat of literature. 
Though Athens had lost all political 
importance, it was not the less, under the 
empire of Rome, the intellectual capital 
of the civilized world, the centre of art, 
philosophy, and literature. Whatever 
excellence was attained in these depart- 
ments by the Romans, may be traced, 
with few exceptions, to the influence of 
Grecian models. The Roman written 
drama was a copy of the Attic. The 
comic writers of the school of Aristo- 
phanes could not indeed be presented to 
a foreign audience, since their constant 
personal and political allusions, their alle- 
gories, their mythology, their burlesque 
extravagance of incident, were insepa- 
rably connected with the government 



What portion of the inhabitants of Florence was destroyed by the tyranny of the Medices ? — For what 
did the c.)n(]iiest9 of Macedonia and Rome prep.ire the world ? — Ho^v ? — How fir was the gospel preached 
in nne man's lif--? — Where did chiirdies most ripidiy iiicre;ise? — What did an unfavourable political rev- 
olutiiiii thus introduce? 

What uas the intellectual condition of Athens under the empire of Roraei' — Wbat writers furnished 
models for the Koinans ? 



41 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



and religion of ancient Athens. Their 
place was partly filled by the satirists, 
perhaps as a class the most successful, 
as they are certainly the most original 
of Roman writers. But the later come- 
dy, which painted domestic incidents and 
ordinary characters, was freely imitated 
by Plautus and more closely by Terence. 
Even the scene was generally laid in 
Athens, and the persons, manners, and 
dresses were Athenian. The Attic tra- 
gedies were rendered into Latin by Nae- 
vius, Attius, Pacuvius, and others; but 
less happily, if we are to judge from the 
scanty fragments that have been pre- 
served to us. We find the traces of 
Homer and of Theocritus in every page 
of Virgil's ^neid and Bucolics ; and in 
the Georgics, the most original as well 
as the most perfect of his compositions, 
the poet evidently had Hesiod in his eye, 
though here he has by far surpassed his 
master. Even the Roman metres, epic, 
lyric, dramatic, or whatever other, are 
all derived from Greece; though there 
is reason to think that the metrical 
system of ancient times, as it appeared 
in inscriptions and legendary ballads, 
was of a kind entirely different. 

We will now consider the effect pro- 
duced by intercourse with Greece on 
Roman eloquence and philosophy. The 
first may be quickly dismissed. In a 
state which is governed by deliberative 
assemblies, oratory will always flourish, 
and its style will be generally less deter- 
mined by any foreign models which the 
speaker may have studied, than by the 
temper, tastes, and habits of the people 
at large, or of the educated classes. 
From the Attic models, admirable as they 
are, the Roman orators probably gained 
less in persuasive effect than in grace and 
finish. But in philosophy the case is 
very different. The genius of the Ro- 
mans was by far more turned to war 
and politics than to abstract specula- 
tion. Before they had dealings with 
Greece they were utter strangers to phi- 
losophy, and when it was introduced, 
there were many zealots for old times, 
who foretold much evil that should arise 
fi-om it. Even in after years the height 
of their ambition was to comprehend, 
enforce, and explain the doctrine of 
some favourite Grecian teacher, and 
this in the Greek language more fi-e- 



quendy than in their own. An opinion 
became current that the Latin tongue 
was unfit for scientific discussions; 
though Cicero, in combating this pre- 
judice, went so far as to affirm that it 
was yet fitter for them than the Greek. 
Even he, for the most part, did not at- 
tempt to break new ground, or to enlarge 
the boundaries of science by his own 
inquiries ; but only to enrich his native 
speech with the doctrines and arguments 
of Grecian sages. Yet within these limits 
the study of philosophy came to be con- 
sidered as a highly becoming, if not as 
a necessary part of a liberal education ; 
and the Roman nobility were wont to 
send their sons to Athens, as to an uni- 
versity, to pass a year or two in hearing 
the most celebrated masters. 

State of philosophy. 
Athens, though the most celebrated 
seat of Grecian philosophy, was not its 
birth-place. A richer soil, a kindlier 
climate, a greater freedom from formid- 
able neigh boui-s, had caused the Grecian 
cities on the coast of Asia to outstrip the 
mother country in the career of cultiva- 
tion. The most ancient philosophers 
were chiefly from them, or from the Ital- 
ian colonies, which rivalled them in early 
prosperity. But the growth of science 
in Ionia was checked by the calamities 
attending the Persian conquest, as it was 
in Italy by the widely spreading ruin 
which fell on the Grecian settlements, 
from the war in which Sybaris was de- 
stroyed by Croton, and the bloody revo- 
lutions that followed. Meanwhile in 
Athens we have seen what a burst of 
mental activity was produced by the 
stirring events and glorious issue of the 
Persian wars, and by the rapid gi'owth 
of the commonwealth in power and glory. 
Foreign talent also became plentiful 
there. The imperial city was the natu- 
ral resort of those among its subjects, 
who aspired to display their powers on a 
larger stage than their own towns could 
furnish. Skilful artists of eveiy kind 
were drawn together by the public and 
private wealth of the state, and the lavish 
expenditure of both on objects of popular 
gratification. Rhetoricians and sophists 
flocked to the place where the arts of per- 
suasion were most valuable. Upon the 
whole, Athens acquired the fame, which 



Whom did Plautus imitate? — Who translated the Attic tragedies ? — Whom did Virgil imitate? — To- 
wards what was the genius of the Romans turned ? — From whom did they learn philosophy? — Whither 
were the Roman youth sent for a liberril education ? 

Whence came the most ancient philosophers? — What checked the growth of science in Ionia? — What 
excited mental activity in Athens ? — What sort of persons resorted chiefly to Athens to display their taJ- 
•Dts ?— What fame did Athens acquire ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



323 



it retained long after, of being the city 
where every talent and accompbshment 
might enjoy its most appropriate exercise, 
and receive its highest cultivation. 

If this preeminence had been wholly 
founded on the power and riches of the 
people, it would probably have sunk 
with these into decay. But the Athe- 
nians were singularly fitted by nature 
and habits for their literary supremacy. 
The idleness in which they generally 
lived, when not engaged in military 
duties, was hurtful to them as men and 
citizens, but far otherwise as critics. 
Their activity of mind would not let 
itself be quenched in sluggish indiffer- 
ence or stupid sensuality ; on the con- 
trary, when withdrawn from the busi- 
ness of life, it was weighing beauties 
and faults of composition, or keenly 
battlmg with wit and argument on some 
disputed topic. In their national as- 
semblies, Demosthenes complained that 
they were accurate judges of style and 
reasoning, but careless as to the matter 
under debate. In short, they were a 
people of literary idlers, eminently want- 
ing in practical wisdom, but no less 
remarkable for critical acuteness and 
severity of taste. In those gifts they 
probably surpassed all numerous com- 
munities, before or since : except indeed 
upon some points, where a better taste 
has been inspired by a more enlightened 
morality. 

The fame of Athens as a school of 
philosophy, was much promoted by the 
circumstance, that it was the birth-place 
of Socrates and Plato. The greatest 
earlier philosophers were commonly the 
founders of sects, each of which prevail- 
ed for the most part in some particular 
region, and thence received its name. 
Socrates founded no sect, and left be- 
hind him no written body of doctrines ; 
but he improved the spirit of philoso- 
phical investigation, and cleared from the 
path of truth the thorns and briars and 
tangled weeds, the intricate systems of 
former philosophers and the quibbles 
of the sophists. So great was the influ- 
ence of his character and abilities, that 
of the sects which sprung up in after 
times there were few which did not re- 
joice to trace their origin to him. The 



chief of the Socratic sects were also fol- 
lowers of Plato. Among these was Aris- 
totle, who both learned and taught at 
Athens, though a native of Stageirus 
in Thrace. Nearly all the leaders of the 
Academy and its branches were either 
Athenians or foreigners resident in 
Athens. 

The leading subject of inquiry among 
the Socratic sects was the nature of 
good and evil, of happiness and misery. 
Their various opinions on this point 
must here be noticed, both for its in- 
trinsic importance, and because it was 
that on which they chiefly split. We 
need not dwell on their physical or 
logical science. In the latter they fol- 
lowed the principles of Aristotle, of 
whose merits we have spoken already ; 
in the former their progress was hin- 
dered by the clog which hung upon 
natural philosophy till the age of Bacon 
and Galileo; the habit, namely, of at- 
tending solely to the process of deduc- 
tion, and slighting that of observation 
and experiment, which was needful to 
assure them that their premises were 
sound, and that no important qualifica- 
tion had been omitted. 

Peripatetics and old Academy. 
According to the Peripatetics and the 
old Academy, the highest good which 
man could enjoy was to live in entire 
conformity to the constitution of his 
nature, and in the possession of all 
things conducing thereunto. Of partic- 
ular good things they made a threefold 
division, as they belonged to the mind, 
the body, or the estate. The perfection 
of the mind was wisdom and virtue; 
that of the body, health, strength, and 
beauty, freedom from pain, acuteness of 
senses, and the like ; that of the estate, 
power, riches, good repute, and personal 
influence, in such a measure as to furnish 
scope and means for honourable action. 
But as the mind is far superior in dig- 
nity to the material instruments by 
which she works — as the body was 
formed by nature for her, not she for 
the body — so all outward advantages, 
natural or civil, are, they said, as no- 
thing, if compared with the transcendent 
worth of moral goodness. This alone 



What fitted the Athenians for literary supremacy? — What complaint did Demosthenes make of them? 
— Where were Socrates and Plato born?— Of what were the greatest earlier philosophers tlie founders? 
— Did Socrates found any sect?— Did many of the later sects trace tlieir origin to him ?— Of what other 

Shilosopher were the Socratic sects the followers ?— What was the leading subject of inquiry among the 
ocratic sect's ? 

Wliat was the doctrine of the Peripatetics and the old Academy?— How did they divido cood things?— 
What (lid they consider the perfection of mind ?— Of body ?— Of the estate ?— To which did they give the 
preference ? — Why i 



324 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



would ensure the well-being of man, 
without worldly prosperity or bodily ac- 
complishments : yet, if those were added 
to his portion, his well-being would be 
more complete. But if virtue were 
wanting, neither strength, nor beauty, 
nor power, nor success, could save the 
man from being utterly miserable ; for 
all these things were only good as being 
helpful to good deeds, but were worse 
than valueless, when made the instru- 
ments of vice. 

Pyrrkon and Ariston. — Stoics. 

Among the fii-st who quitted the Aca- 
demy were Pyrrhon and Ariston. They 
said that virtue was the only good, vice 
the only evil, and that all other things, 
such as health or sickness, pleasure or 
pain, were so utterly indifferent, that a 
wise man would not even have a choice 
between them. This, at least, was the 
doctrine of PyiThon, and that of Ariston 
differed but little from it. These tenets, 
how(;ver, were too violent and unnatural 
to h;ive many followers. 

Another secession was that of the 
Stoics, so called from a Greek word 
signifying a portico, the customy re- 
sort of Zenon, the founder, and Clean - 
thes and Chiysippus, his successors. 
Zenon, offended at the degree of im- 
portance allowed to outward things by 
the Academy, endeavoured to found his 
system on loftier principles, without run- 
ning into the extravagance of Pyrrhon. 
In this he was not altogether successful. 
His views appear, when broadly stated, 
to tally with those of the last-named phi- 
Icpopher; when guarded with all the 
necessary qualifications, to be substan- 
tially the same with those of the Aca- 
demy, but expressed in darker and less 
usual terms, and made the foundation 
of stranger conclusions. 

He said that virtue was the only good, 
and vice the only evil, and that nothing 
else was to be pursued or avoided by 
the wise. The virtuous man was self- 
sufficient, and absolutely blessed ; and 
not less blessed when expiring in tor- 
ments, though death should be the end 
of his being, than when raised to the 
summit of temporal felicity, and seeing 
all his works of beneficence prospering 
around him. All outward things were 
indifferent to him; they could neither 



increase nor lessen his happiness. Ne- 
vertheless, of these indifferent things, 
there were some which he would take, 
and others which he would reject. They 
were not indeed properly good or evil; 
but they were to be chosen, though not 
to be coveted, or refused, though not 
avoided. It is obvious that these are 
really identical with the minor good and 
evil things of the Academy, which are 
stated to possess substantial value, but 
yet of so inferior a kind, that the great- 
est amount of worldly prosperity could 
not to be weighed against a single point 
of moral worth or intellectual perfection. 

Zenon's principles, it seems, as far 
as action was concerned, differed Uttle 
from those of Speusippus and Xeno- 
crates ; but the different manner of set- 
ting them forth was not without effect 
on the feelings of his followers. Their 
rule obUged them, when no higher duty 
interfered, to exert themselves for their 
own temporal advantage, and that of 
their friends; it also required them, 
having done their endeavour, to be per- 
fectly careless as to the result. Success 
was to be chosen, but not to be coveted, 
since their moral character was uncon- 
cerned in it. Love, pity, sympathy with 
joy and grief, were forbidden as weak- 
nesses unworthy of a philosopher. Even 
the ruin of the commonwealth was a 
thing to be prevented, but not to be sor- 
rowed for. The human mind cannot be 
occupied forever with abstract contem- 
plation ; it must find some object to rest 
upon with interest, either in itself or in 
others; and little knowledge of mankind 
is required to perceive, that if Stoicism 
had gone to its utmost conceivable ex- 
tent in the breast of any individual, the 
affections it displaced would only have 
made room for the most enormous and 
intolerable pride. 

These are natural results firom the 
manner in which it pleased the Stoics 
to express their fundamental doctrines; 
there was another extravagance which 
seems uncalled for, even granting the 
truth of those doctrines in their broad- 
est form. Not only was the wise man 
completely happy in want, captivity, or 
tortures, but all who fell short in any 
degree of that self-sufficiency and im- 
passive perfection, all who retained the 
slightest shade of human affections, 



What was the doctrine of Pyrrhon and Ariston? — Had they many followers ? — Who were the Stoics?— 
Who was their founder? — What is said of him ? — What were his opinions ? — Whose principles did those 
of '/en .n resemhle? — What did their rule obi i ire them to do ?— What emotions did they forbid ? — What 
would he the effect of Stoicism carried to its utmost extent ? — What other extrava£;ance is found in their 
doctrineB ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



335 



were, in their eyes, entirely and equally 
misemble. Some might be nearer to 
perfection than others, and might better 
hope to attain it; but still, as long as 
they had not reached it, they were not 
less wretched. If the rule of absolute 
wisdom were transgressed, there was no 
distinction in guilt or misery; and a 
hope, a fear, a feeling of pity or soitow, 
was placed on a level with the murder 
of a father, or the overthrow of a state. 

The Stoics differed from the Academic 
philosophei-s in the style of their dis- 
coui"ses. The latter cultivated the gift 
of eloquence, as well as of close reason- 
mg. They thought that in setting forth 
the excellence of virtue it was necessary 
to bring it home to the imagination and 
affections, and not to be satisfied with 
forcing the understanding to assent to it 
as an abstract proposition. The Stoics, 
on the other hand, disdained to address 
themselves to aught but the pure and 
naked intellect, on which they worked 
by hard and diy, but subtle ai'guments, 
proceeding from arbitrary definitions. 
Herein it is obvious that they miscon- 
ceived the nature of ethical science, and 
adopted a method by no means the 
most conducive to the evidence, any 
more than to the practical influence, of 
the conclusions which they sought to 
establish. For moral investigations are 
not like those of geometr}', where the 
inquirer is only concerned with the con- 
sequences of his definitions ; but rather 
like those of physical science, where the 
most ingenious reasons are worthless, 
unless the facts on which they rest be 
fii-st ascertained. The primaiy facts on 
which those theories must rest, which 
uphold the intrinsic worth of virtue, in- 
dependently of consequences, are cer- 
tain inward feelings and convictions of 
the mind, alleged to be inherent in 
man's nature. Of these if any man be 
unconscious he cannot be moved by 
an argument which takes their exist- 
ence for granted; and the first step 
towards his convereion must necessarily 
be to open his inward eye to perceive 
them, by awakening the imagination 
and the benevolent emotions. The 
Stoics acted as if it were enough to 
prove that their conclusions followed 
from their definitions, without having 
made their hearers feel that any reality 



existed, of which their definitions were 
the accurate expression ; not consider- 
ing that, however just and logical the 
reasoning, if the premises appeared to 
be unmeaning and chimerical, the con- 
clusions could be nothing better. 

New Academy. — Arcesilas and Cameadet» 
Contemporary with Zenon, but young- 
er than he, was Arcesilas, the founder of 
what was called the new Academy. He 
professed to return to the principles of 
Socrates, who had been wont to say 
that he knew nothing. He had ever in 
his mouth the deceitfulness of the sen- 
ses, the strong delusions of fancy and 
prejudice, the endless multi|ilicity of 
human opinions, the undoubting confi- 
dence of opposing disputants. There 
was no mark by which a man could 
certainly distinguish between a right 
and an erroneous confidence ; nor any 
conviction so strong and clear, but that 
impressions as iiTesistible had been pro- 
duced in cases where they were palpably 
false. Among the novelties introduced 
by Zenon was the doctrine that a wise 
man would never form a mere opinion, 
or at all assent to that which he did not 
certainly know. This tenet evidently 
proceeded from the wish to save his 
wise man from every shade of error. 
Even in this view it is uimecessary. 
Opinion must be incident, even to per- 
fect wisdom, when at work upon mate- 
rials supplied by imperfect knowledge. 
It is, in fact, a judgment of |)robability, 
and if the probability be rightly esti- 
mated, the opmion cannot justly be con- 
sidered as an en*or, whatever be the 
event. Arcesilas, however, embraced 
the proposition to its full extent, but 
turned it to a different use from that 
intended by the Stoic ; for, having made 
out, as he conceived, that njan could 
have no certain knowledge, he argued 
that the perfection of wisdom was to 
keep clear of all opinions, and to pre- 
serve the mind as it were suspended 
upon every question. 

The rigour of his skepticism was some- 
what softened by Canieades, the second 
great prop of the new Academy, and a 
man ranked by many above the founder. 
He allowed his wise man to form opi- 
nions, and to receive some statements, 
after due consideration, as probable, 



How did the Stoics differ from ttie Academic philosophers ? — Why did the Academic philosophers culti- 
vate eloquenC'i ? — Why did the Stoics dislain it ? — Why were the Stoics wrong in this respect ? 

Who was the founder of the new Academy ? — What di I he profess ? — What did he teach .'—What opin- 
ion of Zen^m did he embrace ? — To what use did he turn it? — Who was Carneadea ? — How did be differ 
from Arcesilaa ? — Wbat did be allow i 



326 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



though not certain. This, he said, was 
enough for the guidance of life; and 
more was inconsistent with the fallibility 
of man. Many things were, therefore, 
to be received upon the credit of the 
senses, rcmembering, however, that no- 
thing was so distinctly perceived, as to 
make it impossible that a counterfeit 
should exist which could not be distin- 
guished from it. A wise man would 
follow eveiy probability, if there were 
no opposing probability to make him 
distrust it. "He is not carved from 
stone, or hewn from oak; he has a 
body, he has a mind ; he is influenced 
by reason, he is influenced by sense; 
so that many things seem true to him ; 
but yet they do not seem to have that 
distinctive mark of infallible perception, 
which could warrant his unqualified 
assent." — Cicero Academ. Qu(Bst. IV. 31. 
The philosophers of the new Academy 
were accustomed to argue in support of 
every proposition indifferently, with the 
view, as they professed, of discovering 
on which side the greater probability 
lay. It is no doubt the duty of a 
searcher for truth to give full weight 
to objections; to state the arguments 
against his own opinion with all the 
force which they seem to him, to pos- 
sess, and to attribute to those which he 
himself advances, no gi-eater cogency 
than he really thinks to belong to them. 
But this was not the sort of impartiality 
observed by the foUowei-s of Arcesilas. 
They would argue on either side, but in 
so doing, we have no reason to suppose 
that they were distinguished above others 
for a more scrupulous candour, or a more 
careful avoidance of over-statement. In 
philosophical discussions, even the spirit 
of a partisan is better than that of a pro- 
fessional advocate, or of a determined 
skeptic. It is said of Carneades, that his 
most intimate friends were unacquainted 
with his real opinions. This could scarce- 
ly have been, had he been an earnest lover 
of truth. It may have sprung from the 
fear that his authority might prevent 
his followers from exercising a proper 
freedom of inquiiy ; but more probably 
from a fondness for displaying his acute- 
ness, without regard to truth or falsehood ; 
or from a delight in increasing uncer- 
tainty, and multiplying occasions of tri- 
umph over men's credulity. The last 



is, perhaps, the most fatal error of a 
speculative mind. A skepticism aris- 
ing from humility and caution may de- 
serve to be enlightened; but a proud, 
a willing, a self-complacent skepticism, 
neither deserves illumination, nor is 
fitted to receive it. 

Cyrenaies and Epicureans. — Aristippus. — 
Epicurus. 

Arcesilas and Carneades were pitted 
against the Stoics, as the most vehe- 
ment upholders of certainty in know- 
ledge : the Cyrenaic and Epicurean phi- 
losophers were no less earnest against 
their doctrines concerning the sufficien- 
cy of virtue, and the nothingness of out- 
ward things. The former took their 
name fi'om Aristippus of Cyrene, a 
hearer of Socrates. Their most remark- 
able tenets were these; — that pleasure 
was the only good, and pain the only 
evil ; and that the only facts of which a 
man could be absolutely certain were 
his own internal sensations. Little is 
known of the manner in which they 
maintained and applied the latter pro- 
position, — the same on which Berkeley 
has founded that most refined and inge- 
nious train of reasoning, by which he 
endeavours to establish his ideal theory. 
Yet as far as our imperfect knowledge 
may enable us to judge, it seems to have 
implied far clearer conceptions than 
were usual in those times, as to the na- 
ture of the senses, and of their testi- 
mony respecting outward objects. Of 
the general dimness and confusion of 
views which prevailed thereupon, a sin- 
gle instance may suffice. Democritus 
had shown by mathematical reasoning 
that the sun was many times larger than 
the earth. This was seriously used as 
an argument to prove that the senses 
were not to be trusted ; for the sun, 
said the objectors, appears to us not 
more than a foot in diameter : as if the 
eye could form any judgment, right or 
wrong, of actual magnitude. Epicurus 
knew not how to vindicate the senses, 
except by asserting that the sun was no 
larger than it seemed. Aristippus might 
probably have answered that the eye 
had formed a faithful image, and from 
the apparent magnitude of this, the size 
of the object might be estimated, if its 
distance were known. The objectors 



What were the philosophers of the new Academy accustomed to do ? — Does the historian approve of 
this sort of sk<'pticism ? 

Who was the f miider of the Cyreniac sect of philosophers .' — What were their tenets ? — What argument 
did Democritus use against the evidence of the senses?— How did Epicurus reply to it? — What did Epi- 
curus teach ? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



had neglected the consideration of dis- 
tance, confounded the size of the object 
with that of the image, and measured 
the latter by an arbitrary and wholly in* 
apphcable scale of feet and inches. The 
fault was not in the eye, but in their 
manner of dealing with the evidence it 
furnished; the rashness of which was 
rebuked by every distant tree or other 
object, which they had seen to cross the 
sun on the horizon, and only darken a 
portion of his disk. 

That pleasure was the only good and 
pain the only evil, was not a tenet first 
advanced by Aristippus: it had been 
maintained by most of the sophists an- 
terior to Socrates or contemporary with 
him, and pushed by them, as has been 
stated, (p. 117) to the overthrowing of 
all moral obUgations. There seems no 
reason to beheve that the Cyrenaics 
proceeded to such lengths in licentious 
audacity ; but their ethics could hardly 
feil to be loose, considering the founda- 
tion on which they stood. This apphes 
m part to the Epicureans also, whose 
fundamental principle was in terms the 
same, though they explained it in such 
a manner as to make it comparatively 
harmless, at some expense, however, of 
consistency and clearness. 

Every animal, said Epicurus, fi'om 
the time when it is born, seeks pleasure 
and shrinks from pain: no arguments 
are needed to establish the principle 
that the one is to be desired and the 
other to be shunned, since Nature herself 
bears witness to it. But a fool looks 
only to the immediate effect of his ac- 
tions, a wise man to their remotest con- 
sequences. When these are considered, 
the paths of virtue will be found to be 
the pleasantest. Excessive indulgence 
in sensual delights is to be avoided as 
injurious to health and to peace of mind ; 
and labours are to be endured and dan- 
gers to be faced, if the objects be worth 
the inconvenience and hazard. The 
laws are to be obeyed, for transgression 
is perilous, and concealment uneasy and 
precarious; and even in cases unpro- 
vided for by law, an upright and bene- 
volent conduct is to be pursued, for 
good deeds make friends and bad ones 
enemies, and the benefits of general 
confidence and esteem, are greater than 
those which can be expected to arise 
from any particular act of fraud or 
oppression. 



in directing the conduct of a wise 
man under the ordinary trials of hfe, 
there is no doubt that rational self-love 
will generally concur with pure morality. 
Thus far the Epicureans were consistent 
and reasonable. But when pressed with 
harder instances of virtue, which, never- 
theless, they professed to admire and 
approve, they were often reduced to 
miserable shifts. A soldier volunteers 
on a perilous service, which is necessary 
to the safety of his country ; he does so, 
says Epicurus, for in its safety he knows 
that his own is contained. But what if 
the service were certain destruction, 
whereas in the ruin of his country he 
might possibly escape? what is to be 
said in the case of Leonidas at Thermo- 
pylae? Perhaps that death is not an 
evil. But men have been who have 
lived a life of trouble, discouragement, 
and obloquy, rather than countenance 
abuses by which they might have pro- 
fited in quiet, and without an accent of 
reproach. This is not an Epicurean 
virtue. On the contrary, the tendency 
of the system was to form an easy self- 
indulgent man, free from violent pas- 
sions, humane and upright according to 
the notions of his age and his society ; 
a placable enemy, a kind and service- 
able, but not a devoted fiiend ; in pub- 
lic life, a lover of peace, a hater of 
reform, a patron of expedients for put- 
ting off state difficulties to the next gen- 
eration; a time-server in troubled peri- 
ods, not only fi*om personal fears and 
interests, but from the desire to see the 
turmoil at an end, whatever party might 
be uppermost. 

Epicurus, more to his credit as a 
moralist than as a reasoner, was not 
content with this measure of goodness. 
He could not endure that his wise man 
should be placed on a lower pinnacle of 
moral elevation, or more subjected to 
the dominion of fortune, than the wise 
men of other philosophers. His boasts 
on this subject are not less wild than 
the wildest paradoxes of the Stoics, and 
are strangely contrasted with the senti- 
ments he uttered when upholding the 
sovereignty of pleasure. All good, he 
said, consisted solely in sensual grati- 
fications, all evil in bodily sufferings, 
apprehended, remembered, or felt: yet 
he delivered rules for entirely disregard- 
ing the severest bodily pangs, and main- 
tained that the wise man would be able 



What is the tendency of the Epicurean system ? — Was Epiounis content with this measure of goodness ? 
-For what did he deliver rules f 



328 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



to exclaim in the fire or on the rack, 
" All this is a mere nothing." This con- 
tradiction might possibly have been re- 
conciled by one who looked to a life 
beyond the grave, and hoped that a 
painful death might be a short rough 
passage into happiness and glory. But 
tills belief was entirely excluded by the 
system of Epicurus, nor was there any 
proposition which he more confidently 
affirmed, than that death was absolute 
extinction. 

All pleasures, according to the Epi- 
curean doctrine, relate more or less 
directly to the body : yet the joys of the 
mind are greater and more numerous 
than those arising immediately from 
sense, since the present moment only 
comes within the ken of the latter, while 
the former embraces also the past and 
the future. Hence, it follows that the 
proper regulation of the mind is the 
chief ingredient in happiness. He who 
places bliss in strong excitement, or in 
lively sensual enjoyments, must exist in 
perpetual craving and disquiet ; for nei- 
ther the nature of man, nor the consti- 
tution of outward things, allows such en- 
joyments to be constant. But he whose 
passions are controlled by wisdom and 
sobriety, may live in habitual serenity, 
and consequently in happiness ; for mere 
serenity of mind, undisturbed by pain or 
regi-et, is, as Epicurus asserted in op- 
position to the Cyrenaics, a pleasure, 
and one of the veiy highest order. Such 
a man will be free fi'om fear and anxiety, 
for he covets only what nature needs, 
which can seldom be difficult to pro- 
cure. His mind will be full of pleas- 
ing recollections; for it rests with our- 
selves to remember and to forget, and a 
wise man will cherish eveiy gratifying 
thought, and carefully banish all such 
as are irksome. His habits will be such 
as to make him little subject to bodily 
disease; yet if it come he will bear it 
patiently, remembering that the sharpest 
pains are short, and the longest light, and 
thinking on his past pleasures, the delight 
of which will fully suffice to give him 
solace. Thus, however situated, the life 
of a wise man will have more of pleasure 
than of pain : or if, by any strange and 
overwhelming calamity, the preponde- 
rance should be reversed, at least when 



Ufe has become an evil, he is able, and 
will be ready to quit it. 

Since Epicurus professed to ground 
the excellence of pleasure on the com- 
mon opinions and natural impulses of 
uninstructed men, it might have been 
expected that he would use the term in 
the sense which men in general attach 
to it. It will hardly be asserted that it 
is thus used, when absence of pain is 
said to be the greatest pleasure. That 
it lies in man's will what he will remem- 
ber and what he will forget, and that the 
sting of pain may be effectually blunted 
by the recollection of pleasures already 
enjoyed, are positions which every man's 
experience will immediately contradict. 
That sharp pains are short, and long 
ones tolerable, will serve the turn but 
little better. Short and long are rela- 
tive terms ; and by a man who stretches 
his views into eternity, a pain may well 
be said to be short which attends him 
from the cradle to the grave. But to 
one who only looks to a period of forty 
or of fourscore years, it is much tliat 
ten years of that should be embittered 
by the gout or the stone ; far more that 
the whole should be chequered with 
sufferings arising from hereditary dis- 
ease. Thus weak must be every at- 
tempt to ground the loftier and more 
difficult virtues on that part of man's 
nature which is common to him with 
the beasts that perish. The fair wea- 
ther sailor may equip himself tolerably 
fi'om the store-house of Epicurus ; but 
stronger tackle will then be needed, 
when the masts are bending and the 
cordage straining in the storm. 

Epicurus neglected logic, but attended 
much to physics, adopting in the main 
the atomic system of Democritus, but 
with some alterations, generally for the 
worse. He was ignorant of mathema- 
tical science, in which Democritus ex- 
celled ; and not only ignorant, but in- 
sensible of its value. He asserted, with 
Democritus, that all things were mate- 
rial, that matter was eternal, that there 
was no creating or directing Providence. 
There were gods, he said, eternally, 
infinitely, and unalterably happy, but 
placed apart from the world, and not 
disturbed in their happiness by any 
thought or care relating to it. Nothing 



Did he believe in a future state of existence? — V^hat sort of pleasures did he consider greatest and 
most numerous? — By what considerations did he endeavoiir to recommend and promote them ? — Is auch 
an attempt to ground the ioAier virtues on the senses likely to succeed ? — Vf'hat system of physics did 
Epicurus adopt? — What assartiuna did he make in accordance with Democritus? — What concerning tbc 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



329 



yraa to be hoped or feared from them, 
but yet it was fit to worship them, 
on account of the excellency of their 
nature. 

With many glaring inconsistencies; 
with an understanding not remarkable, 
as f«u* as we can judge, either for large- 
ness of grasp or for subtlety of discri- 
mination ; and often with a veiy blara- 
able looseness of reasoning and rashness 
of assertion ; Epicurus, nevertheless, 
became the idol of a numerous sect 
throughout the then civiUzed world, by 
whom he was held in reverence greater 
than was ever paid even to Plato or 
Aristotle, till the latter obtained a set 
of worshippers, not less devoted, in the 
schoolmen of the middle ages. This 
was not the effect of eloquent writing, 
for his style was plain and inelegant. 
Unfortunately, all his works are lost, so 
that we cannot tell how far the faults of 
the outline may have been compensated 
by the merits of the filling up; but it 
seems most likely that his leading excel- 
lences were strong practical good sense, 
displayed in observations on human life 
and conduct, and inexhaustible fertility 
in arguments and illustrations, such as 
might best brmg home to ordinary 
minds the pleasures and rewards of 
virtue. To these was added the in- 
fluence of prepossessing manners, and 
singularly amiable temper and charac- 
ter. Besides, his principles were invit- 
ing in themselves, both as they tasked 
the intellect .ind attention less highly 
than those of other philosophers, and 
also as they seemed to give a somewhat 
greater latitude in practice. Yet, if any 
one accused them of sanctioning licen- 
tiousness, a ready answer was furnished 
by the temperate and blameless lives of 
the founder and his friends. And, in- 
deed, if the rule of the sect was less 
rigorous than that of others, it seems 
however, in some points at least, to 
have been better obsei-ved. The Epicu- 
reans, as a body, were long remarkable 
for brotherly kindness towards each 
other: and if their discipline failed to 
nerve the mind to the sterner virtues, 
on the other hand it encouraged natural 
aflTection, instead of repressing it, and 
was free from the danger, which ever 
attended the affected severity of Stoicism, 



that, in attempting to make heroes, it 
might only make hard-hearted hypo- 
crites. 

Progress of Mathematics. — Thales. — Py- 
thagoras. 

Amidst these ethical and metaphysical 
discussions, the field of mathematical 
science did not He waste. In the time 
of Solon, Thales of Miletus had brought 
fi"om Egypt some impoitant truths in 
geometiy and astronomy. He made 
known many properties of triangles and 
circles; asserted the roundness of the 
earth ; explained the nature of echpses ; 
and actually foretold an eclipse of the 
sun. His discoveries were pursued by 
the Ionic philosophers, his disciples. Py- 
thagoras too, however devoted to ethics 
and theology, did not neglect mathema- 
tics or physics. He enlarged the bounds 
of geometry, and introduced the sciences 
of numbei-s and music, though his arith- 
metical speculations were perverted by 
dreams of mysterious virtue in certain 
numbers and combinations. Unfortu- 
nately, from his travels, which are said 
to have reached even to India, he 
brought back, with the learning of the 
Egyptians and Chaldseans, their fond- 
ness for mysteries and allegorical dis- 
guises. His opinions, and those of his 
followers, were often set down in verse 
and enigmatically worded, so that it is 
difficult to asceitain the real extent of 
their knowledge. They certainly made 
no mean advances in arithmetic and 
geometry. In applying these sciences 
to nature, they seem to have been less 
happy. Nevertheless, they lighted on 
some truths as to the system of the 
world, which their successors rejected; 
such as that the earth revolves round its 
axis, and both it and the planets round 
the sun. 

Plato and his followers. 
Mathematical studies were pursued 
by Plato and many of his followers in a 
spirit like that of the Pythagoreans. He 
himself is said to have invented the 
method of analysis, which ascertains 
the truth or falsehood of a proposition, 
by examining what will follow from the 
supposition that it is true. If we thus 
arrive at falsehood, the proposition must 



What degree of reputation did Epcurus acquire? — Are any of his works extant? — What was the moral 
character <»f Epiuru< and his fri-nds? — For whit were the Epicureans remarkable? 

What mathjinaticnl truths di I Thales of Mi'etiis teach ?— Pythagoras? — What important truths as to the 
qwte'n of the wol I did Pyth ignras ant! his follower-? discover? 

Of what was Plato the inventor? — What is observed of analysis ? 



42 



330 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



be fklse ; if at known truth, we presume 
it to be true ; and if so, by reversing the 
steps of the ai-gument, it may be formally 
demonstrated. As an instrument of 
discovery, it is plain, that analysis by 
far excels synthetical reasoning, or that 
which proceeds from known truths 
towards the thing to be proved; since, 
in the latter case, a way is to be found 
to one particular result, while, in the 
former, any result, if a known one, will 
answer the purpose. By this and other 
discoveries, among which were the 
leading properties of the three conic 
sections, the school of Plato much ad- 
vanced geometiy. Like the Pythago- 
reans, they were careless observers of 
nature, and bigoted to notions of sym- 
metry and numerical analogy ; but they 
maintained, against the juster guesses 
of the others, that the earth was at rest, 
and the sun, the planets, and the hea- 
venly sphere all revolved about it. 
They here agreed with Aristotle and his 
disciples, who seem, however, to have 
been better observers and reasoners on 
nature, though not equalling them in 
pure mathematics. 

Science flourishes at Alexandria. — Euclid. 
The most famous seat of mathema- 
tical science was the newly founded 
colony of Alexandria. The commercial 
greatness o£ the city concurred with the 
munificence of its princes in drawing 
thither men of learning who had their 
fortunes to seek. The first Ptolemy, 
the son of Lagus, spared no expense in 
tempting the most noted teachers to his 
court. There was plenty, security, and 
liberal treatment for those who were 
driven from their homes by want or fac- 
tion ; all sects were alike welcomed, and 
every question that divided the Athenian 
schools was discussed no less ably in 
the capital of Egypt. The work began 
by the founder of the dynasty was zea- 
lously pui-sued by Ptolemy Philadel- 
phus, his son, and princely establish- 
ments were formed to promote it. Under 
them arose the famous library at Alex- 
andria, by far the first* in the world, till 
It was unhappily burnt when the city 
was taken by the Arabs. They also 
established a college, which still sub- 



sisted under the Roman emperors, where 
learned men were maintained at the pub- 
lic cost in undisturbed devotion to science. 
Every study was here encouraged ; but 
those for which the Alexandrine school 
was most especially distinguished, besides 
mathematics, were criticism, philology 
and antiquities. 

Here flourished Euclid, the author of 
the well-known Elements of Geometry, 
a treatise yet unmatched in clearness, 
precision, and logical strictness of de- 
duction. Besides an*anging and con- 
secutively proving the fundamental 
truths of the science, he did much to 
enlarge its scope; though in this we 
cannot estimate his merit, not possessing 
the works that would most have shown 
it. His attention was chiefly turned to 
pure mathematics ; but others of the 
Alexandrine philosophers were success- 
ful cultivators of physical science, espe- 
cially of astronomy ; and they seem to 
have been the first who practically ac- 
knowledged the importance of accurate 
and extensive obsei'vation. 

Archimedes of Syracuse. 
Meantime there arose in Sicily a ma- 
thematician, who not only outstripped 
all his contemporaries, but went near to 
anticipate some of the discoveries which 
have done most honour to modern sci- 
ence. Archimedes of Syracuse extended 
the bounds of geometry in every direction, 
but especially where it treats of curvi- 
linear figures and solids. He made a 
near approximation to the proportion 
that the circumference of a circle bears 
to its diameter, and gave the fii*st ex- 
ample of exactly determining the area 
of a curve, by proving that of a para- 
bola equal to two-thirds of the cir- 
cumscribed parallelogram. He proved 
that the paraboloid is equal to half and 
the sphere to two-thirds of its con- 
taining cylinder, on the last of which 
discoveries he prided himself so much, 
that he directed the figures of a sphere 
and a cylinder to be sculptured on 
his tomb. If he was great as a geo- 
meter, he was to the full as eminent as 
a mechanician. Before his time me- 
chsmics and hydrostatics could hardly 
be deemed to exist as sciences ; he 



How did Plato and his scliool advance geometry ?— Wliat did they maintain concerning the earth ? 

Where was the most famous seat of mathematical science ?— What princes encouraged it ? — Who 
founded the Alexandrian library .' — What other institution did they establish ? — What great mathematician 
flourished there ? — What is observed of his work ? 

Who was the great mathematician and mechanician of Sicily ? — What mathematical truths did he 
discover? — What truths in mechanics? 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



331 



established both on sure grounds, and 
enriched them with valuable discoveries. 
He struck out the idea of a centre of 
gravity, and used it very ingeniously in 
determining the conditions of equili 
brium in solid bodies. He first laid 
down the principle that a body plunged 
in a fluid loses weight equal to that of 
the fluid it displaces; showed how to 
ascertain the specific gravities of sub- 
stances; and solved many curious prob- 
lems respecting the equilibrium of bodies 
in a fluid. 

He was no less distinguished as a 
practical mechanic, though many of his 
most admirable inventions perished with 
him, through a prejudice he had adopted 
fi-om the Pythagoreans and Platonists, 
who deemed it beneath the dignity of 
a philosopher to keep any record of 
such contrivances, or to treat them 
as aught but matters of recreation, 
in the intervals of his search for ab- 
stract truth. He is said to have sug- 
gested the power that is gained by the 
combination of movable pulleys. But 
his greatest triumph was the defence of 
Syracuse, when besieged in the second 
Punic war by the Roman general 
Marcellus. Superior force in the be- 
leaguering army, and eminent ability in 
the commander, were baffled merely by 
the genius of Archimedes. His skill 
disconcerted all the projects of the 
hostile engineers, while they were un- 
able to guard against his more formida- 
ble engines. If the Roman ships came 
near the walls, they were burnt, sunk, 
or disabled; if the soldiers advanced, 
they were transfixed with darts, or 
crushed with masses ; at last they abso- 
lutely refused to expose themselves to 
the terrible effect of the Syracusan 
missiles. It is said that the philoso- 
pher's optical science was called to aid, 
and that he actually burnt the enemy's 
ships, by so placing a number of mirrors 
as to throw the sun's rays into a focus 
upon them. That this is possible has 
been proved by modern experiments; 
that it actually took place is hard to 
believe, considering the extreme diffi- 
culty of adjustment, and the chance that 
the labour of hours might be frustrated 
by a change in the position of the ships. 
The fact is vouched by many writers. 



but discredited by the silence of Poly- 
bius. Thus much is certain, Marcellus 
was obliged to convert the siege into a 
blockade. The city was ultimately 
taken by surprise. Archimedes perished 
in the tumult of the storming, against 
the wish and order of the Roman leader. 

Eratosthenes and Apollonius. 

About this time Eratosthenes and 
Apollonius were flourishing in Alex- 
andria. The first was an eminent geo- 
meter and astronomer, a rhetorician, 
a poet, an antiquary, and the father 
of the common system of early chro- 
nology. He attempted to calculate 
the size of the earth, by observing the 
zenith distance of the sun at Alexandria 
at noon on Midsummer day, when up- 
right objects cast no shadow at Syene, 
which was nearly on the same meridian. 
He thus ascertained the difference of 
latitude, from which, the distance of the 
places being known, it was easy to 
compute the circumference of the globe, 
supposing the observations accurate. 
He left many valuable works, which 
are mostly lost, both in astronomy and 
in pure mathematics. In the latter, 
however, he was surpassed by Apol- 
lonius, who seems to have been justly 
considered as the first of ancient geo- 
meters, excepting Archimedes. We 
can partly estimate the merit of Apol- 
lonius by one of his chief works — the 
Treatise on Conic Sections, which is 
extant. 

From his death mathematics seem to 
have been nearly stationary, till the 
time of Diophantus, supposed the in- 
ventor of algebra, who lived about the 
fourth century of the Christian era. 

Hipparchus. — Ptolemy. 
Astronomy, meantime, was much ad- 
vanced by Hipparchus, and afterwards 
by Ptolemy, and a few words upon 
their labours shall conclude this sub- 
ject. They determined many important 
points with accuracy, before unknown ; 
made observations unwontedly exten- 
sive and precise ; and built on them 
hypotheses concerning the revolutions 
of the heavenly bodies, which accounted 
for all the greater irregularities, and 
gave the means of assigning their ap- 



What machines did he invent ' — What was his greatest triumph ? — WtaX optical instruments did be 
use ? — How was Syracuse taken ? — What was the fate of Archimedes? 

Who was Eratosthenes? — What discoveries did he make ? — Wlio excelled him in pure mathematics? 
— What work of Apollonius is extant ? — Who is the supposed inventor of algebra ? 



332 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



parent motions with no wide departure 
from the truth. 

Hipparchus (who flourished about 
B. C. 160) computed the length of the 
solar year more exactly than had yet 
been done, by comparing an observation 
he made of the moment when the sun 
came to the meridian, with one made by 
Aristarchus of Samos 145 years before. 
He came nearer than his predecessors 
to ascertain the comparative magnitudes 
of the sun, moon, and earth, by ob- 
serving the apparent diameters and 
horizontal parallaxes of the sun and 
moon, and the diameter of the earth's 
shadow when the moon was passing 
through it. To account for the irreg- 
ular apparent motion of the sun, he 
supposed it to revolve in an eccentric 
circle, or one where the earth was not 
in the centre; and he so adjusted his 
hypothesis, as to calculate solar tables 
from it with some approach to exact- 
ness. He made some steps towards 
a theory of the moon. He first cata- 
logued the stars; and, comparing his 
own with earlier observations of their 
positions, he discovered that change in 
the place of the equinoctial points, 



which we call the precession of the 
equinoxes. 

Tn the second century of the Christian 
era, Ptolemy took up the work. He 
made a fuller catalogue of the stars. 
He adopted Hipparchus's theory of the 
sun, and constructed one of the moon 
and the planets. The moon, he ima- 
gined, revolved in a circle, which he 
called its epicycle, round a centre which 
itself revolved in an eccentric circle 
round the earth ; while the eccentric 
itself had also a revolution, so as to 
change the position of the apsides 
(points nearest to and furthest from the 
earth.) His contrivances to account 
for the motions of the planets were of 
like nature, and in some of their details 
still more complex, but he certainly 
showed exceeding ingenuity in account- 
ing for appearances very difficult to 
bring under any general laws that sup- 
pose the earth the centre of the uni- 
verse ; and produced a system of astro- 
nomy sufficient at least for the more 
obvious practical uses of the science. 
His system continued to be generally 
received till within the last two hundred 
years. 



How did Hipparchus compute the length of the solar year? — How did he nearly ascertain the compar- 
ative magnitudes of the sua, moon and earth? — How did he account for the apparent irregular motion of 
the sun? — What other advances in astronomy did he make? — When did Ptolemy flourish? — What did 
he produce? — Till what period was his system generally received? 



PART SECOND. 

OF GREECE FROM ITS SUBJECTION TO ROME, TO ITS LIBERA- 
TION FROM THE TURKISH DOMINION. 



MODERN GREECE. 



CHAPTER I. 



OF MODERN GREECE TILL THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 



Greece under the Byzantine Emperors, 

The encoders. 

The Turks, 

Since the year A. C. 146, when Greece 
became a Roman province under the 
name of Achaia, the history of this coun- 
try has been more or less mixed and 
identified with that of its successive con- 
querors. While it remained a province 
of Rome, Greece was still the great 
school of philosophy and arts and the 
favourite resort of the learned. As such 
the country was distinguished by marks 
of favour from several of the successive 
emperors. Caesar rebuilt Corinth ; and 
Adrian restored some of the noble edifi- 
ces of Athens. 

Early after the first promulgation of 
Christianity, Greece became a participa- 
tor in its blessings, and soon after the 
days of the Apostles, Christianity became 
the national religion. It has undoubtedly 
served as a strong bond of union among 
the people ; and is one of the most effi- 
cient causes of the present existence of 
Greece as a nation. 

During the second and third centuries 
of the Christian era, Greece makes no 
figure in history ; although still the seat 
of arts and sciences. The division of the 
Roman empire into Eastern and Western 
and the removal of the seat of govern- 
ment to Constantinople gave additional 
consideration to the Patriarch, the kead 
of the Grecian Church, and enabled him 
afterwards to compete with the Pope for 



supremacy over the Christian world. 
The actual separation of the Greek and 
Romish churches did not take place, 
however, till 858. 

Alaric led his barbarians into Greece 
in the beginning of the fifth century, 
and spread murder and rapine through 
the country, destroying even the beauti- 
ful structures of Athens, which the Goths 
themselves had, on a former occasion, 
spared. 

From this period for several centuries 
the country figures only as a province 
of the Byzantine empire ; and though the 
splendour of Constantinople, during the 
time of its prosperity, might have reflected 
some lustre upon Greece, yet it gained 
scarcely any thing under the miserable 
emperors, who filled the throne, of which 
they were not worthy, for a long time 
previous to its fall, and who were most 
of them hurled from it by the hand of vi- 
olence. The Latins, the enemies of the 
Greek emperoi-s, seized on the Morea, 
and laid it waste ; the Sicilians and the 
Normans afterwards made themselves 
masters of part of the same peninsula; a 
Marquis of Montferrat succeeded to the 
government of its ancient republics, and 
an obscure gentlemjm of French origin, 
Guy de la Roche, became Duke of Athens, 
while the Messenians and Arcadians 
were condemned to become the serfs of 
a lord, who was not even acquainted with 
their language. The crusades, which 
commenced in the eleventh century, for 
a length of time affected Greece, particu- 
larly in some of its islands, on which sev- 
eral of the leaders in those mad enterpri- 
ses settled ; but it was not at all probable, 



How is Modern Greece divided ? — Of what was Greece the seat while it continued a Roman province? 
— Who favoured it? — When did it become a Christian country ? — What was the condition of Greece in 
the second and third centuries ? — When were the Greek and Roman churches separated ? — Of what ena- 
pire was Greece a province for several centuries? — Who were successively masters of the Morea? — Wlio 
became Duke of Athens ? — When did the crusades commence i 



336 



MODERN GREECE. 



that the semi-barbaroiivS custonis of the 
feudal system, which they brought with 
them, would confer any real benefit up- 
on the i)eople, or rekindle the torch of 
science, which was nearly extinguished. 
The same remarks will hold good with 
regard to the knights Templars, and the 
knights of St. John, who about the same 
time exercised an influence over some 
parts of this country ; the blind devotees 
themselves of a senseless and degrading 
superstition, they were not hkely to im- 
prove the mannei-s, or advance the real 
prosperity of those whom they governed ; 
and these falsely called Christian heroes 
of the middle ages only prepared the way, 
for the more desolating and despotic sway 
of the Turks. These barbarians subju- 
gated the country under Mahomet II. in 
453, reducing the inhabitants to the con- 
dition of rayahs or slaves ; but allowing 
them the exercise of their religion. 

dreece under the Venetians. 

Under the barbarous yoke of the M us- 
sulman power, Greece has continued with 
very short intermissions, until in modem 
times it has asserted its claims to indepen- 
dence. Towards the end of the seven- 
teenth century the Venetians invaded the 
country, took Athens, and extended their 
power over a great part of the continent 
and some of the islands ; but, republi- 
cans as they were, they treated in the 
most despotic manner the serfs of the 
Morea: still, as they wished to reahze 
some advantage from their conquest, 
they encouraged the people to pui-sue 
agriculture. It is to them that we owe 
the numerous plantations of olives, the 
remains of which are still found in the 
woods : some historians assure us, they 
contrived to manage this country so well, 
that they realized a revenue of 300,000 
crowns ; they rebuilt several ancient for- 
tresses, and were very anxious to keep 
a conquest which they judged necessary 
to secure their dominion in the Archi- 
pelago. 

But Venice experienced changes in her 
turn ; she lost one possession after anoth- 
er, and at last, at the beginning of the 
eighteenth century, the Morea was wrest- 
ed from her after the loss of Candia. 



Greece under the Turks. — Insurrection of 
1770. 

Again the Turks became masters of 
the peninsula, made the inhabitants feel 
the weight of their iron sceptre, and im- 
posed the karatch, or capitation tax, as a 
price at which they consented to spare 
the hves of the vanquished. The inter- 
ference of Christian powers, however, 
especially of Russia in the year 1770, on- 
ly tended to increase the miseries and 
aggravate the bondage of the unhappy 
Greeks. Peter the Great had, there is no 
doubt, laid the foundation of a plan for 
assisting them, and driving their oppres- 
sors out of Europe; and the empress 
Catharine, following up the views of her 
great predecessor, sent a fleet of twenty 
sail of the hne, towards the close of the 
year 1769, which took possession of sev 
eral islands, attacked the Turkish fleet, 
and finally succeeded in destroying it. 
The call to the Greeks on this occasion 
to arm themselves, and shake off* the 
yoke, was instantly obeyed, and an insur- 
rection took place throughout the Morea, 
and in many of the islands of the Archi- 
pelago. The Russian fleet, however, was 
recalled, and the poor Greeks abandon- 
ed to their fate. The Albanians ravaged 
the country in conjunction with the 
Turks, who carried off a great multitude 
of the inhabitants into slavery. It is 
confidently stated by Eton, in his Survey, 
that a deliberate proposal was made in 
the divan, to exterminate all the Christians 
in the Morea, innocent or guilty, of what- 
ever sex or age, and that this blood-thirety 
design was only stopped by the obsei*va- 
tion, that in case of a general massacre 
the Ottoman Porte would lose the benefit 
of the karatch or capitation tax, which 
they paid. The Albanians conducted 
themselves with so much cruelty, that at 
length the Turks were obliged to reduce 
them to a state of peace by force of arms. 
The brave Lambro, a native of Thebes, 
who had the courage to keep the sea 
against the power of the Turkish fleet, 
was proscribed, and compelled to wander 
from one country to another, as a mis- 
erable exile. Notwithstanding the dim- 
inution of the po[)ulation, and the in- 
creased distress which prevailed in the 



Had tliey any godd effect on Greece ? — When did Greece come under the Mahometan yoke ? 

When did the Venetians possess themselves of Greece? — What did they encourage ? — What culture 
did tliey introduce ? — \^■hat revenue are they said to have drawn from Greece? — When were the Vene- 
tians expelled from the country? 

Who succeeded the Venetians, as masters of Greece? — What design did Peter the Great, of Russia, 
entertain ? — What was done by the Rmpress Catharine in 1769? — Where did the Greeks rise in obedi- 
ence to her rail ? — What was the result? — Who aided the Turks in punishing this rebellion ? — Where is 
Albania?— What proposition was made in the Turkish divan? — Why was it not executed? — Who WM 
Lambro and what was his fate ? 



MODERN GREECE. 



337 



Morea, the karatch was estimated, in! 780, 
at 56,670 notes, from three to eleven pias- 
tres each, for the whole peninsula, with 
the exception of the Magne; and this 
large sum did not exempt them from the 
payment of the tenths, the customs, the 
taxes on wine, as well as the dues attach- 
ed to the ancient feudal lands. 'The 
rise of Ali Pacha,' says Mr. Blaquiere, 
* not long after the peace of Kaimardgi, 
rendered the situation of the Greeks more 
hopeless than ever; the enterprising and 
ferocious spirit of this chief had enabled 
him to extinguish the last remains of 
Christian freedom in Epirus, and his vi- 
cinity to the Morea gave him the power 
at all times of pouring in any number of 
those barbarous hordes, to whom it had 
recently been given up : and, in order to 
render such an operation still more easy, 
all the approaches and pgisses were occu- 
pied by Albanians devoted to his interests.' 

Attention to literature. 
Notwithstanding the persecutions 
which followed the fruitless struggle of 
the Greeks, in 1770, the spirit of the peo- 
ple was not yet broken, nor their anxiety 
to shake off the insupportable yoke, un- 
der which they groaned, at all diminished. 
For awliile, however, they applied them- 
selves to trade, and to the acquisition of 
useful knowledge, judging this the best 
mode of ultimately securing the object of 
their wishes. The French revolution, 
which took place in 1789, was very favor- 
able to their interests in this respect, by 
bringing them into relation with the more 
civilized western nations, and opening a 
wider field for their commercial specula- 
tions. No people ever manifested so 
much enthusiasm in the pui-suit of know- 
ledge as the Greeks have done for thirty 
years past, and a wonderful change has 
been the consequence. ' It is worthy of 
record,' adds Mr. Blaquiere, 'that not 
more than half a century has elapsed since 
there was but one possessor of a map 
among the Fanariot Greeks, who from 
their residence in the capital, and admis- 
sion to the highest poUtical employments, 
might have been considered much more 
enlightened than tlie rest of their coun- 



trymen. Yet, before the recent explo- 
sion, there was scarcely eui individual in 
this class, who had not experienced the 
benefit of a hberal education, while many 
were distinguished for their varied and 
extensive erudition; even the young la- 
dies of the Fanar joined the study of 
Homer and Thucydides to that of mod- 
em languages and music. There have 
been numerous examples, both at Con- 
stantinople and in other places, of youths 
denying themselves the necessaries of 
life, that they might be able to attend the 
schools.' In general the Turks did not 
oppose any impediments to this ardor, or 
to the progress of knowledge that was ma- 
king such rapid advances; though indi- 
vidual instances of ai'bitrary conduct were 
sometimes too frequent. It is said, for 
instance, that the Turkish commandant 
of Dara, a village in the Morea, happen- 
ing to pass the school, while pupils were 
taking their lessons, had the didascalos or 
master dragged out and bastinadoed, and 
it was then dangerous to complain. The 
most flourishing Greek academy, was that 
at Scio, attended by several hundreds of 
students, and fiimished with books, chem- 
ical apparatus, and astronomical instru- 
ments. The colleges of Joannina, Ath- 
ens, Bucharest, Aivali, and Cydonia, were 
also eminent ; but they were destroyed 
in the poUtical struggle. 

Origin of the Modem Greek Navy. 
Close to the eastern shore of the Pelo- 
ponnesus lie the islands or rather barren 
rocks of Hydra and Spezzia, and near 
Scio is situated that of Ipsara. Furnish- 
ed by nature with commodious havens, 
these islands afforded a refuge to some 
Albanian famihes, who were driven out 
of their own country by tyranny and 
want, and who, settling on them, built vil- 
lages, and applied themselves to fishing. 
By degrees a coasting trade was opened 
to them, and their commerce extended, 
till they were at length able to purchase 
the right of governing themselves, payipg 
a tribute, and annually furnishing the 
Porte with a number of sailors. Thus, 
at liberty to obey the dictates of their own 
active minds, they became some of the 



What was the value of the karatch in 1780 ? — What was the effect of Ali Pacha's rise to power, on 
the Greeks ? 

How did the Greeks now prepare themselves for the acquisition of freedom? — How did the French 
revolution aid them? — How is liie literary condition of the Fanariots half a century since described? — 
How immediately before the revolution? — Did the Turks oppose their improvement in literature?— 
What was the condition of Scio? — What Greek colleges are mentioned, as existing before the recent 
revolution ? 

Wh^-re are Hydra and Ppezzia? — Ipsara? — By whom were they settled ? — How did the settlers employ 
themselves ? — How did they purchase the privilege of governing themselves ? 



338 



MODERN GREECE. 



most hardy and skilful seamen of Europe, 
the number and size of their vessels in- 
creased, and they were soon the carriers 
of the productions of Russia and Asia to 
different ports in the Mediterranean. As 
they were much exposed on these voy- 
ages, especially to the attacks of the Bar- 
bary pirates, it was necessary to have 
their vessels armed, and the transition 
was easy to the formation of a fleet for 
warlike purposes. Their wealth increas- 
ed, and these islandei*s soon had little to 
wish for ; but they felt the political de- 
basement of their countrymen, and in the 
recent struggle they have more than once 
boldly attacked and put to flight the Turk- 
ish squadrons. 

Hopes of assistance from France disappoint- 
ed. — Rhigas. 

At the time of the expedition of the 
French into Egypt, the Greeks, strongly 
excited by the events of the war, which 
was thus approaching them, waited for 
them as liberators, with the firm resolu- 
tion of going to meet them and conquer- 
ing their liberty ; but again their hopes 
were disappointed, and the succours they 
expected from France were removed to 
a distance. The brave Rhigas, at once a 
poet and a warrior, and the author of the 
famous national air in imitation of the 
Marseillois, which is to this day the war- 
song of the Greek troops perished at Bel- 
grade by the hands of the oppressors of 
his country ; but his blood, and that of 
other less celebrated chiefs, only served 
to inflame the nation instead of discour- 
aging it. Having waited in vain, in the 
midst of the great events, which in seve- 
ral respects have changed the whole face 
of Europe in this century, the Greeks, ta- 
king counsel only of their despair, and in- 
dignant at living always as Helots on the 
ruins of Sparta and of Athens, when na- 
tions but of yesterday were recovering 
their rights and recognising their social 
relations, rose against their despotic and 
cruel masters. 

Insurrectum of the Servians.— Czemi George. 
Milosh. 

The first decided revolutionary move- 
ment in these later times took place in 



the year 1800, when the Servians, pro- 
voked by the cruelty of their oppressors 
the Turks, made a general insuiTection, 
which was headed by their famous chief 
Czemi George, who had served as a ser- 
geant in the Austrian service, and after- 
wards became a bandit chief. He was 
possessed of much energy of character 
and bravery ; but he was extremely de- 
spotic, and is said to have murdered his 
father, and caused one of his brothers to 
be hanged. Under him the Servians ob- 
tained several victories. He blockaded 
Belgrade; and, one of the gates being 
surrendered to him, he made his entry 
into the city, and slaughtered all the 
Turks that were found in it. At this time 
the affairs of the Porte were in great disor- 
der; it had but just teiTninated its war 
with France, and the eflforts, by which it 
had been endeavouring to reduce Passa- 
vend Oglon, pacha of Widden, had failed 
and ended in disgrace. At home the 
Janizaries were ever dissatisfied, and 
Roumelia was in a state of disturbance. 
The divan, however, exerted themselves 
to quell the Servians, and they were aid- 
ed by the Bosnians, in consequence of 
which many sanguinary combats took 
place. Relying, however, on the prom- 
ises of the Russians, and receiving pecu- 
niary succors from Ipsilanti, the hospo- 
darof Walachia, the insurgents continued 
the contest, taking refuge in the heights 
when their enemies were too powerful 
for them, and, when these were obliged 
to retire into winter-quarters, issuing 
fi-om their fastnesses and marking their 
progress through the surrounding coun- 
try, by spreading devastation in eveiy di- 
rection. In the meantime Russia openly 
declared against the Porte in 1807, and 
carried on the war until the year 1812, 
when the treaty of Bucharest was nego- 
tiated ; and though some eflbrts were 
made to obtain a concession in favour of 
their Servian allies, yet one difiiculty after 
another being stated by the Porte, a peace 
was at length concluded, as before, upon 
such terms as left the insurgents to their 
fate. The Turks in the summer of 
1813, sent Chourshid Pacha with nearly 
100,000 men, who overran the country, 
meeting with scarcely any resistance, and 



Of what nations did they acquire a carrying trade ?— Why were their ships armed .'—What part did 
they take in the Greek revolution ? 

From whom did the Greeks expect liberfy ? — How were they disappointed ? — Who was Rhigas?— 
Where did he perish ? — To what were the Greeks at length driven ? 

Who rose against the Turks in 1800?— Who headed the insurrection?— What was his character? — 
What place did he take ? — What was then the situation of the Porte ? — How was the war conducted ? — 
When did the Russians make peace with the Porte? — Who were left to their fate? — Whom did the 
Turks -send against them ? — With what force ? — How did he behave ? 



MODERN GREECE. 



339 



signalised his triumphs by treacherously 
executing many, and among the rest a 
number of persons who had returned to 
their homes, under a false promise of an 
amnesty. It was not long, however, be- 
fore the Servians took up arms again, and 
obtained some advantages over their en- 
emies, and the Porte, at length wearied 
out, sent a Greek bishop to conduct the 
negotiation. By the treaty then made, it 



was agreed, that Milosh, brother-in-law 
to Czerni George, a native, should be 
their prince, that the sum of £100,000 
should be paid yearly to the Turks, whose 
garrisons in the fortresses of the Danube 
were to be limited, and that the prince 
should maintain a few national forces, for 
the regulation of the internal policy ; stip- 
ulations decidedly evincing the real wet- 
ness of the Porte. 



CHAPTER II. 



THE REVOLUTION. 



7%e HeUBria. — Count Capo d'Istrias. — Death 
of Czerni George. 

The period that intervened between 
1815 and 1 820 was apparently tranquil : 
the Ottoman affairs seemed prosperous ; 
the sultan Mahmoud, by his vigorous mea- 
sures, maintained peace with his neigh- 
bours, quelled the spirit of the mutinous 
Janizaries, suppressed several revolts in 
the eastern part of the empire, drove the 
Wechabites from Mecca, and gave more 
weight to the imperial firmans, than they 
had heretofore possessed. But, under 
this appearance of tranquillity, all those 
projects were forming which have pro- 
duced the recent concussions. The 
Greeks soon became more open in their 
plots against their oppressor, and enter- 
tained some considerable hopes from the 
probable arrangements of the congress at 
Vienna: but that congress closed with- 
out effecting any result favourable to the 
liberties of Greece. This, however, did 
not damp the ardour of its friends, nor in- 
duce them to abandon the plans they had 
projected. About this time was formed 
the celebrated association of the Hetse- 
ria, the true object of which was the 
emancipation of Greece, though this de- 
sign was concealed under the show of 
distributing books and extending the ben- 
efits of education. Almost all the Greeks 
in Europe, and men of great note, repair- 
ed to St. Petersburgh where its head- 
quarters were fixed, imder pretence of 
commerce and other business, but really 
to obtain by means of Count Capo d'lstri- 
as, their countryman, some immediate or 
early support from Russia ; and, though 
he told them that at present nothing could 



be attempted openly in their behalf, he 
displayed much interest in their affairs, 
and generally dismissed them with a pres- 
ent from the emperor. In the mean- 
time Czerni George, who was then 
residing at Kiow, and Count Galati, a 
native of Corfu, who was a relation of the 
Russian secretary, having no hope of im- 
mediate aid from abroad, in the year 1817 
resolved upon a plan to begin the revo- 
lution, relying on their own resources for 
success. The former was suddenly to 
make his appearance in Servia, and thus 
creating a diversion of the Turks to that 
quarter, to aflTord Galati, Colotroni, and 
other patriots an opportunity of making 
an effort in the south. He set out in dis- 
guise on this eiTand, and had reached his 
destination in safety, when he was treach- 
erously assassinated by his relative and 
former fiiend Milosh, and his head sent 
to Constantinople. This event stopped, 
for the pi'esent, the progress of their 
scheme, and Galati retired to Bucharest, 
where he died soon afterwards, and the 
completion of his mission devolved upon 
other agents. 

Condition of Servia, 
The degree of independence enjoyed 
by Servia, was a source of disquietude to 
the sultan and the divan, and they seem- 
ed determined, if possible, to violate it. 
The fortified posts on the Danube were 
repaired, and well stocked with provisions 
and ammunition ; their garrisons, notwith- 
standing the" treaty of 1815, were increas- 
ed, and fresh troops called in from all 
sides, professedly to relieve their com- 
rades; but none returned. An attempt 



Who was finally sent to make peace ? — What were its terms? 

What projects were formed between 1815 and 1820 ?— What association was formed ?— What was its 
real object?— [ts professed object ?— Who repaired to St. Petersburgh ?— For what purpose?— How did 
Capo d'lstrias receive tlieiri ?— What plan did O.erni George and Galati resolve upon ? — Who set out to 
execute it ? — What was liis fate ? — Where did Galati die ? 

What preparations did the Turks make for reducing Servia? 



340 



MODERN GREECE. 



was also made to put Milosh out of the 
way, but he was too wary to be taken 
in the snare ; he sent deputies to Constan- 
tinople, and was taking measures for de- 
fending himself, when the attention of 
the Turks was called off from him by the 
insurrection, which broke out in the south. 

Operations of the HetceHsts. — AH Pacha. — 
Alexander Ipsilanti chosen generalissimo. 

It appears that the Hetaerists had not 
intended to commence their operations 
before 1825, leaving sufficient time for 
the arrangements they had to make ; but 
the rupture between Ali Pacha and the 
Porte, and the civil war that ensued, ren- 
dered it expedient to proceed to the exe- 
cution of their design much earlier. The 
Albanian tyrant had, until this period, 
kept the Greeks in awe ; but, the moment 
an attack upon himself seemed inevitable, 
he called upon them to arm in his de- 
fence ; the Porte did the same, and some 
of his best troops forsook him on this oc- 
casion ; he found opponents also in the 
peasants of Mount Pindus; and the Sou- 
liotes, iiis old enemies, were brought to 
the continent to act against him. The 
Porte, however, did not fulfil its promises 
to those who lent it their assistance, and 
the Greeks, in the disappointments they 
experienced, forgot the despotic acts of 
their former tyrant. Ali learned all these 
circumstances with great pleasure, and 
availed himself of them. By means of 
his money and his intrigue he soon 
brought over the chiefs who had deserted 
him, and even gained the Souliotes to his 
party by surrendering to them their strong 
holds, with all the treasures and ammu- 
nition contained in them ; so that Sou- 
liotes, mountaineers, and Klephtai were 
all soon engaged in harassing the Turks, 
and cutting off their communications. 
These again drew off the flower of their 
armed force from Livadia and the Pelo- 
ponnesus, and left the field open in those 
quarters for the efforts of the friends of 
freedom. A subscription immediately 
commenced, and a commander-in-chief 
was appointed ; the choice of the Hetae- 
rists fell on Alexander Ipsilanti, the son 
of a former governor of Walachia, who 
had retired and died at Kiow; young 



Ipsilanti was a major general in the 
Russian service, and was at that time 
aide-de-camp to the emperor. Prince 
Cantacuzene, another Russian general, 
of Greek extraction, also vohmteered, 
though of higher rank, to serve under the 
generalissimo ; and Michael Suzzo, hos- 
podar of Moldavia, engaged to join them 
on their reaching Yassy. A conspiracy 
was organized in the capital, and it was 
thought that on the news of the revolt the 
Servians would unite with the Greeks. 

Insurrection in Walachia under Vladimir esco. 
Some of the chiefs of the Araauts, or 
Albanians had been treated with, that 
they might furnish a body of forces to act 
under Ipsilanti ; but while the latter was 
making his arrangements and about to 
give the signal, another individual appear- 
ed, influenced by private and interested 
motives, to raise the standard in Wala- 
chia. This was an adventurer named 
Theodore Vladimiresco, who had differ- 
ed with the Boyards or nobles of his coun- 
try, on account of some claims he pretend- 
ed to have for money spent in the state ser- 
vice: but the divan would not judge the 
affair, till the new prince had arrived. He 
therefore entered the field against them, 
(January, 1821) at the head of 300 well- 
armed men. The divan resolved to call 
upon the pacha of the Danube for assist- 
ance ; but the entrance of these troops 
was opposed by the Russian consul ; and 
the Boyards upon this formed a body of 
Arnaut horse, Servians, Walachians and 
others, under the conduct of the aga, 
Nicolas Vacarisco. He had scarcely, how- 
ever, proceeded a day's jouraey, when it 
was intimated to him by the troops, that 
he need not go further, as it would be 
both useless and dangerous. Meetings 
of the divan were held daily, and more 
urgent representations made of the ne- 
cessity of calling in the Turks, as Vladim- 
iresco was rapidly approaching. In this 
situation of affairs, some news from the 
north gave the finishing stroke to the 
weak government of the divan. Vladi- 
miresco was not connected with the He- 
taerists; his only object was to enforce 
his private claims, and immediately on 
his arrival he put forth a declaration, 



Whom did they attempt to capture ? 

What events hastened the insurrection of the Greeks? — Did Ali Pacha invite them to join him against 
the Porte? — Whom did they favour? — Were they rewarded ? — Whom did they then favour? — How did 
Ali u;ain tli+! Soiilioles ? — Who were then engapred in harassing the Turks? — Whence did tl)e Turks with- 
draw their forces ? — Whom did the Hetsrists choose for their commander-in-chief? — Who was this Ipsi- 
lanti ?— What other cliiefs embraced the cause of freedom ? — Where was a conspiracy orfranized ? 

Wh it new chief now appeared on the staire ? — Whit was his motive? — Where did he raise tiie stand- 
ard of revolt ? — What chief headed the Arnauts, Servians &.c. against Vladimiresco ? — Why did he give 
up the design ? 



MODERN GREECE. 



341 



which soon brought Ipsilanti to Yassy at 
the head of 200 men. Surpinsed at this 
sudden appearance, the Moldavians were 
about to resist, but their minds were qui- 
eted by prince Suzzo, who pubhcly testi- 
fied his participation of Ipsilanti's meas- 
ures, and withdi'ew his allegiance from 
the Porte. On the 7th of March 1821 
prince Alexander addressed a spirited 
proclamation to his countrymen, calhng 
upon them to shake off the Turkish yoke, 
to follow the standard of the cross, and 
in conjunction A^ith him to attempt the 
Uberation of Greece. The Hetaerists 
wore a uniform entirely black, in token 
of mourning for their country, and a 
phoenix rising from its ashes was dehnea- 
ted on their banners, as a symbol of that 
regeneration they hoped to achieve. 

Insurrection in Moldavia continued. — Infa- 
mous conduct of Vladimir esco. — Ipsilanti 
denounced by the Czar. — Despair of the 
HetcBrists. — The Sacred Band. 

Tidings of these things soon reached 
Bucharest, and excited great consterna- 
tion ; the hopes of the divan appeared to 
rest on Brancovano, the Boyard, who 
possessed most influence in the country ; 
but in the midst of this anxiety he depart- 
ed one morning early with his family and 
effects for Transylvania. The Russian 
and Austrian consuls also left the town, 
and to hicrease the confusion and dis- 
tress, Vladimiresco's troops fell upon the 
fiigitives, and plundered and ill treated 
them without distinction ; the women 
even, some of them of high rank and 
beauty, were insulted. That chief him- 
self took possession of the city, and gave 
a loose to his disorderly forces to commit 
various excesses ; he seemed, indeed, bent 
on making war on his own account, and 
nothing but the influence of Douka, his 
lieutenant, who had entered into Ipsilan- 
ti's views, made him agree to the propo- 
sal of acting in conjunction against the 
common enemy. This was not the only 
mortification that the prince experienced ; 
he had expected the co-operation of Rus- 
sia, and the reception he had met with in 
Moldavia in a great measure was to be 
attributed to the expectations of this suc- 
cour ; but in the midst of these expecta- 
tions, and while the Russian ambassador 
was daily insulted in the capital, the Czar 
of Russia published a manifesto, treating 



the Greek leader as a rebel and incendi- 
ary. This turned the whole tide of pub- 
he opinion, and reduced the patriots to a 
state of mingled despair and rage. Prince 
Suzzo ceased to have any influence in 
Moldavia, and was obliged to leave the 
province : the plot laid in the capital was 
discovered and frustrated ; the Servians 
made no effoit, but a Greek emissary, 
who was sent among them, was discov- 
ered and hung by the Turks. The state 
of his own army too was most discoura- 
ging to Ipsilanti ; he wished to bring it 
into a state of discipline, and to arm it in 
the European manner; buttlie envy and 
intrigues of his heutenants defeated his 
intentions, and the soldiers were complete- 
ly unmanageable. There was only one 
corps on which he could place any reli- 
ance, a body of Greeks, who had been 
brought up in Europe, consisting chiefly 
of students and merchants' clerks, on 
whom, on account of their patriotism, he 
conferred the title of the Sacred Band, 
and who justly merited the distinction. 
In the beginning of April the Turks took 
the field, and, after a few skirmishes, cap- 
tured Galatz; the Greek garrison of 
which place, after making a brave but in- 
effectual resistance, were partly cut to 
pieces, and partly obliged to seek refuge 
in flight. The Turks carrying fire and 
sword wherever they came, and sparing 
neither age nor sex, entered Bucharest 
on the 10th, without meeting with any 
resistance. Women and children were 
indiscriminately butchered in this neigh- 
bourhood. In one monastery alone 300 
women and children were put to death ; 
and the Turkish soldiers are said by Mr. 
Blacquiere to have hung numbers of the 
latter by the feet on trees, along the pub- 
he roads. 

Treason and death of Vladimir esco. — Defeat 
of the Insurgents. — Loss oftheSacred Band. 
— Flight of Ipsilanti and dispersion of his 
forces. — Moldavia and Walachia reduced 
by the Turks. 

Vladimiresco, whose motives were al- 
together selfish, and who was envious of 
Ipsilanti's having the chief command, 
was tampered with by the Turks, and 
promised the dignity of hospodar, if he 
would give up his associates ; he there- 
fore refused to assist the prince, who 
wished to risk a battle in defence of Bu- 
charest. The city was consequendy 



Who joined Vladimiresco at Yaspy ? — Who quietrd the Mol'lav'ans? — What pniclaimtion did Ipsi- 
lanti issue in Marrh \&^l ? — What was tlie uniform of the ITeta-ri-ts ? — What device on tiieii .-^tanda d? 

What efft^ct h;id the tidings of the<e things in Hiicharest ? — How did Vlad'miresco and h's tmops be- 
have ? — What conrae was taken hv ihe enip'mr of Russia ?— What was its eff.ct f — What was th ■ state 
of fpsilanti's troops ? — Who rnmposed the i^acred Hand .-* — What places fell into the hundd of the Turk*? 

How did Vladimiresco behave ? — What had corrupted him ? 



343 



MODERN GREECE. 



abandoned, and a retreat to Tergonsto 
commenced : here, having aiTested the 
traitor, the prince had him tried, and on 
>his being condemned he was immediate- 
ly executed, and his troops united to those 
who served under Ipsilanti. This, how- 
ever, did not put a stop to the disaffec- 
tion and treason that prevailed among the 
officers. On the 17th of June 1821 a 
battle took place near Dragashan between 
Ipsilanti's forces and a Turkish division 
that had advanced against him ; for a long 
time the contest was obstinately main- 
tained, but treachery was at work; the 
infamous Kara\da fled with his Arnaut 
cavalry, and in his way threw the corps 
of Nicolas Ipsilanti, the prince's brother, 
into such disorder, that not all his efforts 
could rally his men. The troops were 
upon this seized with a panic, and, not- 
withstanding all that Alexander could do, 
recrossed the Oltau, and abandoned the 
Sacred Band to the enemy. These, im- 
bued with the spirit of their ancestors at 
Thermopylae, preferred a glorious death 
to flight or dishonour, and thus nearly 400 
Greek youths perished amidst slaughter- 
ed heaps of their enemies, who fell around 
them. The hopeless Ipsilanti, now pro- 
ceeded to Trieste to join his brother in 
the Morea ; but the Austrian cabinet ar- 
rested him, and shut him up in the castle 
of Mongatz in Hungary ; there he linger- 
ed several years and died soon after his 
release. After this the provinces submit- 
ted ; but two chiefs, of whom the brave 
Jordaki was one, betook themselves to 
a convent on the Pruth, where they made 
a desperate resistance. One of them 
died on his way to Constantinople, the 
other was beheaded. The heroic Anas- 
tasius, with his small body of 500 men, 
continued to keep his position near the 
river for three days, until half his soldiers 
were cut off; he then, with his brave 
companions, plunged into the river, and 
was received by the Russians on the 
other side. Not fewer than 4000 Turks 
perished on this occasion. 

Consequences of the revolt in Walachia and 
Moldavia. 

The news of the revolt in Moldavia 
produced in Constantinople the usual 
measures. All who were in any degree 



related to, or connected with the revolters 
were immediately massacred ; and it has 
been confidently said, that the divan re- 
solved on the complete destruction of the 
Greek people; orders were sent to the 
provinces to disarm all of them, and the 
consequence was, that massacres took 
place at Salonica, Adrianople, Smyrna, 
Aivali, Rhodes, Cyprus, Candia, anid in 
every place where any plunder was to 
be obtained. 

Insurrection in the Morea^ and the islands 
Massacre in Cyprus. 

Before this revolt the secret of the He- 
tserists had been confided to a few eccle- 
siastics, some of the primates, or muni- 
cipal magistrates, and a select number of 
the klephtai in the Morea. A set of 
emissaries had arisen, called apostles by 
their employers, who went every where, 
spreading reports, that the sultan had de- 
termined to transport all the Greeks into 
Asia; that prince Alexander, aided by 
Russia, was marching with a large force 
to Constantinople, and, the people 
greedily receiving their information, and 
engaging at once in the enterprise. The 
inhabitants of Sedena, a large village in 
the north of Arcadia, first took the field. 
The Turks, however, had taken the alarm 
and proceeded to Tripolitza to invite the 
Greek bishops and primates to a confer- 
ence, detaining in confinement those who 
were so incautious as to venture mto their 
power. A few were thus ensnared ; but 
the attempt to make the people deliver 
up their arms was less successful ; the 
governor of Patras, meeting with a deci- 
ded refusal from the Christian inhabitants 
of that place, fired upon the town fix)m 
the castle, and easily took possession of it ; 
but the next day Germanos, the archbish- 
op, made a descent from the mountains 
with nearly 4000 peasants of Achaia, and 
obliged him to take refuge again in the 
citadel. A rising immediately took place 
through ever}"^ part of the peninsula, (the 
Morea,) while the standard of indepen- 
dence was unfurled by the people of Hy- 
dra, Spezzia, and Ipsara, who vdth their 
numerous vessels began to cruise against 
the Turkish traders with the utmost celer- 
ity. Many richly laden vessels were ta- 
ken by them at first ; but, when the news 



How was he punished ?— Where did a battle take place (June 17th 1821) ?— What was the cause of the 
Greeks being defeated ? — What was the fate of the Sacred Band .'—What was the fate of Ipsilanti .'' — 
Of Jordaki .'—What was done by Anastasius .' — How many Turks fell in the battle of Dragashan ? 

Wh;it was done at Constantinople in consequence of the revolt of Moldavia.' — What orders were 
given .' — Where did massacre.s take place? 

What reports weie spread by the apostles .' — What was done by the Turks at Tripolitza? — At Patras r 
— rWhere did a rising take place.' — Where ia the Morea? — Hydra?— Spezzia? — Ipsara.' — What was done 
bf the Greeks at aea ? 



MODERN GREECE. 



343 



of the revolt was spread, no merchant- 
man would venture out into the Mediter- 
ranean. Samos and other islands declar- 
ed themselves free, and Lesbos, Rhodes, 
and Scio were kept in awe only by the 
Ottoman gai-risons. In Cyprus the intro- 
duction of 10,000 Syrians prevented the 
rising of the people, and 10,000 Christians 
perished here without any attempt to 
revolt. 

Insurrection at Calavrita and Calamata. — 
Battle of Lala. 

The Turks, astonished and affiighted, 
now betook themselves to their fortified 
places. The agas of Cala\Tita and Cala- 
mata were compelled to suiTender; in 
Ehs, the Mussulmans at Gastouni and 
Lala had sharp contests with the Greeks ; 
those in the latter place gave them much 
trouble, and nothing but the appearance 
of Count Metaxa, with a few pieces of 
cannon, could overcome them, and one 
of the best contested battles of the whole 
war took place on this spot. The Lahots 
were forced to retire from their town, 
which they set on fire, with the loss of 
300 men. Skirmishes occurred continu- 
ally, and, both by the one party and the 
other, a number of to wns and villages were 
burned, and of those that remain the 
greater part have been much injured four 
or five diflTerent times. The citadel of 
Patras at this time had nearly been ta- 
ken by the Greeks, but was reheved by 
Yusuff, pacha of Negro pont, who after- 
wards also raised the siege of Lala. 

Arrival of Chourshid Pacha in the Morea. 
Gallant action of Nikitas. 

About this time appeared, to aid the 
cause of the Christians, that hardy moun- 
tain race the Mainiotes. The whole pen- 
insula by the middle of May, with the 
exception of a few fortresses, was in the 
hands of the Greeks, and a new govern- 
ment was established consisting of arch- 
ons and bishops. In the meantime the 
seraskier Chourshid Pacha, who was 
blockading Ali Pacha in the citadel of 
Joannina, and cutting off his communi- 
cation with the Souliotes, dismissed what 
fbrces he could spare into Greece: 2000 
Albanian cavalry, with his kiayah or lieu- 



tenant at their head, landed at Patras, rail- 
ed the blockade of the acropolis, burnt 
Argos, and proceeded to Tripolitza, 
where he took the command, and began 
to make plundering excursions. In one 
of these excumons, Nicetas, or Nikitas, 
the bravest and most magnanimous of the 
Greek commanders, with only fifty sol- 
diers, fell in with nearly 3000 Turks, and 
three pieces of cannon ; he kept up such 
a spirited fire, that he repulsed the ene- 
my with great loss. Ali Bey, the second in 
command, was killed by a musket ball. 

Defeat of the Turks by Colocotrom. — Turk- 
ish fortresses in the Morea invested by the 
Greeks. 

On the 6th of June 1821, the Greeks, 
commanded by Colocotroni, assisted by 
Anagnostoras and the bey of Maina,were 
attacked by the kiayah. The infidels 
were so confident of victory, that they 
celebrated it beforehand by Albanian dan- 
ces ; but on the rocky and uneven ground 
on which they had to act, they were soon 
thrown into confusion, and the vigorous 
attack of the Mainiotes in flank, comple- 
ted the rout ; 200 of them, at least, were 
slain. After this the Turks did not take 
the field again, and the Greeks had only 
to watch the fortresses. Taking up their 
head-quarters before Tripolitza, they laid 
siege to Modon, Coron, and Malvasia; 
Navarin was invested by 2000 Pelopon- 
nesians and a band of lonians ; and a body 
of Achaians, with allies fi"om Cephalonia 
and Zante, blockaded Patras. The Ar- 
golidan militia blocked up Napoh di Ro- 
mania, and the Corinthians and Sicyoni^ 
ans besieged the Acrocorinthos. The 
vessels of Hydra and Spezzia, took charge 
of blocking up Napoli, with seven armed 
ships, her own pi-operty, and fitted out 
at her expense. 

War in the northern provinces and in Mace- 
donia. 

The insurrection in the northern prov- 
inces continued to gain ground. In 
Acamania and Elis there were very few 
Turkish troops, and in Phocis^ Attica, 
and Boeotia, the peasants assembled, bat 
nothing very worthy of notice occurred. 
Omer Vrioni, :i celebrated Albanian chief, 



-Who relieved Ptitiaa and Lala ? — 



What islands were kept in awe ? — What was done at Cyprus? 

What places were comijelled to surrender ? — What took pliice at Lala ?- 
Where is ralaviiia ?— Lala? — Piitras? 

Who now airpeareil tj aid the cause of the Christians ?— What fell into the hands of the Greeks? — 
What was done Uy Chourshid Pacha? — What exploit, of Nikitas is related? 

What event liap()eue(l on the sixth of June 1^1 ?— Where is Tripolitza ?— Modon ?— Coron?— Malvasia? 
— Navarin ?— Patras ?— Who invested these fortresses ?— By whom was Napoli blockaded ?— Who besieged 
the Acrocoriuthos ? 

In what northern provinces had the insurrection begun ? — Who came to the relief of the Turks in 
Athens ? 



344 



MODERN GREECE. 



marched to Atnens with 700 horse ; iare 
a few Turks were shut up, in great stjaits 
for provisions, and the Hydriots had land- 
ed a body of men with some ship-guns 
at the Piroeaus. Heaiing, however, of 
Omer's approacli, the Hydriots sailed 
away, and the Athenians took refuge in 
the mountains. In Macedonia the Greeks 
had, in the first instance, been rather 
successful, and had advanced as far as 
Salonica; but they pursued no, settled 
plan. Keing routed in a few skirmishes, 
they were seized with a panic, and fled 
to the treble peninsula of Cassandra, 
Torone, and Athos. The Greek inhab- 
itants, too, of Mount Pelion, were excited 
to take up arms, but they were soon over- 
powered by the Turks. 

The Fireships. 
At sea the Greeks were greatly supe- 
rior, keeping the Turkish ports and 
islands of the ^gean in complete block- 
ade. Two Turkish ships of the line, 
ho wever,and some vessels of smaller size, 
left the Hellespont about the end of May, 
and proceeded to Lesbos. The Greek fleet 
met with one of them of seventy-four 
guns which ran into the gulf of Adramiti, 
June 8, 1821 ; when the Greeks sent in 
two fireships, chained together, while the 
Mussulmans stood still on the deck, 
thinking they meant to board them, and 
mistaking some figures they had dressed 
up for men. In a few minutes the Turk- 
ish vessel was in flames ; and though the 
captain cut his cables, and let her drive 
to the shore, the crew took to the sea to 
save themselves, but were opposed to 
their attempts to land ; so that hardly one 
out of 800 escaped. The other part of 
the squadron now made for the Darda- 
nelles with all possible haste. 

Arrival of Prince Demetrius Ipsilanti in the 
Morea. — Surrender of Malvasia and Nav- 
arin. — Ipsilanti retires in disgust. — h in- 
duced to return. 

Early in June Demetrius Ipsilanti 
reached the island of Hydra. He bore a 
commission fi-om his brother, appointing 
him commander-in-chief of all the Greek 
forces, and was accompanied by Canta- 
cuzene and others. He was received 
with every demonstration of joy. Pro- 



ceeding to the Morea, he assumed, at 
Tripolitza, the command of the army. 
As soon, however, as the disastrous ter- 
mination of the campaign in the north 
was divulged, the ardour of his troops 
cooled, and the ephors, or primates, were 
deaf to all his propositions. Candiotti 
soon left the Morea, suspected of having 
appropriated part of the subscription 
money he had received. AflTendouli also, 
another partisan of Russia, went to Crete, 
and obtained the command of the inde- 
pendent forces ; but he was soon consid- 
ered as an impostor, and very nearly lost 
his life. Ipsilanti's wish was to organize 
a general and central government for all 
Greece ; and to put the army into a state 
of discipline. In these plans he met 
with much opposition ; the captains and 
ephors uniting to oppose him. The 
events, too, that attended the surrender of 
the two strong fortresses of Malvasia and 
Navarin in the month of August gave him 
still gi'eater disgust. The ganisons of 
both these places were reduced to a state 
of starvation, being obliged to eat their 
slippers ; and, in the case of the former, 
to feed on human flesh, eating their pris- 
oners, and even their own children. The 
one surrendered to Cantacuzene, and the 
other to Tipaldo, the Cephalonian, on the 
faith of being transported in Greek ves- 
sels to the coast of Natolia ; while, how- 
ever, these treaties were pending, the 
news arrived of the murder of the patri- 
arch, and of the Greek clergy, at Adrian- 
ople, and excited the troops to a pitch of 
fury ; a considerable number of the garri- 
sons were therefore sacrificed, and it was 
with great diflSculty, that the generals in- 
terposed to save any of them. Ipsilanti, 
indignant at these disorders, published 
a proclamation, severely reprehending 
them ; and resigning the command, re- 
tired to Leondari, until the alarmed pri- 
mates and captains sent a deputation to 
his retreat, eind prevailed on him to re- 
turn. 

Arrival of Mavrocordato in the Morea, 
Tripolitza taken by the Greeks. 

All eyes were fixed on Tripolitza, 
which was now in a state of close block- 
ade, and its fall daily expected. The 



With what force ?— What had been done by the Greeks in Macedonia ?— Whither were they driven ?— 
What was done by the Greeks of Mount Pelion ? — WJiere is Cassandra ? — Torone ? — Athos ? 

What success had tlie Greeks at sea?— Where is the Gulf of Adramiti ?— What exploit was performed 
by the Greek sailors here ? 

Who now took command of the Greeks? — Where were his head-quarters? — What news disheartened 
his followers ?— What, chiefs deserted the cause?— What were Ipsilanti's wishes? — Who opposed them? 
— VVhat places surrendered in Au^ist? — Wtiat outrages were perpetrated by the Greeks ? — What did 
Ipsilanti in consequence of these excesses ?— How was he induced to return ? 

What was the condition of Tripolitza? 



MODERN GREECE. 



345 



usual population was about 15,000 souls ; 
it is also computed, that the gannson, with 
all the Albanians of the Kiayah amounted 
to 8000 men ; there could not, therefore, 
have been fewer than 20,000 persons 
within the walls ; yet they allowed them- 
selves to be blockaded by 5000 undisci- 
plined and ill armed Greeks without 
artillery or cavalry. While the Turkish 
horse were in a state for service, the 
Greeks did not attempt anything in the 
plain ; but then* forage soon failed, and 
the only food they could get was vine 
leaves. Provisions were become very 
scarce ; and the Greeks had cut the pipes, 
and thus intercepted the supply of water. 
Ipsilanti, however, was impatient and 
felt anxious to begin a regular siege ; 
but he had neither proper ordinance nor 
engineers. Some cannon and mortal's 
had indeed been brought from Malvasia 
and Navarin, and were entrusted to the 
care of an Italian adventurer, but in the 
first essay he burst a mortar, and was dis- 
missed. Things were in this state, when 
prince 3Iavrocordato arrived, bringing 
with him some French and Italian 
officers. About the same time arrived 
Mr. Gordon, a Scotchman, who, sympa- 
thising with the condition of the Greeks, 
had loaded a vessel with cannon, arms and 
ammunition, and raised a few followers on 
whom he could rely. Ipsilanti now re- 
sumed his design of disciplining his troops, 
and Mr. Gordon, who had been an offi- 
cer in the late wars, assisted in forming 
companies. In the beginning of October 
the Turks began to make propositions for 
a capitulation, and the treaty was pro- 
ceeding, on the 5th, when an accidental 
circumstance rendered it of no avail, and 
hastened the catastrophe. Some Greek 
soldiers, having approached one of the 
gates, began to converse, and, as usual, 
to barter fruit with the sentinels. The 
Turks imprudently assisted them in 
mounting the wall, but no sooner had 
they gained the top than they threw down 
the infidels, opeutxl the gate, displayed 
the standard of the cross above it: im- 
mediately the Christians rushed from all 
quarters to the assault, and the disorder 
became geneml. The Turks immediate- 
ly opened a brisk fire of cannon and 
small shot ; but the gates were carried ; 



the walls scaled; and a desperate struggle 
was kept up in the streets and houses. 
Before the end of the day the contest was 
over and the citadel, which held out till 
the next evening, siUTendrred at discre- 
tion. xAbout 8000 Turks, it is said, 
perished, some thousands were made 
prisoners, and numbei's fled to the 
mountains. 

Victory of Odysseus at Thermopyla. — 
Insurrection in Eubcea. 

While these transactions were occur- 
ring at Tripolitza, four Turkish pachas 
proceeded in the mouth of August, 1822, 
from the frontiers of Tliessaly and Mace- 
donia to Zeitouiii, with the design of for- 
cing the sti-aits of Thermopylae, and in 
conjunction with the Ottoman troops, at 
Thebes and Athens, relieN-ins: the besieged 
fortresses in the Morea. The Greek 
leader Odysseus was stationed on a height 
above the defiles at a place called Fonta- 
na. They sent a body of 300 horse to 
reconnoiter his position, but this detach- 
ment was cut to pieces. The next day 
they attacked him \vitli their whole force ; 
at fii'st the Greeks ga\ e way, but a brave 
chief, named Gouraz made a stand, and 
rallied the fugitives. They returned to 
the charge, and the infidels were routed 
with the loss of 1200 men. One of the 
pachas was slain, and vast quantities of 
baggage and ammunition taken. This was 
on the 31st of August, and was a victory 
of immense importance to the cause. 
About the same time the bishop of 
Carystus raised an insurrection in Eubcea, 
and endeavoured to intercept the com- 
munication between Athens and that 
island. 

Operations of the Turkish Fleet. — Tripoli- 
tza abandoned, and reentered by Ipsilanti. 

The grand Ottoman fleet left the Dar- 
danelles on the 14th of August, it consist- 
ed of thiity sail ; four of them of the line, 
and one three-decked vessel. After an 
unsuccessful attempt on Samos, the com- 
mander, Kara Ali, the capitana bey, steer- 
ed his coui-se northward, the Greeks with 
109 vessels pursuing him, but only at- 
tempting to separate his fleet, attacking 
it with fireships. The Turks however, 
took care to avoid these machines, and 



How many Turks were besieged in it by 5000 Greeks ? — Who came to assist Ipsilanti in carrying on the 
■iege ? — Who aided him in disciplining the troops ? — Relate the circumstances of the taking of Tripolitza. 
— How many Turks were killed ? 

Who came to Zeitouni in AuL'ust ? — For what purpose ? — Who opposed them ? — Where ? — flow did he 
treat their refonnoiterins; [)ariy ? — What happened next day? — How many Turks fell? — Who raised an 
insurrection in Eubrca? 

Where are the Dardanelles ? — What fleet left this strait on the 14th of August ? — Where did they make 
an unsuccessful attempt ? — Which way did they then steer ? — Who pursued ? 



44 



346 



MODERN GREECE. 



kept in a close body, always sailing. After 
this Kara Ali proceeded to Peloponnesus, 
exciting a general consternation. From 
Modon the capitana proceeded to Pa- 
tras, where 3000 Achaians and lonians 
blockaded the place on the land side, and 
several light vessels cut off the sup- 
plies by sea. The latter, on the appearance 
of the fleet, fled, and either took shelter 
at Galaxidi, or ran agi-ound in the shal- 
lows of Messolonghi, where they were 
burned, by the Turkish boats. Having 
arrived in the roads, Kara Ali discharged 
his artillery upon the camp of the Greeks, 
and the garrison made a sally at the same 
time ; one post resisted, but the remainder 
of the besiegers fled to the mountains, 
leaving the few guns they had in the 
power of the Turks. This event led 
Ipsilajjli to abandon Tripolitza, for the 
purpose of renewing the blockade and ob- 
viating the consequences of this defeat. 
On the 30th of September, at daybreak, 
having learned that the forces of the sultan 
had landed at Vostizza, he marched to 
meet them, and, approaching the coast, 
took his station on an eminence. On the 
1st of October, at noon, tlie fleet steered to 
the northeast, and in the evening amved 
oflTGalixidi, a commercial town on the 
bay of Cyrrha, near the entrance, and 
immediately summoned it to suiTender. 
The Galaxidiotes answered the summons 
by firing on the boat that brought it. 
immediately the attack commenced, and 
the place was battered for two houi-s, till 
night came on, and at daybreak for two 
hours more, when a cloud of flame and 
black smoke announced but too plainly 
the issue. The inhabitants had fled to 
Salona in the mountains, after destroying 
their batteries and vessels. The wind 
changing to the east, the Turkish fleet 
now proceeded to Palras. Ipsilanti ad- 
vanced, summoning the garrison of the 
acropolis at Corinth on his way, and 
warning them by the fate of Tripolitza ; 
having stopped a day or two at Argos, 
and visited Napoli, he reached Tripolitza, 
on the 15th. The appearance of the 
town was most wretched ; the Mainiotes 
had carried everything off*, and the prince 
was assailed on all sides l)y complaints 
about the unequal distribution of the 
booty. 



National Assembly at Argos. — Fall oj Ckw 
Sandra. 

An assembly was now called to rneet 
at Argos for the purpose of organising a 
government, and the prince repaired 
thither to attend it ; while deputies in the 
meantime arrived from diflTerent parts to 
demand succours from the administration 
of the peninsula, and to report what was 
doing in their districts. In Macedonia 
the monks of Mount Athos, provoked by 
the violent proceedings of the Turks, 
were driven into revolt. The pacha of 
Salonica had summoned them to receive 
a Turkish garrison, and, without waiting 
for a reply, seized a number of servants 
who cuhivated their lands, and had them 
publicly executed. The monks, upon 
this, imprisoned the Turkish governor, 
and opened a communication with the 
forces at Potidea and Torone. The 
Turks sent expeditions twice against 
Cassandra, and were as often repulsed; 
in the latter attack the Christians sallied 
out and took nine pieces of heavy artil- 
lery. Being distressed for provisions they 
applied to the Pelopennesians for assist- 
ance; but, the new pacha of Salonica 
coming up with an overpowering force, 
Cassandra was taken by storm on the 
12th of November, and its garrison put to 
the sword. Mount Athos capitulated 
soon after. 

Revolt in Macedonia. — Fall of Patras, 
About the middle of October a depu- 
tation from Mount Olympus anived at 
Tri})olitza, bringing information that 
7000 Macedonians were ready to rise 
there, and requesting cannon, gunpow- 
der, and oflicers. Two mortars were 
sent to them, but they were no sooner 
landed, than the Turks seized them ; the 
insurrection, however, took place, and 
continued. In the Peloponnesus nothing 
vigorous was efl'ected except at Patras and 
Napoli. After the capitana bey had sup- 
pUed the fortresses on the coaSt,and added 
to his own fleet the squadron that had 
acted against Ah Pacha, he prepared to 
return to the Dardanelles. On this the 
siege of Patras was renewed; towards 
the end of the month it was carried by 
assault, and the garrison again retired 
into the citadel ; but, on the 15th of No- 



Whifher did Kara Ali proceed ? — Relate the events at Patras. — What did this induce Ipsilanti to do? 
— Whither did he march : — What transpired at Galixidi ? — Describe the march of Ipsilanti ? What 
was tlie condition of Tripolitza on his return? — Where is Corinth? — Which way from Argos? — From 
Tripolitza? 

What was the purpose of the assembly at Argos ? — What transpired in Macedonia ? —At Cassandra ? 

What iiif(irm;ition was received at Tripolitza from Macedonia ? — What supplies were sent and intercept- 
ed by the Turks ? — Did the insurrection take place ? — What siege was renewed on the departure of tbo 
Turkish admiral ?— Was the place taken ? 



MODERN GREECE. 



347 



vember, Yusuff Pacha, who had retired 
into the castle of the Morea, came up 
with 400 hoi-se and foot, unperceived by 
the Greeks, entered the gates, and com- 
menced an attack. The garrison of the 
citadel sallied out at the same time, and 
the Christians were routed. Mavrocor- 
dato and Caradja with difficulty reached 
a boat, which conveyed them to Messo- 
longhi ; their cannon, baggage, and 1500 
muskets were taken. 

Siege of Napoli. — Intrigues of the leaders. 
Ipsilanti wished at this time to hasten 
the siege of Napoli, and colonel Voutier, 
a French officer, had been making prep- 
arations, but they were greatly deficient 
in means for attacking so strong a place. 
A report was spread, that it was on the 
point of capitulating, and not less than 
12,000 peasants were attracted to share 
its spoils. Scaling ladders were provided, 
and on the 15th of December at night, 
arrangements having been made, the at- 
tack was commenced, but the assailants 
were co?npletely driven back. After this 
failure, the prince went to Argos, and 
held frequent meetings of deputies, until 
Ma^TOCordato arrived, when Ipsilanti's 
visitei-s immediately diminished, and a 
rivalship was e^^dent between these lead- 
ers. Ipsilanti, therefore, despairing of 
carrying his plans into eflfect, directed 
his attention to the war, and soon afi;er 
went to Corinth with Kiamel Bey, by 
whose influence it was hoped the surren- 
der of that place would be hastened; 
while, in order to carry on the siege of 
Napoli without interruption, it was de- 
termined that the congress should be re- 
moved to Epidaurus. 

Provisional government formed. — Indepen- 
dence declared. 

The assemblage of a congress has been 
regarded as a new and important era in 
the Greek Revolution ; the anxiety of 
the nation for the organising of a govern- 
ment was evident from the eagerness 
with which the people elected the depu- 
ties. By the middle of December not less 
than sixty had arrived, including the ec- 
clesiastics, land owners, merchants, and 



civilians, most of whom had been liberal- 
ly educated. They first named a com- 
mission to draw up a political code ; the 
rest were occupied in examining the gen- 
eral state of the nation, and laying plans 
for the next campaign. On the 27th of 
Januaiy, 1822, the independence of the 
country was proclaimed, and its code 
published amidst the joyful acclamations 
of the deputies, the army, and the peo 
pie. The government was for the pres- 
ent, styled 'provisional,' while the pro- 
mulgation of the constitution was accom- 
panied with an address, exhibiting the 
reasons for shaking ofiT the Turkish yoke. 
Five membei's of the congress were 
nominated as an executive, and prince 
Mavrocordato was appointed president. 
Ministei*s were appointed for the different 
departments of war, finance, ])ublic in- 
struction, of the interior, and police ; and 
a commission named of three individuals 
to superintend the naval afFaii-s. 

Corinth taken. — The army organised. 
In the meantime the siege of Corinth 
was vigorously pushed ; but so impreg- 
nable was this fortress, that every effort 
was made to induce the garrison, consist- 
ing of not more than 600 men, to suiTen- 
der. For this purpose Kiamel Bey, who 
had fled from Corinth, leaving his family 
there, was brought from Tripolitza, in 
the hope that he might use his influence 
with the gaiTison. He, however, proved 
treacherous, and thwarted the design. A 
new turn was then given to the opera- 
tions before Corinth by the arrival of 
Panouria, a popular chief of Salona, who 
persuaded the Albanian portion of the gar- 
rison to capitulate. On their leaving the 
place, the Turks declared themselves wil- 
ling to sun*ender, Aug. 1822, and it was 
stipulated that tliey should lay down their 
arms, and be transported by the Greeks to 
the coast of Asia Minor; but, before the last 
of these conditions could be fulfilled, the 
peasants, who had suffered much from 
the oppressions of Kiamel Bey, burst in- 
to the place and wreaked their vengeance 
on many of them. The new goverament 
signalized their liberality by a decree for 
the abolition of slavery, as well as the 



Who retook it ? — What Greek chiefs escaped ? 

Whit place was now unsuccessfully attacked by the Greeks ? — Whither did Ipsilanti then go?— Who 
was his rival there ? — Whither did he next go ? — M hither was the congress removed? — Which way from 
Ar«ros is Xapnli ? — Where is Epidaurus? {See Map of .Ancient Greece, S. Part.) • 

How many deputies had arrived at Epidaurus, to form a congress, by the middle of January 1822? 
— How did they occupy themselves r — \\ hen was independence declared? — What was the government 
Btyled? — Who composed the executive ? — Who was appointed president? — For what departmenij were 
ministers appointed ? — Who had chargp of the naval affiiirs ? 

What place was now vigorously besiegi d ? — >Vliat is said of Kitimel Bey? — Who persuaded the Al- 
banian part of the carrisoii to surrender? — \Vhat stipulations were made in favour of the Turks?— 
What happened before the conditions could be fulfilled? 



348 



MODERN GREECE. 



Bale of any Turkish prisoners, who 
might fall into their hands, prohibiting it 
under the severest penalties ; they also 
passed another edict for a compensation 
for militaiy services, and a provision for 
the widows and orphans of those who 
should fall in battle ; and a third regula- 
ting the internal administration of the 
provinces. The organisation of the army 
was also commenced ; a coi*ps called the 
fii-st regiment. of the line was formed and 
officered from the volunteers of different 
nations, and, as there were more of them 
than were requisite for this service, a sec- 
ond was formed of the remainder, w^hich 
took the name of PhilheUenes. Patras 
was blockaded again by 3000 men, and a 
smaller body under the French colonel 
Voutier was sent to Athens, to reduce the 
acropolis ; the forces before Napoh were 
augmented, and Modon and Coron close- 
ly invested by the ai'med peasantry 
around. 

Massacre at Scio. 
An event, the most terrific and atro- 
cious that history has ever recorded, 
marked the commencement of the second 
campaign : the destruction of Scio and its 
miserable inhabitants. The Sciots had 
taken no part in the movement of 1821. 
On the 23d of March 1822 a small squad- 
ron of Samians appearing off the coast 
furnished the aga mth a pretext for his 
oppressions, and he began by seizing for- 
ty of the elders and bishops ; who were 
immured as hostages for the good con- 
duct of the people. 'On the 23d of 
April 1822,' says Mr. Blaquiere ' a fleet 
of fifty sail including five of the line, 
anchored in the bay, and immediately 
began to bombard the to\vn, while sev- 
eral thousand troops were landed un- 
der the guns of the citadel, which also 
opened a heavy fire on the Greeks. It 
was in vain for the islanders to make any 
resistance: deserted by the Samians, 
most of whom embarked and sailed away 
when the Turkish fleet hove in sight, 
they were easily ovei-powered, and obli- 
ged to fly. From this moment, until the 
last direful act, Scio lately so great an ob- 
ject of admiration to strangers, presented 
one continued scene of horror and dis- 
may. Having massacred every soul, 



whether men, women, or children, whom 
they found in the town, the Turks first 
plundered and then set fire to it, and 
watched the flames until not a house was 
left, except those of the foreign consuls. 
Three days had, however, been suffered 
to pass, before the infidels ventured to 
penetrate into the interior of the island, 
and even then their excesses were con- 
fined to the low grounds. While some 
were occupied in plundering the villas 
of rich merchants and othei*s setting fire 
to the villages, the air was rent with the 
mingled groans of men, women, and chil- 
dren, who were falling under the swords 
and daggers of the infidels. The only 
exception made during the massacre was 
in favour of young women and boys, who 
were preserved to be afterwards sold as 
slaves. Many of the former, whose hus- 
bands had been butchered, were running 
to and fi'o, frantic, with torn garments and 
dishevelled hair, pressing their trembling 
infants to their breasts, and seeking death 
as a rehef from the still greater calamities 
that awaited them. Above 40,000 of 
both sexes had already either fallen vic- 
tirrjs to the sword, or been selected for 
sale in the bazaars, when it occured to 
the pacha, that no time should be lost in 
persuading those who had fled to the 
more inaccessible parts of the island to 
lay down their arms and submit. It be- 
ing imi)ossible to effect this by force, they 
had recourse to a favourite expedient with 
Mussulmans ; that of proclaiming an 
amnesty. In order that no doubt should 
be entertained of their sincerity, the for- 
eign consuls, more particularly those of 
England, France, and Austria, were cal- 
led upon to guaranty the promises of the 
Turks ; they accordingly went forth, and 
invited the unfortunate peasantry to give 
up their arms and return. Notwithstand- 
ing their long experience of Turkish per- 
fidy, the solemn pledge given by the 
consuls at length prevailed, and niany 
thousands, who might have successfully 
resisted until succom- arrived, were sacri- 
ficed: for no sooner did they descend 
from the heights, and give up their arms, 
than the infidels, totally unmindful of the 
proffered pardon, put them to death with- 
out mercy. The number of persons of 
every age and sex who became ' I e vic- 



What did the new Greek government forbid .'—What other regulations did they pass?— How was the 
army officered ? — Who composed the second regiment of the line .'—What force blockaded Patras .' — Who 
was sent to reduce the acropolis of Athens .' — Who besieged xModon and Coron .' 

Where is i^cio, the ancient Chios'? — Had the Sciots been concerned in the movement of 1821 .' — What 
was done by the Turkish Aga of Scio in .March 18>2 .'— \Vhen did the Turks attack ?cio.'— How .=— Who 
deserted the Sciots .'-What ensued .'—What was the fate of the town .' — Of its inhabitants .' — What was 
done in the country .'—How were the fugitive inhabitants decoyed from their hiding places in the inte- 
rior ? — Who guaranteed their safety ? — Hqw were they treated .' 



MODERN GREECE 



349 



tims of this perfidious act was estimated 
at 7000. ' After having devoted ten days 
to the work of slaughter, it was natural to 
suppose that the monsters who directed 
this frightful tragedy would have been in 
some degree satiated by the blood of so 
many innocent victims ; but it was when 
the excesses had begun to diminish, on 
the part of the soldiery, that fresh scenes 
of horror were exhibited on board the 
fleet, and in the citadel. In addition to 
the women and children embarked for 
the purpose of being conveyed to the 
markets of Constantinople and Smyrna, 
several hundreds of the natives were also 
seized, and among these, all the garden- 
ers of the island, who were supposed to 
know where the treasures of then* em- 
ployers had been concealed. There were 
no less than 500 of the persons thus col- 
lected hung on board the different ships ; 
when these executions commenced, they 
sei'ved as a signal to the commandant of 
the citadel, who immediately followed the 
example, by suspending the whole of the 
hostages, to the number of seventy-six, on 
gibbets erected for the occasion. With 
respect to the numbers who were either 
killed or consigned to slavery, during the 
three weeks that followed the arrival of 
the capitana pacha, there is no exaggera- 
tion in placing the former at 25,000 souls. 
It has been ascertained that above 30,000 
women and children were condemned 
to slavery, while the fate of those who 
escaped was scarcely less calamitous. 
Though many contrived to get off in open 
boats, or such other vessels as they could 
procure, thousands, who were unable to 
do so, wandered about the mountains, or 
concealed themselves in caves, without 
food or clothing for many days after the 
massacre had begun to subside on the 
plains. Among those who had availed 
themselves of the pretended amnesty, 
many families took refuge in the houses 
of the consuls, who were indeed bound 
by every tie of honour, and humanity, to 
afford them protection. It has, however, 
been asserted, upon authority which can- 
not well be doubted, that the wretched 
beings thus saved from Mussulman ven- 
geance, were obliged to pay large ransoms 



before they could leave the island. Nay 
more, numbers of those who escaped the 
massacre, affirm, that it was extremely 
difficult to obtain even temporary protec- 
tion under the Christian flags, without 
first gratifying the avaricious demands- 
of those who conceived this appalling 
event a legitimate object of mercantile 
speculation.' 

Gallant action of Colocotroni at Patras.— 
Aria captured and abandoned. 

At the commencement of the campaign 
Colocotroni with 300 men was despatched 
to Patras, where a part of the Turkish fleet 
had landed a great body of men in the 
latter end of February. On his approach 
the Turks went to meet him with almost 
all their force. Colocotroni, not consid- 
ering himself strong enough for them, 
retreated to the mountains ; but suddenly 
stopped, addressed his men, and wheel- 
ing about advanced towards the enemy. 
Upon this the Turks, struck with a panic, 
thinking he had received notice of a 
reinforcement, turned theh" backs and 
were pursued by the Greeks up to the 
walls of the town ; 500 of them were slain 
in less than two hours, and Colocotroni 
blockaded the place. The Ottoman fleet 
was pursued by the Greeks under Miaulis 
and Tombasi, and the admiral's frigate 
nearly fell into the hands of the Greeks. 
Marco Bozzaris and Ran go gained many 
advantages in Epirus, and took Aita, the 
key of x'Vlbania ; but, owing to the treach- 
ery of Tairabos, it was abandoned. Odys- 
seus and his companions endeavoured 
to check the enemy in Livadia and 
Negro pont ; but the disaster of the Greeks 
at Cassandra so much strengthened them, 
that they advanced again and threw some 
reinforcements into Athens. 

Plans of Mavrocordato. — Patras and Cor- 
inth lost. 

The fall of Ali Pacha in Albania, had 
now so much increased the resources of 
Choursid, that he concerted measures, 
which would have been the destruction 
of the Greek cause, had tiiey been skil- 
fully executed. Mavrocordato, in order to 
frustrate them, laid a plan to undertake 



How many were murdered who had given themselves up on a promise of pare on ? 

What was done on board the fleet and in the citadel ? — How were the hostages treated ? — What wa» 
the number killed or enslaved in the first three weeks after the arrival of the Turkish admiral ?— How 
many women and children were enslaved ? — How did the European consuls and se;i captains avail 
themselves of the misfurtunes of the Pciots? 

W^ho was despatched to Patras ? — Who went to meet him ? — Did he retire before th^m r— AVhat did he 
then do? — How many Turks were killed? — \A'ho sained advantaL'e< in Epiru< .' — Where is Arta?— 
Why was it abmdonetl ? — Whore is liivadia?— Xegropont ? — Wliat 'Jreek chief was engage. 1 there ? 

What enemy of the Turks had fallen in Albania: — Whose resources were increased by this event?— 
What plan did Mavrocordato lay ? 



350 



MODERN GREECE. 



an expedition into Epirus, draw off the 
Turks from the Morea, relieve the Sou- 
liotes, and carry the war into the heart 
of Albania. He communicated his plan 
to the executive, and it was determined to 
place 5000 men at the disposal of the pres- 
ident, who was to lead the expedition in 
person. The only forces, however, which 
could be mustered, were the corps of the 
Philhellenes and the fii-st regiment of the 
line, neither of them complete, with 700 
men commanded by general Norman and 
Kiriacouli, to relieve the Sonhotes. He 
arrived at Patras on the 19th of June 
1822 ; but Colocotroni here opposed many 
difficulties to any of his troops being de- 
tached, and he vvas obliged to leave with- 
out the expected assistance. Accordingly 
he sailed toMessolonghi with only a few 
hundred men. A large force of the 
enemy was in the meantime collected at 
Larissa and Zeitouni; Colocotroni sud- 
denly left the blockade of Patras and pro- 
ceeded with all his army to Tripolitza, 
leaving an opportunity for the Turkish 
garrison either to enter the Morea, or cross 
the Lepanto. Consternation prevailed in 
the Peloponnesus ; Corinth was abandon- 
ed July 19, and reoccupied by the enemy, 
not without the suspicion of treachery. 

Great successes of Colocotroni and Nikitas. 
The situation of Ipsilanti was at this 
time vei*y critical, he had no money or 
provisions, and hardly 1300 men to op- 
pose to 30,000 ; he therefore, in order to 
stop the enemy's progress, threw himself 
into the citadel of Argos, while Colocotro- 
ni look up the strong position of Lerno 
on the west of the gulf. The first body 
of the Turks, consisting of 7000 cavalry 
and 4000 foot, halted near Argos, and 
part of it ])roceeded to Napoli ; soon after 
Marchmount Pacha arrived with 10,000 
more. The Pacha, however, entered 
Napoh, and continued several days in- 
active; when, threatened with the ex- 
tremities of famine and drought, he gave 
orders for the return to Corinth, and his 
army set out in the greatest disorder. 
Colocotroni attacked and destroyed 5000 
of them in a few hours ; the advanced 
guard was attacked in the defiles by the 



Mainiotes under Nikitas, and 12,000 per- 
ished in the first onset. These successes 
happened between the 4th and 7th of 
August. On the 18th the Pacha attempt- 
ed to draw the Greeks into an ambuscade, 
but they got into his rear and he was 
defeated with great loss ; the next day, 
determining to regain the position they 
had lost, the Turks again attacked under 
Hadji Ali, who was slain in the engage- 
ment, and nearly 2000 of his men were 
lost, as well as a large quantity of baggage 
and several hundred horses. The Greeks, 
however, had no means of following up 
their successes. 

Surrender of Napoli, and termination of the 
Second campaign. 

Ipsilanti advanced to Napoli to assist in 
its reduction, while the troops left under 
the command of Coliopula, not being 
supplied with rations or pay, became so 
weary of the service that the greater part 
withdrew, leaving Colocotroni's eldest 
son, with 200 or 300 men to continue the 
blockade of Corinth. Soon after this, 
Colocotroni, at the passes near the isth- 
mus, stopped the Turks who wished to 
bring succours to Napoh ; and they being 
driven to the greatest extremity of fam- 
ine, and the Palamida or citadel having 
been surprised, the garrison had no alter- 
native left them but to surrender. The 
Greeks took possession of this impor- 
tant place on the 11th of January. The 
Turkish commanders, on the surrender 
of Napoli, determined to proceed to 
Patras, which the Greeks had lately 
neglected blockading. Setting out in the 
middle of January, they had reached 
Akrata near Vostitza, when a detachment 
from Messolonghi stopped one of the 
passes, and shortly after another body 
blocked up the other ; so that the Turks 
were reduced to the greatest straits, feed- 
ing upon horses, the herbs on the rocks, 
their saddles, and at last one another. 
For nearly three weeks longer the place 
held out, when Odysseus arriving, and on 
one of the beys being acquainted with 
him, a negotiation was commenced, by 
which the garrison obtained permission 
to embark, and the beys were sent 



What forces were mustered for him ? — When did he arrive at Patras ? — What was the conduct of Co- 
locotroni ?— To what plnce did he sail ?— What place did Colocotroni abandon ?— Whither did he go?— 
What was the consequence ? — What city was retaken by ihe Turks ? 

Whnt citadel was occupied by fpsibinti ?— By Colocotroni ?— What force did the Turks bring against 
them? — Where did the pacha remain inactive for several days ? — Who attacked him on his return to- 
wards Corintli ? — Flow mnny Turks were killed ? — Who defeated the advanced guard? — Where ? — How 
many Turks fell ?— What happened on the 18th ?— On the 19th ? 

Who came to assist in the reduction of Napoli ?— Who was blockading Corinth? — Who cut off the 
supplies intended for Napoli? — When did this place surrender to thi; (.'reeks? — What place did the 
Turks a Ivance towards ? — Wliere is Patras ? — Vostitza ? — Who inclosed the Turks between two passes 
•ear this place ? — What was their condition ? 



MODERN GREECE. 



351 



prisoners to Napoli. The number of the 
enemy that perished on this occasion 
without firing a shot amounted, it is said, 
to 2000. Thus ended the second cam- 
paign in the Morea, costing the Turks not 
fewer than 25,000 men in the Peloponne- 
sus alone. 

Operations in Epirus and Western Hellas. 
The operations in Epirus, though on a 
smaller scale, were little less interesting. 
Mavrocordato put his forces in motion, 
and first making a feint, as if he wished 
to reach Salon a, returned on the village 
of Therasova and entered Messolonghi 
on the 17th of October, where greater 
difficulties than ever awaited him. Here 
he was besieged by the Turks, until the 
9th of November, when the blockading 
squadron was chased away by six vessels 
bearing the Greek flag ; and 0]i the 14th 
Mavromichalis arrived with the long ex- 
pected succours ; a sortie was then made. 
But it was of little avail, and the garrison 
was so much weakened, that Omer Vri- 
oni determined to attack the place. Ac- 
cordingly on the morning of Christmas- 
day, at five o'clock, 800 men approached 
the walls with scaling ladders unperceiv- 
ed, and had even fixed some, but they 
were instantly cut down ; the conflict that 
followed was desperate and sanguinary, 
and the Turks were obliged to retire with 
the loss of 1200 men and nine pieces of 
colors. The rising now became general 
through the country, and the retreat of 
the enemy was intercepted in all quar- 
ters ; so that of the whole force brought 
into the country, only three months be- 
fore, not half escaped. Mavrocordato 
arrived in the Peloponnesus in the early 
part of April 1823, afi;er an absence often 
months. 

Second national Congress. 
The national congress met at Astros, 
a small town in Argos, on the 10th of 
April, 1823, in a garden., under the shade 
of orange trees ; nearly 300 deputies were 
occupied in the debates, which began at 
sunrise. The following oath was taken 
at the first meeting by each member: — 



' I swear, in the name of God and my 
country, to act with a pure and unshaken 
patriotism, to promote a sincere union, 
and abjure' eveiy thought of personal in- 
terest in all the discussions which shall 
take place in this second national con- 
gress.' Having settled a number of im- 
portant points, its labours ended on the 
' 30th. The third meeting of the congress 
was deferred for two years ; and the ex- 
ecutive and legislative body was transfer- 
red to Tripolitza, where measures were 
immediately taken for opening the third 
campaign. 

Death of Marco Botzaris. 
The enemy was not idle as the sum- 
mer advanced ; a fleet of seventeen frig- 
ates and sixty smaller vessels, was sent 
with stores to supply the remaining for- 
tresses in Negropont, Candia, and the 
Morea ; and, after accomplishing this ob- 
ject, the capitana pacha arrived at Patras 
about the middle of June. Yusuff" pacha 
led on a large body to Thermopylae, and 
Mustapha conducted another to the pass 
of Neopatra, near Zeitouni, the former es- 
pecially laying waste the whole country, 
and committing all manner of excesses. 
Odysseus in the meantime arrived from 
Athens, and Nikitas from Tripolitza, and 
a sort of guerilla warfare was commenced, 
which so harassed the Turks under Yu- 
suff* that they retreated in the greatest 
disorder. Mustapha was attacked, and 
forced to take refuge in Negropont at 
Carystos, where he was closely blocka- 
ded. Marco Botzaris, who commanded 
the Greeks at Crionero, fell on the Turks,- 
and either killed or captured two-thirds 
of their number. The same brave lead- 
er undertook a forced march against 
Mustapha, who had 14,000 men, while 
he had only 2000. On assigning each 
man's part at midnight on the ]9th, his 
last words were, ' If you lose sight of me 
during the combat, seek me in the pa- 
cha's tent.' On his arrival at the centre, 
he sounded his bugle, as agreed upon, 
and ^he enemy, panic-struck, fled in all 
directions. In the midst of the attack, 
which was now general, he was twice 



How many perished ? — Whither were the rest sent prisoners ? — How many Turks perished in the cam- 
paign ofl 822? 

When did Mavrocordato enter Messolonghi ? — How long was he besieged there ? — Who came to his 
relief f—V^'ho attacked the place nn Christmas day ? — Wh^t was the result? — What ensued after this 
defeat of the Turks ? — When did Mavrocordato return to the Morea ? 

When and where aid the second national congress of Greece meet? — What was the number of depu- 
ties ? — What oath was taken ?— When did its labours end ? — Whither was the seat of government trans- 
ferred ? 

How was the Turkish fleet occupied ? — Where did it arrive in June? — How was Yusnff pacha engag- 
ed? — Mustapha? — Who compelled Yusuff to retreat? — U'liitlier was Mustapha driven? — Where is Ne- 
gropont? — VVh.it was done by Marco Botzaris at Crionero? — With wliat force did he advance against 
14,000 Turks ? — What were his last words on assigning each man's part ?— How did he then proceed ? 



352 



MODERN GREECE. 



wounded, and at last carried off from the 
field expiring ; the struggle, however, was 
maintained till dayUght, when the Greeks 
were victorious on all points, and the loss 
of the enemy was not less than 3000. 
One of the first acts of the capitana pacha, 
on his aiTival with his fleet, had been to 
declare Messolonghi, and every other 
Greek port in a state of blockade. The 
entrance of a few Greek gun boats, how- 
ever, was sufficient to set the capitana pa- 
cha at defiance ; having remained inactive 
for above three months, and lost nearly 
a third of his crew by epidemics, he at 
length made the best of his way to the 
Archipelago. 

Neutrality of the Ionian Islands.— Dissensions 
among the Greeks. 

At the commencement of the year 1824 
proclamation was issued by the president 
and senate of the Ionian Islands declaring 
their neutrality, and their finn resolution 
not to take any part in the contest, also 
prohibiting any foreigner, who should do 
so from residing in the Islands. Among 
the Greeks dissensions still prevailed, 
every faction following its own plans, and 
seeking to advance its own influence. 
Mavrocordato, Colocotroni and Ipsilan- 
ti, headed different factions, among the 
members of which there was neither una- 
nimity of counsel, nor uniformity in action. 

Fall of Caso and Ipsara. 

The Turkish fleet sailed on the 23d of 
April, 1824. The Greek senate summon- 
ed Colocotroni to surrender himself, and 
to dehver up Napoli and Tripolitza, but 
he refused ; he was afterwards induced 
to submit ; the ti'oops that were invest- 
ing Patras quaiTelled about the division 
of their booty, and were withdrawn. In 
the meantime the Turks sailed from Le- 
panto with fourteen ships and blockaded 
Messolonghi. In order to encourage the 
Greeks a loan of £800,000 was contracted 
for in London. 

About this period Ipsara was threaten- 
ed by the Turkish fleet, which was now 
at Mitylene. The island of Caso was at- 
tacked, on the 8th of June 1824, by an 



Egyptian squadron, and, afiier an obsti- 
nate resistance, was taken on the 9th; 
400 died with arms in their hands, the rest 
took refuge in the mountains, leaving be- 
hind most of the women and children 
who fell a prey to the Turks. On the 
3d of July the capitana pacha again at- 
tacked Ipsara having previously gained 
over the Sch}'petars, who garrisoned the 
principal forts. The first victims that fell 
by the swords of the invaders were the 
treacherous Schypetars. 

Heroism of Maroaki. — Recovery of Caso. 

The triumph of the Turks, however was 
but short ; the Ipsariots sent most of their 
wdves and children to Syra. One of the 
forts was garrisoned by sixty men find 
surrounded by mines. A Greek named 
Maroaki, finding himself unable to keep 
the place, hoisted a flag with the words, 
" liberty or death," and blew up the fort, 
destroying 1200 Turks. The Ipsariots 
then returned upon the Turks and took 
seventy gun boats. 

Li Thessaly several Mussulman corps 
were attacked in the month of June, and 
defeated by the Greeks. The long delay 
in paying the loan in London at this time 
threatened Greece wdtli a total want of 
funds; the government however found 
means to fit out two fleets : the firet drove 
away the Egyptian squadron, recaptured 
Caso, and destroyed the Turkish troops 
in the island ; the other, by the brilUant 
success it obtained, repaired the fortunes 
of Ipsara. 

Affair at Samos. 

While the Egyptian fleet was cruising 
between Moeri and Rhodes, the capitana 
pacha was preparing for a descent on 
Samos, where there was a small Gr^ek 
squadron under the command of Georgi- 
us Tactouri. He made two attacks with- 
out success ; and on the 16th of August 
approached with all his force; but the 
Turks were thrown into disorder by the 
Hydriots and Spezziots, and the troops 
collected on the opposite hills of Asia 
Minor, witnessed the entire discomfiture 
of their fleet. The Greek cause now con- 



What was his fate .'—What was the result of the action .'—Did the Turkish admiral declare a blockade 
of the Greek ports .'—Was it maintained .'—How is the career of the Turkish fleet described? 

What proclamation was issued by the president and senate of the Ionian Islands .'—What prevailed 
among the Greeks .' — Who headed factions .' 

Who summoned Colocotroni to surrender himself and give up Tripolitza and Napoli.'— Did he obey ? — 
Did he afterwards submit .'—What happened at Patras .'—At Messolonghi .'—What was done for' the 
Greeks in London .'—Who threatened Ipsara .'—Who took Caso .'— VViien .'—When was Ipsara taken .' 

WJ)ither had the Ipsariots sent their wives and children.'— What exploit of Maroaki is related .' — What 
did the Ipsariots then do.'— Was the British loan promptly advanced.' — What was the effect of the de- 
lay .'—How many fleets did the Greek government fit out.'— What was done by the first.' — By the other? 

What island was threatened by the Turkish fleet.' — Who cominanded the Greek squadron there.' — 
What was done by the capitana pacha on the 16th of August ?— What was the result ?— Where is Samos ? 
— What was iiow the conditioD of the Greek cause? 



MODERN GREECE. 



353 



tinued to prosper. Daily successes were 
obtained in the west, over the remains of 
Dervish Pacha's army. Athens was in 
a good state of defence, the garrison con- 
tinually making sallies against the Turks, 
who were besieging them : and though 
new levies were made by the Turks, the 
commanders complained that the re- 
cruits were continually leaving the ser- 
vice. 

Sticcess of Miaoulis. — Death of Lord Byron. 

Partial actions took place on the 5th 
and 9th of September, between the Tur- 
kish and Greek fleets, and on the 10th 
an action ensued between the Greeks and 
the united fleets of Turkey and Egypt : 
when the former burned a fiigate, a cor- 
vette, and two brigs, and took sixteen 
transports. After this another action took 
place at Patmos, in which the Greeks 
burned two frigates and four brigs, and 
took prisoner Ismael Gibraltar, the Tri- 
politau commander, and the brother-iu- 
law of the pacha of Egypt. The Turks 
offered 200,000 piastres for his ransom, 
but Miaoulis demanded eight fiigates and 
whatever Gibraltar had under his com- 
mand. The combined fleets were pur- 
sued to the Dardanelles. 

On the 19th of April, this year, lord 
Byron died at Messoloughi, of an inflam- 
matoiy fever, after ha\ing zealously de- 
voted himself to the cause of the Greeks 
from the time he fii-st landed in August 
1823, up to the period of his death. 

Easter, usually a season of festiv^ity, 
was, in consequence of this event, sol- 
emnized by a general mourning of twen- 
ty-one days. The heart of the poet 
remains in Messolonghi, and his child 
w£is adopted as a daughter of Greece. 

Dissensions of the Greeks. 
One of the great topics of anxiety to 
his lordsliip was the constant dissension 
prevailing among the Greek leaders. In- 
stead of spending the winter, now draw- 
ing on, in preparations for the approach- 
ing campaign, they seemed almost whol- 
ly taken up with their internal dissensions. 
The people of the Morea broke out into 
an open insurrection, at the head of which 



were Colocotroni and his song, Niketas, 
and others. They attempted the capture 
of Napoh ; after some bloodshed, how- 
ever, by the end of the year, the rebellion 
was quelled. 

The Porte, on the other hand, was 
very active in its preparations, and the 
troops of Mahomet Ah, pacha of Egypt, 
were directed to land in great force 
upon the Morea: and it now became 
evident, that the neighbourhood of Nav- 
arino was destined to be the seat of war ; 
the Greek ti'oops were drawn off* from 
Patras, to march southward ; while Con- 
duriottis, the commander-in-chief, and 
prince Mavrocordato, were preparing to 
set off* with fresh troops, Ibrahim Pacha, 
the Egyptian commander, received rein- 
forcements from Candia, which made his 
force 15,000 strong, and a battery was 
immediately erected against Neo-Castro 
or Navarino. Conduriottis had assem- 
bled about 6,000 men at Cremidi, about 
the middle of April; but on the 19th 
Ibrahim attacked and routed all the 
troops which he had been able to collect. 

Operations of the Fleets. — Surrender of Na- 
varino. 

On the fii-st of May 1825 the Egyptian 
fleet, from sixty-five to seventy sail, left 
the port of Suda, where it had been 
watched by a Greek squadron under Mia- 
oulis. Miaoulis sailed to Navarino, and 
sent in seven vessels, of which Tsamma- 
dos was to take the command. On the 
8th Miaoulis's squadron, amounting to 
twenty-two vessels, was near Zaute ; the 
Egyptian fleet, forty-six in number, being 
off Sphacteria, and Tsammados's eight 
vessels inside the harbour. In about an 
hour from two thousand to three thousand 
ti'oops effected a debai-kation from tiie 
Egyptian fleet, on the island. The gar- 
rison of Old Navarino capitulated on the 
10th, and the garrison of Navarino, on the 
23d, mai'ched out, leaving water for four 
days and bread for ten. 

After the sun-ender of Navarino a great 
part of the Egj^ptian fleet was followed 
by Miaoulis into the harbour of 31odon, 
and more than half of it destroyed by 
fire-ships. 



Of Athens ?— Ofthe Turkish army ? 

What was effected by Miaoulis at Patmos ? — What terms were offered him ? — What did he require?— 
When and where did Lord Byron die ? — What had he done ? — How was his memory honoured .' 

What error were the Greek leaders guilty of? — Who headed an insunection in the Morea ? — Wliat was 
the result?— Who was directed by the Porte to send troops into the Morea? — Whence were they rein- 
forced ? — Who commanded ? — What was his entire force ? — What was the force of the Greek leader, 
Conduriottis? — Where were they assembled? — Which party was victorious on the 19th of April ? 

What was the number ofthe "Egyptian fleet ? — Ofthe Grecian ? — What number of troops were landed 
by the Turks at Sphacteria? — What garrison capitulated ? — What garrison marched out on the 23d of 
May ? — What was afterwards effected by Miaoulis ? 

45 



354 



MODERN GREECE. 



Operations of ibrdhim and Redschid Pacha. 
A body of Greeks was now defeated 
by part of Ibrahim's army at Mount Aghi- 
aon, which overlooks the town of Arca- 
dia, anciently Cyparessus, and he himself 
took possession of Calamata. He then 
proceeded into the interior, and, having 
met with a loss in the mountains from the 
division under Colocotroni (restored to 
command by the Greek government May 
1, 1825,) he took up his position on the 
20th at Tripohtza, which was half in ru- 
ins, and soon after made his appearance 
before Napoli di Romania. Having made 
several attacks without success, and fail- 
ing in his design of. surprising the town, 
he retreated. The Turks also about this 
time made a descent from Epirus and 
Thessaly, upon the shore of the Corin- 
tliian Gulf, and seized Salona, and, under 
Redschid Pacha, appeared before Messo- 
longhi. 

Siege of Messolonghi. 

In the end of May 1825 the Turkish 
admiral left the Dardanelles, and on the 
1st of June was encountered by the Hy- 
driote Sakhturi, who, by means of his 
fire-ships, destroyed three men of war and 
some transports. Soon after the capitana 
pacha entered Suda, and joined the 
Egyptian fleet from Navarino, at the ex- 
pense of three fire-ships. The Greek 
fleet was dispersed by a tempest, and, 
having no fire- ships, they retired to Hy- 
dra, while the Turkish admiral landed a 
reinforcement of 5,000 men at Navarino, 
and went to Messolonghi with seven frig- 
ates and many smaller vessels. The 
siege was now vigorously pressed; the 
Lagune was penetrated on the 21st of 
July, and Anatolico, an island to the 
north, surrendered to the Turks. The 
supply of water was now cut ofl^, batter- 
ies had been erected near the main works 
of the place, the ramparts had been in- 
jured, and part of the ditches filled up ; 
at length a general attack was ordered on 
the ] St of August 1825, and the town as- 
sailed in four places at once. 

The Turks were everywhere repulsed. 
On the 3d the Greek fleet, consisting of 
twenty-five brigs, attacked and destroyed 



two small ships of war and all the boata 
in the Lagune, relieved Messolonghi, and 
obliged the enemy's fleet to retire. On 
the 20th the fleet of the Greeks, about 
thirty sail commanded by Miaoulis, en- 
gaged the Turks between Zante, Cepha- 
lonia, and Chiarenza, and an action ensu- 
ed, which lasted with little intermission 
for two days and nights, when, the wind, 
blowing hard from the eastward, the 
Greeks were obliged to retire. On the 
29th another naval action took place, and 
skirmishes on the two next days, when 
at length, on the 2d of December, the 
Greeks forced the enemy to talce shelter 
in the Gulf. On the 10th of August pre- 
ceding, the Greeks, under the brave Ka- 
naris, had attempted, but without success, 
to bum the Turkish fleet, in the port of 
Alexandria. 

Fall of Messolonghi. 
During the year 1826 the affairs of the 
Greeks began to wear a much more dis- 
couraging aspect. After a lengthened 
blockade in which every^ effort was made 
by the Greeks to defend it, and every 
privation had been endured, the important 
fortress of Messolonghi was taken by 
assault and sacked by the Turks, under 
the command of Ibrahim Pacha, April 
22, 1826. Eighteen hundred of the gar- 
rison cut their way to Salona and Athens ; 
the rest chose to perish in the place. 
Ibrahim Pacha was now in possession of 
Modon, Coron, Navarino and Patras. 
The hopes of the fiiends of Greece 
seemed almost annihilated and Europe 
was threatened with the establishment of 
a military state, under the Egyptian satrap, 
which should rival the states of Barbary, 
in lawless daring. This danger excited 
general attention. In France, Bavaria, 
and Saxony, new subscriptions were 
opened for the Greeks, and new societies 
formed for their relief. The sympathy 
excited by the fall of Messolonghi, was 
everywhere felt; and at last when the 
cause of suflTering freedom seemed des- 
perate, the governments of Europe, rous- 
ed from their apathy by the threatened 
danger, began to take measures for ter- 
minating this long and bloody struggle. 



V^'ho now took possession of Calamata: — W^ho defeated Ibrahim in the interior? — How did Ibrahim 
wcceed in his attempt on Napoli di Romania? — Who appeared before Messolonjihi? 

What was effected by Sakhturi, June 1st 1825? — Whither did the Greek fleet afterwards retire? — What 
number of men landed at Navarino ? — Whither did he then go? — For what purpose ? — What island was 
taken July 21.st? — When was a general attack (>r(1ered ? — What was effected by the Greeks on the :^d of 
Aujiust?— On the 20th ?— On the 29th ?— What lia<l been attempted by Kanaris on the 10th ? 

What was the aspect of the Grecian affairs in 182()? — What city was taken by the Turks? — Where is 
it situated? — What places did Ibrahim possess? — Witli what was Europe threatened? — Where was a 
strong sympathy excited in favour of the Greeks ? — Who began to take measures for terminating the war ? 



MODERN GREECE. 



355 



Treaty of July 6. — Fall of Athens. 

The Duke of Wellington, by order of 
I the British minister Canning, had sub- 
scribed at Petei-sburg in April 1826, the 
protocol which provided for the interfer- 
ence of England, France and Russia in 
fevoui- of the Greeks. The emperor of 
Russia having fii-st arranged his difficul- 
ties with the Porte, a treaty was concluded 
between him, France and England, July 
6, 1827, for the pacification of Greece. 

In the meantime the Egyptian araiy 
laid waste the 3Iorea, without procuring 
the submission of its inhabitants, and 
Napoh di Romania became the refuge of 
many miserable fugitives fiom all parts 
of Greece. Colocotroni with his moun- 
tain bands several times attacked Tripo- 
litza, which was now defended by 3000 
Egj'ptieuis, under a French renegade who 
had assumed the name of Soliman Bey. 
But, though weakened by famine and 
sickness this garrison held ouL 

An assembly of the people had been 
convoked at Megara, in January 1826, and 
had directed its attention to improvements 
in the administration of justice and the 
pubUc revenue. An expedition was fit- 
ted for Negropont and some aid given to 
the insurgents who had raised the stan- 
dard of revolt in Candia, in 1825. Want 
of money and provisions, internal dissen- 
sions, and ungi'ateful treatment towards 
the Philhelleues in their service, were 
the causes that nothing important was 
effected by the Greeks. To these causes 
must be attributed the fall of Athens, 
which surrendered to Reschid Pacha, 
Jmie 7th, 1827. 

Lord Cochrane. — General Church. — Count 
Capo d^Istrias chosen President of Greece. 

Lord Cochrane now arrived in Greece 
and took command of the sea forces ; and 
general Church, another Briton, was made 
commander-in-chief of the land forces. 
Still the Turks kept possession of all 
Eastern and Western Hellas; and the most 
bitter dissensions prevailed in Napoli di 
Romania, where Grivas having possession 
of the fortress, called the Palamedes, can- 
nonaded the city, in order to compel the 
payment of arrears. The national gov- 



ernment fled to ^gina and, relying on 
Russia for support, they chose Count 
Capo d'Istrias as their president, who 
entered upon his office January' 22, 1828. 

Battle of Navarino. 
" The ambassadors of the three poW' 
ers had, on the sixteenth of August, pre- 
sented to the Porte the treaty concluded 
at London for the pacification of Greece : 
' Greece' they said, ' shall govern itself, 
but pay tribute to the Porte.' Europe 
had now more reason than ever to de- 
mand from the Porte the independence 
of Greece, by which piracy in the Gre- 
cian and Turkish seas might be prevent- 
ed: and an Afiican slave-holding and 
piratical state should not be allowed to 
rule the beautiful Archipelago ; and or- 
der might take the place of bloody 
anarchy, which the Porte had neither 
the strength nor sagacity to suppress. 
The Greek government immediately pro- 
claimed an armistice (August 25) in con- 
formity with the treaty of London. But 
the reis effendi rejected the intervention 
of the three powers (August 31.) The 
Greeks then commenced hostilities anew, 
and the Turkish Egyptian fleet entered 
the bay of Navarino (Sept. 9.) A Brit- 
ish squadron appeared in the bay on the 
13th, under Admii-al Codrington. To 
this a French squadron, under admiral 
Rigny, and a Russian, under Count Hey- 
den, united themselves on the 22d. They 
demanded from Ibrahim Pacha a cessa- 
sion of hostihties. He promised this, 
and went out with part of his fleet, but 
was forced to return into the bay. As 
he now continued his devastations in the 
Morea, and gave no answer to the com- 
plaints of the admirals, the three squad- 
rons entered the bay, where the Turkish 
Egyptian fleet was drawn up in order of 
battle. The first shots were fired from 
the Turkish side, and killed two English- 
men. This was the sign for a deadly 
contest (Oct. 20, 1827,) in which Cod- 
rington nearly destroyed the Turkish 
Egyptian armada of 110 ships. One 
part was burned, another driven on shore, 
and the rest disabled. None struck their 
flag." * 



Encydopsdia Americana. 



What treaty was concluded July 6, 1627 ?— What was passing in the Morea .'—Who attacked Tripolitza .' 
Where had an assembly of the people been convoked r — What were its acts ? — When did Athens surren- 
der to the Turks? 

Who now took command of the Greek navy ? — The army ? — Of what did the Turks keep possession ?— 
What was done by Grivas .'—Whither did the national government go.'— Whom did they cht>o-e president .' 

What was declared concerning Greece bv the ambassadors of the three powers .' — Who prucl «inied an 
armistice .'—What was done by the Turkish reis effendi .'—What did the Greeks then do .'—What hap- 

Eened on the iUh September 1827 .'—The 13th .'—The 22d .'—What did Ibrahim then do .'-Describe the 
&ttle of Navarino.' 



356 



MODERN GREECE. 



Consequences of the battle of Navarino. 
— Prudent measures of the Grecian pre- 
sident. 

A suspension of hostilities ensued, 
during which the depredations of pirates 
becoming more serious, the three admi- 
rals and the Greek government united 
their efforts, and at last succeeded in ef- 
fectually restoring the safety of the seas. 
The Greeks now resumed hostilities 
against the Turks, and besieged the cit- 
adel of Scio without success. 

Enraged at the battle of Navarino, the 
Turks seized all the ships of the Franks 
in Constantinople, detained them seven- 
teen days, and demanded indemnification 
for the destruction of the fleet. The sul- 
tan made the most active preparations 
for war. The ambassadors of the three 
powei*s left Constantinople. 

Meanwhile Count Capo d'Istrias, presi- 
dent of Greece, appointed Tricoupi his 
secretary of state, and established a na- 
tional council, called Panhellenion, at Na- 
poli di Romania. He also took measures 
for instituting a national bank ; and re- 
organized the militaiy department (Feb. 
1828.) A loan was obtained fi*om France 
and Russia, which was of the utmost 
importance to the rising state. 

Measures of the three powers towards effect- 
ing the pacification of Greece. 

The Porte rejected every proposal for 
peace. The Enghsh ministry appeared 
to disapprove the battle of Navarino ; 
and admiral Codrington was superseded 
by admiral Malcolm. In March 1828 a 
war breaking out between Austria and 
Russia gave full occupation to the Turks. 
A treaty concluded by admiral Codring- 
ton, with the viceroy of Egypt, at Alex- 
andria, (August 6) provided that Ibrahim 
Pacha should evacuate the Morea with his 
troops, and set at liberty his Greek pris- 
oners, including those who had been 
ti'ansported to Egypt as slaves. He was 
allowed, however, to garrison the Morea 
vnth 1200 men. 

To enforce this treaty, which was 
made in conformity with the treaty of 
London, the French general Maison, with 
154 transport ships and a })owerful French 
force, arrived in the bay of Coron, Au- 



gust 29th. Ibrahim sailed from Navari- 
no for Alexandria wdth 21,000 men, and 
the remains of the fleet, October 4th, 
leaving 2500 men in possession of the 
Messenian fortresses. 

General Maison proceeded to occupy 
the fortresses of the Morea, and during 
the month of October, he almost without 
opposition, took possession of Navarino, 
Modon, Coron and Patras ; and the flags 
of the three powers, who were parties to 
the treaty of London, with the national 
flag of Greece were displayed on the 
walls of the cities. A garrison in the 
castle of the Morea, on the Little Dar- 
danelles opposite Lepanto, resisted and 
was reduced. All the Turks who had 
been ser%ing in these fortresses were 
conveyed to Smyrna by the French ad- 
miral Rigny. Most of their commanders 
fled to France to escape the anger of the 
sultan. 

To defend the Morea from new inva- 
sions of the Turks, a manifesto of the 
three powers, dated Nov. 16, 1828, was 
forwarded to Constantinople. Its terms 
were, " that they should place the Morea 
and the Cyclades under their protection, 
till the time when a definitive aiTangement 
should decide the fate of the provinces 
which the allies had taken possession o^ 
and that they should consider the entrance 
of any military force into this country 
as an attack upon themselves. They 
required the Porte to come to an expla- 
nation with them, concerning the final 
pacification of Greece." 

Hostilities continued. — Measures of the 
Sultan. 

In the meantime the Greeks continued 
hostilities. Demetrius Ipsilanti, with 
Colocrotoni and other leadei"S forced his 
way into Hellas Proper, at the head of 
5000 men, defeated the Turks at Lomo- 
tico, and afterwards took Salona, Lepan- 
to, Livadia, and Vonitza (November and 
December 1828.) 

An insurrection in Candia, headed by 
Haji Michalis, a Moreot, occasioned the 
massacre of many Greeks in Kanea, 
which port was consequently closed by 
the English. The Greeks occupied all 
the open country of Candia. The Rus- 



Who suppressed piracy in the Archipelago ? — What citadel did the Greeks besiegre ? — What was done 
by tlie Turks ? — The sultan .'—Who left Ctmstantinople ? — What was done by Capo d'Istrias ? 

What happened in March 18-28 .'—What were the terms of the treaty made by Codrington at Alexan- 
dria .' — Who arrived in the bay of Coron .' — When ? — With what force .' — For what purpose .' — Whither 
did Ibrahim go? — Who took possession of tlie fortresses of the -Morea.' — Whither were the Turks sent.' — 
What were tne terms of the manifesto of Nov. Idth, 1828.' — Where is Coron.' — Modon .' — Navarino.' — 
Patras .' — Lepanto .' 

What was effected by Ipsilanti and other leaders .' — Who headed an insurrection in Candia .' — What 
was its result.' — Who blockaded the Dardanelles ' 



MODERN GREECE. 



357 



Bians, p. consequence of the war which 
was raging between Russia and Turkey 
blockaded the Dardanelles. 

The depredations, committed by the 
numerous privateers of the Greeks, pro- 
voked the sultan to banish from Constan- 
tinople all the Greeks and Armenians not 
bom in the city or not settled there, and 
more than 25,000 persons were driven into 
exile. All Mussulmans were ordered to 
remain during the winter under arms and 
in the field, an unprecedented measure ; 
and all the men from seventeen to sixty 
were called to arms by the sultan. 

Proceedings of the allied powers. 

The French were now beginning to 
leave the Morea. A scientific expedition 
of seventeen Frenchmen was prepared to 
visit the country by the French govern- 
ment, who also ransomed several hundred 
Greek slaves in Egypt ; and the king of 
France undertook the education of the 
orphan children. Thus afl;er a seven 
years' struggle Greece was placed under 
the protection of the three great powers 
of Europe. The sultan, however, still 
refused to suspend hostiUties and the 
devastation of the Morea was still con 
tinued. 

In consequence of the protocol of No- 
vember 16th 1828, and the answer of the 
reis effendi that the Porte wished for 
peace and would appoint negotiators on 
the arrival of the French and English 
plenipotentiaries, Sir Robert Gordon and 
Count Guilleminot were sent out and ar- 
rived at Constantinople near the middle 
of July 1829. Their negotiations were 
of little consequence, because, count Die- 
bitsch, the Russian general, afi;erwards 
signed, with the Turkish plenipptentia- 
ries a treaty, by the 6th article of which 
the sultan formally acceded to the treaty 
ofJuly6, 1827. 

Administration of the president^ Capo d*Is' 
trios. — Successes of the Greeks. 

Meantime the president, Count Capo 
d'Istrias, was gradually overcoming the 
obstacles to the establishment of a regular 
and weU ordered government. He divi- 
ded the country into departments, and di- 



rected his attention to the suppression of 
piracy ; the formation of a regular army ; 
the establishment of courts of justice ; of 
schools of mutual instruction ; of a system 
of coinage ; of means for coUecting the 
revenue and providing for the subsistence 
of the remnants of the population. In 
Nov. 1828 he proposed to the Panhel- 
lenion to call a fourth national assembly, 
which was accordingly convened at Ax- 
gos in July 1829. In his address to the 
assembly he gave an account of the state 
of the country and of his measures, ac- 
companied with a statement of receipts 
and expenditures from January, 1828, to 
April 30, 1829. 

It is evident from this address of the 
president, that since a protocol of the min- 
isters of the three powers dated, March 

1829, the military operations of the Greeks 
had been arrested by the interposition of 
the allies. They had not been prevented 
however from taking Vonitza, the castle 
of Romeha, Livadia, Thebes, Lepanto, 
Messolonghi and Anatohco. 

Tenmnation of the revolution. — Prince Leo» 
pold chosen king of Ctreece. — He resigns.. 
Boundaries of Greece. 

The peace between Russia and the 
Porte, already referred to, was signed at 
Adrianople, Sept. 14, 1829, and ratified 
by the Porte, Sept. 20. This put an end 
to the war between Turkey and Greece. 
The allied powers still considering the 
Greeks under their protection and at 
their disposal, their ministers at London 
proceeded to choose a prince to wear the 
crown of Greece. It was offered to 
Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg, who 
had been the husband of the late prin- 
cess Charlotte daughter of Greorge IV. 
Feb. 3, 1830, and was accepted by him, 
as " sovereign prince of Greece," Febru- 
ary 20. The unwillingness of the Greeks 
to receive him and their dissatisfaction 
at the settlement of the boundaries, were 
afterwards zissigned by him, as reasons 
for resigning this honour, which he did 
May 21, 1830. 

The boundaries of Greece as settled 
by the allies in the protocol of Feb. 3, 

1830, are as follows : On the north be- 



Where are the Dardanelles ? — Where is Candia ? — Whom did the sultan banish ? — Why ? — What orders 
were given by the sultan ? 

Who were now leaving the Morea ? — What was done by the French government ? — Whose protection 
did the Greeks now have ? — Who were sent to Constantinople to negotiate ? — What act of the sultan 
afterwards superseded the effect of these negotiations ? 

How wris the president of Greece occupied ? — Name the object, to which he directed his attention ? — 
When and where was the fourth national assembly convoked ? — Who had arrested the military opera- 
lions of the Greeks? — What places had they nevertlieless taken ? 

When was the peace of Adrianople signed? — By what powers? — What did it terminate? — Who 
chose a king for Greece ? — Who was the person chosen? — How long did he hold the office ? — Why did 
be resign it? — What are the boundaries of Geece ? 



358 



MODERN GREECE. 



ginning at the mouth of the Aspropota- 
mus (Achelous), it runs up the southern 
bank to Angelo Castro ; thence through 
the middle of the lakes Sacarovista and 
Vrachori to Mount Artoleria ; thence to 
mount Axiros, and along the valley of 
Culouri and the top of (Eta to the gulf 
of Zeitun. Acarnania and a great part 
of ^tolia and Thessaly are thus ex- 
cluded from the Greek state, and a 
Turkish barrier interposed between 
Greece and the Ionian islands. Can- 
dia, Samos, &c. are not included. 

Disorder in, the kingdom. — Otho of Bavaria 
chosen king. — The Regency. — A conspiracy 
detected. — Otho assumes the government. 

A state of anarchy prevailed in Greece 
after the declination of Prince Leopold. 
Intrigues were constant. In the midst 
of the confusion resulting from the want 
of an efficient government, the Greeks 
received the news of the selection of 
Prince Otho of Bavaria for their sove- 
reign. The announcement gave satis- 
faction to the majority. In the begin- 
ing of February, 1833, Otho, accom- 
panied by the regency appointed to 
govern for him during his minority, 
and 3500 Bavarian troops, arrived in 
Greece. 

The regents, Count Armansperg, Gene- 
ral Heidegger, the Counsellor of State, 
von Maurer, and the Counsellor of Le- 
gation, Abel, by their energetic measures 
restored order, and then devoted them- 
selves to improving the country. In 
March, 1834, a conspiracy was detected, 
having for its object the overthrow of the 
regency. Colocotroni and Coliopulos, 
the principal conspirators, were con- 
demned to 20 years' imprisonment. On 
the first of June, 1835, king Otho, hav- 
ing arrived at his majority, assumed the 
government in the room of the regency, 
all the members of which, excepting 
Count Armansperg, left the country. 
Armansperg was placed at the head of 
the new administration. 

Expedition against the Clephts. — Diplomatic 
troubles. — Bavarian influence. — Rudhart 
succeeds Armansperg. — His embarrassment 
and resignation. — A national administration 



formed. — Its course of action produces di9^, 

content. 

The years 1835 and 1836 were passed 
in tranquillity ; and the only call for the 
application of military force was in an 
expedition against the obstinate Clephts. 
There were two causes, however, which 
produced evil effects. The first was the 
undue interference of the diplomatic 
agents of the protecting powers. Great 
Britain, France, and Russia, in the in- 
ternal affairs of the kingdom, and the 
intrigues of each to supplant the in- 
fluence of the others ; the second cause 
referred to was the partiality of the 
government for the Germans, and par- 
ticularly the Bavarians. Hence arose, 
a British, a French, a Russian, and a 
* ' native party." The latter called loudly 
for a " national administration." 

Armansperg was inclined to check 
the Bavarian influence. This caused 
his removal from office. Rudhart, ano- 
ther German, succeeded him (February, 
1837 ) . The new minister, with every in- 
clination to contribute to the prosperity 
of Greece, found himself obliged to de- 
pend upon the Bavarian government, 
and this made all parties inimical to 
him. He was also embarrassed by the 
exhausted condition of the treasury. 
He resigned his office in December, 
1837, and a "national administration" 
was formed, of which Zographos, a 
Greek, was the head. 

Although the new ministers gratified 
the public wishes by the discharge of 
the German troops in the Greek service, 
as well as by the removal of many Ger- 
mans from office, yet their inability to 
meet the financial difficulties of the go- 
vernment kindled party spirit once more. 
A conspiracy was detected, having for 
its objects the placing of the country 
under the protection of Russia, and the 
exciting of the Greeks throughout the 
Turkish empire to insurrection. The 
ministers opposed this warlike scheme, 
and thus brought upon themselves the 
stigma of being anti-national in feeling. 
They daily became more unpopular, and 
their measures were, of course, feeble 
and uncertain. Various changes in the 
ministry ensued, without contributing 



What was the condition of Greece after the declination of Leopold ? — Who was chosen king ? — When 
and with whom, did he arrive in Greece ?— What persons formed the regency ? — What was their course 
of action ?— What took place in March, 1834?— When did Otho assume the goremment ?— Who was placed 
at the head of the administration ? 

Against whom was an expedition undertaken ? — What two causes produced evil effects ? — What parties 
arose?— What caused Armansperg to be removed from oflftce?- Who succeeded him?— When? — With 
what embarrassments did he meet?— When did he resign his oflBce? — What was the character of the 
succeeding administration ?— What course did it pursue, and what was the result?— What conspiracy was 
detected? — How did the ministry act, and what followed? 



MODERN GREECE. 



359 



to allay the excitement. The cry for 
war against the Turks was constant, 
and the government was, at length, cen- 
sured by its own allies. 

Foreign influence and its results. — A national 
assembly convenes at Athens. — A constitution 
adopted. 

On the 5th of December, 1843, a pro- 
tocol was signed at London, by the re- 
presentatives of Great Britain, France, 
and Russia, in conformity with which, 
king Otho, by formal note delivered to 
him on the part of these powers, was 
required to cause the most productive 
taxes of his kingdom to be appropriated 
to the payment of the national debt, to 
remove foreigners of every description 
from the civil and military service, and 
to summon a national assembly of the 
Greeks. Russia had previously sug- 
gested the same measures. 

The result of this extraneous action, 
joined with the discontent pervading 
the country, led to a revolution at 
Athens, on the 15th of September, 
1843. The people were joined by the 
troops stationed in the capitol, and the 
king, to save his throne, was forced to 
yield to their demands. He dismissed 
his ministers, and consented to the 
calling of a national assembly to frame 
a new constitution. 

This assembly met at Athens on the 
20th of November, 1843, and continued 
in session until the 30th of March follow- 
ing. Its proceedings had been of the 
most exciting character, and the greatest 
agitation pervaded all Greece. The in- 
fluence of the French and English alone 
prevented the adoption of a democratic 
^ constitution. The one adopted received 
the sanction of the great powers ; it es- 
tablished a constitutional monarchy, 



with the crown hereditary in the line 
of Otho of Bavaria. 

Ministerial and popular troubles. — Difficulty 
with England. 

Scarcely had king Otho sworn to abide 
by the new constitution and appointed 
a new ministry, when it was dissolved 
through the dissensions of its members. 
On the 11th of April, 1844, another was 
organized, with Mavrocordato at its 
head. This was composed of persons 
in the interest of England, and the Rus- 
sian party was entirely excluded. The 
disturbances in the kingdom continued, 
and at leng-th a tumult occurred at Ath- 
ens on the 23 d of June, which could 
only be quelled by military force. The 
leaders of the insurrectionists were the 
Colocotronis, who had, . aU along, dis- 
played a disposition not to submit to 
any regular governments, which did 
not include them. 

In the midst of the commotions, the 
election for representatives took place. 
The ministers endeavoured to secure a 
majority, but failed, and they were con- 
strained to quit their posts. On the 
18th of August, 1844, a new ministry 
assumed the direction of affairs. It re- 
presented the combined French and Rus- 
sian parties. The principal ministers 
appointed were Coletto and Metaxas. 
Political proscription foUowed, and the 
Russian interest became stronger, at the 
expense of its associate. 

Early in 1850, a difficulty occurred 
between the government and the Eng- 
lish minister, on account of the non-pay- 
ment of some individual claims, pre- 
ferred by Enghsh merchants. An Eng- 
lish fleet appeared before Athens, and this 
show offeree produced a salutary eflfect ; 
the difficulty was amicably adjusted. 



What took place on the 6th of December, 1843?— What was Otho required to do?— What was the result 
of this extraneous influence? — What measures was Otho compelled to adopt? — When and where did the 
assembly meet? — How long did it continue in session ?— What was the character of its proceedings? — 
What kind of a constitution was adopted ? 

What took place immediately after Otho had sworn to abide by the constitution ?— When was another 
organized ?— What was its character ?— What occurred on the 23d of June?— Who were the leaders in the 
insurrections? — Why did the ministers resign their posts? — When was a new ministry appointed? — 
What was its character?— What followed?— What difficulty occurred early in 1850?— How was it settled? 



DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES 

ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE ARMOUR AND MODES OP WARFARE AMONG THE 

ANCIENT GREEKS. 



PLATE I. 

Figure 1. A warriour equipped with the usual defensive armour 

Figure 2. The Bow. 

Figure 3. Quiver, Bow and Arrows. 

Figures 4 and 5. Sword and Scabbard. There were various other 
forms of the Grecian sword. 

Figure 6. The Greaves, i. e. armour for the legs. 

Figure 7. The Shield. There were various forms of shields in use 
among the Greeks. This and the square shield, such as is borne on the 
warriour's left arm, (Fig. 1.) were the most common. The square shield 
and a very long spear were used by the soldiers forming the close solid 
phalanx. 

Figure 8. The iron coat of Mail, or defensive armour for the body. 
This was sometimes ornamented with figures in relief, as in that worn by 
the warriour. (Fig. 1.) 

Figure 9. The iron Helmet. This is the common Athenian helmet. 
There were various other forms of the helmet worn by the Greeks, some 
more simple and others much more highly ornamented than this, being 
covered with figures in relief of gold or silver. 



PLATE II. 

Figure 1. The armed Elephant, bearing a wooden tower filled with 
soldiers. These were used by the Oriental nations in their wars with the 
Greeks and Romans. 

Figure 2. The close circular Phalanx. This was formed by the men 
standing in very close order, those on the periphery of the circle present- 
ing their square shields externally, and those within holding their shields 
firmly over their heads and shoulders. This kind of phalanx is said to 
have been impenetrable by an enemy and strong enough to sustain horse- 
men and chariots driving over the central shields. 



DESCRIPTION OP THE PLATES. 



PLATE III. 



This plate represents a part of a city in a state of siege. The city is 
surrounded with a stone wall and ditch filled with water, and has round 
towers at two of the corners. The wall is surmounted by a battlement 
with embrasures, open places to look through or to annoy the besiegers. 
Behind the battlement on the top of the wall, the besieged soldiers stand 
and practise their various modes of defence or annoyance. One of the 
latter (Fig. 1.) is a machine placed on the top of the wall, behind the 
battlement, consisting of a frame, on which traverses, by means of a 
pivot, a long beam furnished with a noose which being thrown into the 
thick ranks of the besiegers, suddenly detaches one of their number and 
raises him into the air at the mercy of his enemies. 

Meantime the besiegers are not idle, besides throwing arrows and 
other missiles into the city, some of them attempt by means of the instru- 
ment (Fig. 2.) to effect a breach by pulling down a part of the wall, 
and others, with the famous instrument called the Battering Ram, (Fig. 
3.) are endeavouring to effect another breach in the walls; which 
attempt the besieged resist by means of a heavy beam suspended with 
chains from a frame, mounted on a pivot, and raised and let down again, 
with great force, upon the Battering Ram. The city being accessible by 
a river is approached by a ship of the besiegers, (Fig. 4.) which the 
besieged endeavour to raise from the water, with a machine invented by 
the celebrated Archimedes. 



PLATE IV. 

This plate represents other modes of attacking a besieged city. 

Figure 1. represents an instrument for raising the besiegers to the top 
of a high tower; and Figure 6 the machinery by which its motions are 
regulated. 

Figures 4 and 5 are movable defences from behind which the besiegers 
discharge their missiles into the city. Immediately over figure 5 is a 
section of the building which shelters the Battering Ram, by which may 
be seen its internal structure, and the mode of striking with it. 

Figure 2. A movable tower of the besiegers furnished with a Battering 
Ram. 

Figure 3. The famous agger, used both by the Greeks and Romans. 
It was a wooden tower mounted on wheels, furnished with a drawbridge 
long enough to be let down, by chains, so as to fall on the top of a city 
wall although surrounded by a ditch, and furnish a passage into the city 
for the armed men with which it was filled. This vast machine was used 
by the Romans in their wars with the Jews, and frequent mention is made 
of it in the Rev. H. H. Millman's recent popular History of the Jews. 



A^' 



> -. 



.^^ "-/. 



' ' " A 'a 







'^X 


















\ ^ 






o^ 



^>^.4 



^'■ 






% 4 



\ 



















■ft *^* \. , 






''. '"t^ v^ 



T,.S-^ 









A' 









N <; 






o\' 



•/ • 






0- 















;\' 






■% %' 






.0 



'.. '<r^ 












,s' 



'V" 



/■ ''^ 






^^^ v^^ 










'?' -?- 



^ * ir "^ \ \ 









,0o 






■ '^^^ 









r 






# 



^'*'~' %, *,'#^^"^!* ,<• 



\ 






„.^^ 



/ 



> •^/.. 



■■^<p ,^<'' 









^0 , 









a; "^^ 



%4 



<- 



xv^" 



.> '^/. 







%.. 









\;^^^ 



o^ 




" '<^ 



^5^ 

-n^- 




xoq. 















Z 









V- 






^.. V-' .o- 



^ > - ■--•■ " ( 

\0 ^., .^ 



o 0^ 



" o^'"' 






A*' 



0' .^ 






"^ a'' 



-0 









,o> o \-' '/, -c- 






.^ 



-S 






•\ 



\^ 






N V ^ "• •■' / ^ 



-S 



^ 






':f'^ :■ 



^.\^: 



. .-ft - <;v v 

O 






6- 






.0^ 






^<^^- 
















,^^ -^cK 








-^ . -' 








c^, *- 








r^^ 


■ < 






^ . 




^ 


C> 








-^^ 








' <?'^ 








: ^^\v 


«: 


<^ ■^ 




' c^ ^■ 


" 


A. .r. 




*• .-^ 






/ 


.^^' 






' II .> I. 


<>^ 


^"^^ "" ^ . s ^ A ' 






c?- 






"oo"* 




^J^ V 




>-^ •'*. 









■^ « 






.^■^ 



aV •' 



aV r^. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




006 915 307 



„,l| 



I 



« 






r ',» 






n 



^ • m 



Mi 



' ' ' » ■ 



•u»'^: <,'' 



I I 



': I 



'M • ^1 



?/'':'i?(^;if!ii 



> IP, 
1 1 



'iU.i'l;:i^ 



M't 



